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<FILEDESC><TITLESTMT><TITLE TYPE="245">Mandeville's travels : the Cotton version / from the edition by Paul Hamelius.</TITLE><AUTHOR>Mandeville, John, Sir.</AUTHOR><AUTHOR>British Library. Manuscript. Cotton Titus C.16.</AUTHOR><EDITOR>Hamelius, Paul, 1868-1922.</EDITOR></TITLESTMT><EXTENT>ca. 1002 kB SGML-encoded text file</EXTENT><PUBLICATIONSTMT><PUBLISHER>University of Michigan, Digital Library Production Service</PUBLISHER><PUBPLACE>Ann Arbor, Michigan</PUBPLACE><DATE>2003</DATE><IDNO TYPE="dlps">aeh6691</IDNO><AVAILABILITY><P>The University of Michigan Library provides access to these materials in furtherance of its educational and research mission. This work has been identified as being in the public domain, free of known restrictions under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights. You may copy, modify, distribute and perform the work, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. If you have questions about the collection, please contact Digital Content and Collections (mec-info@umich.edu). If you have concerns about the inclusion of an item in this collection, please contact Library Information Technology (LibraryIT-info@umich.edu).</P></AVAILABILITY></PUBLICATIONSTMT><SOURCEDESC><BIBLFULL><TITLESTMT><TITLE TYPE="245">Mandeville's travels : translated from the French of Jean d'Outremeuse / ed. from Ms. Cotton Titus C.XVI in the British Museum by P. Hamelius.</TITLE><TITLE TYPE="alt">Mandev.(1) (Tit C.16)</TITLE><AUTHOR>Mandeville, John, Sir.</AUTHOR><AUTHOR>British Library. Manuscript. Cotton Titus C.16.</AUTHOR><EDITOR>Hamelius, Paul, 1868-1922.</EDITOR></TITLESTMT><EXTENT>2 v. (xv, 217 , [x], 189 p.)</EXTENT><PUBLICATIONSTMT><PUBLISHER>Published for the Early English text society by K. Paul, Trench, Trübner &amp; Co.</PUBLISHER><PUBPLACE>London</PUBPLACE><DATE>1919, 1923</DATE></PUBLICATIONSTMT><SERIESSTMT><TITLE TYPE="series">Early English Text Society. Original series</TITLE><NUM>153-154</NUM></SERIESSTMT><NOTESSTMT><NOTE>
<P>Text may have been captured in whole or in part from 1960-1961 reprint published by Oxford University Press.</P></NOTE></NOTESSTMT></BIBLFULL></SOURCEDESC></FILEDESC>
<ENCODINGDESC><PROJECTDESC>
<P>Header created by hand based on text and MARC record on 2003-03-26.</P></PROJECTDESC><EDITORIALDECL N="4">
<P>Hamelius's notes preserved. Some notes added by D. Ruddy. Pointers to the corresponding sections of the Egerton version have been entered using the CORRESP attribute.</P></EDITORIALDECL></ENCODINGDESC>
<PROFILEDESC>
<LANGUSAGE>
<LANGUAGE ID="lat">Latin</LANGUAGE>
<LANGUAGE ID="greek">Greek</LANGUAGE></LANGUSAGE>
<TEXTCLASS><KEYWORDS><TERM>Voyages and travels.</TERM></KEYWORDS></TEXTCLASS></PROFILEDESC></HEADER>
<EEBO>
<IDG S="marc" R="UM" ID="CME00000"><STC T="X"></STC><BIBNO T="oclc"></BIBNO><VID></VID></IDG>
<TEXT><FRONT>
<DIV1 TYPE="title page"><P><PB REF="" N="1:[a]"/>Mandeville's Travels.<LB/>Early English Text Society. Original Series, No. 153. 1919 (for 1916; reprinted 1960)
<LB/>Price 25<HI REND="I">s</HI>.</P>
<P><PB REF="" N="1:[b]"/><PB REF="" N="1:[recto]"/>Mandeville's Travels, Translated from the French of Jean d'Outremeuse.<LB/>Edited from MS. Cotton Titus C. xvi, IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.<LB/>By P. Hamelius</P>
<P>Published for THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY by the OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS<LB/>London, New York, Toronto</P>
<P><PB REF="" N="1:[verso]"/> First Published 1919, 1923  Reprinted 1960, 1961 <LB/>ORIGINALLY PRINTED BY
RICHARD CLAY &amp; SONS, LTD., BUNGAY, SUFFOLK
<LB/> REPRINTED LITHOGRAPHICALLY IN GREAT BRITAIN
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD
BY VIVIAN RIDLER, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY</P>
</DIV1>

<DIV1 TYPE="dedication"><PB REF="" N="1:[v]"/>
<P>TO GENERAL LEMAN DEFENDER OF LIÉGE</P>
<P>THIS EDITION OF A FAMOUS WORK WHICH LINKS OLD ENGLAND WITH THE CITY OF LIÉGE IS FITTINGLY AND GRATEFULLY DEDICATED</P>
</DIV1>

<DIV1 TYPE="preface"><HEAD><PB REF="" N="1:[vi]"/><PB REF="" N="1:[vii]"/>
PREFACE.</HEAD>
<P>THE introduction and notes, in which the reasons for re-editing the Cotton MS. of Mandeville with hardly any emendations will be fully stated, are reserved for a later volume.  For the present, it may be stated that the editor's choice lay between two principal manuscripts, the Cotton MS., first edited in 1725 and since then frequently reprinted from that edition, and the Egerton MS., edited with full commentary for the Roxburghe Club by Sir George Warner (1889).  Imperfect as the Cotton version is, it adheres very closely to the French original, as represented in Sir George Warner's Anglo-French text, and in two Brussels MSS. copied by the present editor.  Its mistakes are to a great extent due to the anonymous English translator.  They exemplify the way in which the growth of literary Middle English was influenced by French phraseology, and they are traceable to three main causes: (1) the original French book, and <HI REND="I">a fortiori</HI> its Englisher, is quite inaccurate in its geography; (2) the Englisher followed a faulty manuscript; (3) he was very imperfectly acquainted with its language, and very slipshod in his grammar.  On the whole, his method was that of a schoolboy, who follows his author literally, without much attention to sense or idiom.</P>
<P>For these reasons, the task of distinguishing between original mistakes, which an editor has no right to remove, and the copyist's scribal blunders has been found a delicate one, and no attempt has been made to produce a <HI REND="I">correct</HI> or faked text.  The punctuation is the editor's.  An account of the origin of Mandeville is to be found in the <TITLE>Quarterly Review</TITLE>, April, 1917.</P><SIGNED>P. H.</SIGNED>
</DIV1>

<DIV1 TYPE="contents"><HEAD TYPE="main"><PB REF="" N="1:[viii]"/>
CONTENTS.</HEAD>
<LIST>
<HEAD>PART I.</HEAD><ITEM>PROLOGUE<REF>1</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>I.</LABEL>TO TECHE ȜOU THE WEYE OUT OF ENGLOND TO COSTANTYNOBLE.<REF>4</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>II.</LABEL>OF THE CROSS AND THE CROUNE OF OURE LORD JHESU CRIST.<REF>6</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>III.</LABEL>OF THE CYTEE OF COSTANTYNOBLE &amp; OF THE FEITH OF GREKES.<REF>9</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>IV.</LABEL>OF SEYNT JOℏN THE EUUANGELIST &amp; OF YPOCRAS DOUGℏTER TRANSFORMED FROM A WOMMAN TO A DRAGOUN.<REF>13</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>V.</LABEL>[OF DIVERSITIES IN CYPRUS; OF THE ROAD FROM CYPRUS TO JERUSALEM, AND OF THE MARVELS OF THE FOSS FULL OF SAND.]<REF>16</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>VI.</LABEL>OF MANYE NAMES OF SOUDANS, &amp; OF THE TOUR OF BABILOYNE.<REF>21</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>VII.</LABEL>OF THE CONTREE OF EGIPT; OF THE BRID FENIX; OF ARABYE; OF THE CYTEE OF CAYRE; OF THE CONNYNGE TO KNOWEN BAWME AND TO PREUEN IT, AND OF THE GERNERES OF JOSEPH.<REF>28</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>VIII.</LABEL>OF THE YLE OF CECYLE; OF THE WEYE FRO BABYLOYNE TO THE MOWNT SYNAY; OF THE CHIRCHE OF SEYNTE KATERYNE, AND OF ALLE THE MERUAYLLES ÞERE.<REF>34</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>IX.</LABEL>OF THE WEYE THAT GOTH FROM BABILOYNE, VNTO THE MOWNT SYNAY, &amp; OF THE MERUEYLES ÞERE.<REF>37</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>X.</LABEL>OF THE DESERT BETWENE THE CHIRCHE OF SEYNTE KATERYNE &amp; IERUSALEM; OF THE DRIE TRE, &amp; HOW ROSES CAM FIRST IN ÞE WORLD.<REF>42</REF></ITEM><ITEM><PB REF="" N="1:x"/>
<LABEL>XI.</LABEL>OF THE PILGRIMAGES IN IERUSALEM &amp; OF THE HOLY PLACES ÞERABOWTE.<REF>48</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XII.</LABEL>OF THE TEMPLE OF OURE LORD; OF THE CRUELTEE OF KYNG HEROUD; OF THE MOUNT SYON; OF PROBATICA PISCINA, AND OF NATATORIUM SYLOE.<REF>53</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XIII.</LABEL>OF THE DEDE SEE, AND OF THE FLOM JORDAN; OF THE HED OF SEYNT JOHN THE BAPTIST, &amp; OF THE VSAGES OF THE SAMARITANES.<REF>66</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XIV.</LABEL>OF THE PROUINCE OF GALILEE &amp; WHERE ANTECRIST SCHAƚƚ BEN BORN; OF NAZARETH; OF THE AGE OF OURE LADY; OF THE DAY OF DOOM, &amp; OF THE CUSTOMES OF IACOBITES, SURRYENES &amp; OF THE VSAGES OF GEORGYENES.<REF>73</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XV.</LABEL>OF THE CYTEE OF DAMASCE; OF .IIJ. WEYES TO IERUSALEM: ON BE LONDE &amp; BE SEE, ANOTHER MORE BE LONDE ÞAN BE SEE, AND THE THRIDDE WEYE TO IERUSALEM: Aƚƚ BE LONDE.<REF>81</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XVI.</LABEL>OF THE CUSTOMES OF SARASINES, &amp; OF HIRE LAWE, &amp; HOW THE SOUDAN ARRESOND ME AUTOUR OF THIS BOOK, AND OF THE BE GYNNYNGE OF MACHOMETE.<REF>84</REF></ITEM></LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>PART II.</HEAD><ITEM>
<LABEL>XVII.</LABEL>OF THE LONDES OF ALBANYE AND OF LIBYE; OF THE WISSHINGES FOR WACCHINGE OF THE SPERHAUK, &amp; OF NOES SCHIPPE.<REF>95</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XVIII.</LABEL>OF THE LOND OF IOB &amp; OF HIS AGE; OF THE ARAY OF MEN OF CALDEE; OF THE LOND WHERE WOMMEN DUELLE WITHOUTEN COMPANYE OF MEN; OF THE KNOULECHE &amp; VERTUES OF THE VERRAY DYAMAUNT.<REF>100</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XIX.</LABEL>OF THE CUSTOMS OF YLES ABOUTEN YNDE; OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWIX YDOLES &amp; SIMULACRES; OF .IIJ. MANER GROWYNGES OF PEPER VPON O TREE; OF THE WELLE ÞAT CHAUNGETℏ HIS ODOUR EUERY HOUR OF THE DAY, &amp; ÞAT IS MERUAYLLE.<REF>107</REF></ITEM><ITEM><PB REF="" N="1:xii"/>
<LABEL>XX.</LABEL>OF THE DOMES MADE BE SEYNT THOMAS HOND; OF DEUOCIOUN &amp; SACRIFICE MADE TO YDOLES ÞERE, IN THE CYTEE OF CALAMYE; AND OF THE PROCESSIOUN IN GOYNGE ABOUTE THE CYTEE.<REF>114</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXI.</LABEL>OF THE EUYƚƚ CUSTOMS VSED IN THE YLE OF LAMARY, &amp; HOW THE ERTℏE AND THE SEE BEN OF ROWND FORME AND SCHAp̄p̄, BE PREF OF THE STERRE THAT IS CLEPT ANTARTYK, ÞAT IS FIX IN THE SOUTℏ.<REF>118</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXII.</LABEL>OF THE PALAYS OF THE KYNG OF THE YLE OF IAUA; OF THE TREES ÞAT BEREN MELE, HONY, WYN &amp; VENYM, &amp; OF OTℏERE MERUAYLLES &amp; CUSTOMS VSED IN THE YLES MARCHINGE ÞERE ABOUTEN.<REF>124</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXIII.</LABEL>HOW MEN KNOWEN BE THE YDOLE, ȝIF THE SIKE SCHALL DYE OR NON; OF FOLK OF DYUERSE SCHAP AND MERUEYLOUSLY DISFIGURED, AND OF THE MONKES ÞAT ȜEUEN HIRE RELEEF TO BABEWYNES, APES &amp; MARMESETTES &amp; TO OÞER BESTES.<REF>132</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXIV.</LABEL>OF THE GRETE CHANE OF CHATAY; OF THE RIALTEE OF HIS PALAYS &amp; HOW HE SITT AT METE, AND OF THE GRETE NOMBRE OF OFFICERES ÞAT SERUEN HYM.<REF>140</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXV.</LABEL>WHERFORE HE IS CLEPT THE GRETE CHANE; OF THE STYLE OF HIS LETTRES, AND OF THE SUPERSCRIPCIOUN ABOWTEN HIS GRETE SEAƚƚ &amp; HIS PRYUEE SEAƚƚ.<REF>145</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXVI.</LABEL>OF THE GOUERNANCE OF THE GRETE CHANES COURT &amp; WHAN HE MAKETℏ SOLEMPNE FESTES; OF HIS PHILOSOPHRES, AND OF HIS ARRAY WHAN HE RIDETℏ BE ÞE CONTRE.<REF>152</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXVII.</LABEL>OF THE LAWE &amp; THE CUSTOMS OF THE TARTARIENES, DUELLYNGE IN CHATAY, &amp; HOW ÞAT MEN DON WHAN THE EMPEROUR SCHAL DYE, &amp; HOW HE SCHAL BE CHOSEN.<REF>163</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXVIII.</LABEL>OF THE ROIALME OF THARSE &amp; THE LONDES &amp; KYNGDOMS TOWARDES THE SEPTENTRIONAŁ PARTIES IN COMYNGE DOWN FROM THE LOND OF CHATHAY.<REF>169</REF></ITEM><ITEM><PB REF="" N="1:xiv"/>
<LABEL>XXIX.</LABEL>OF THE EMPEROUR OF PERSYE AND OF THE LOND OF DERKNESSE, AND OF OTℏER KYNGDOMES ÞAT BELONGEN TO THE GRETE CANE OF CATHAY, AND OTHER LONDES OF HIS, VNTO THE SEE OF GRECE.<REF>171</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXX.</LABEL>OF THE CONTREES &amp; YLES þAT BEN BEȝONDE THE LOND OF CATHAY &amp; OF THE FRUTES þERE &amp; OF .XXIJ. KYNGES ENCLOSED WITHJN THE MOUNTAYNES.<REF>175</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXXI.</LABEL>OF THE RYAƚƚ ESTATE OF PRESTRE IOℏN &amp; OF A RICHE MAN ÞAT MADE A MER UEYLOUS CASTEƚƚ AND CLEPED IT PARADYS &amp; OF HIS SOTYLTEE.<REF>179</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXXII.</LABEL>OF THE DEUELES HEDE IN THE VALEYE PERILOUS, AND OF THE CUSTOMS OF FOLK IN DYUERSE YLES ÞAT BEN ABOUTEN IN THE LORDSCHIPE OF PRESTRE IOℏN.<REF>187</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXXIII.</LABEL>OF THE GODENESS OF THE FOLK OF THE YLE OF BRAGMAN; OF KYNG ALISANDRE, AND WHERFORE THE EMPEROUR OF YNDE IS CLEPT PRESTRE IOℏN.<REF>194</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXXIV.</LABEL>OF THE HILLES OF GOLD ÞAT PISSEMYRES KEPEN, AND OF THE .IIIJ. FLODES ÞAT COMEN FROM PARADYS TERRESTRE.<REF>200</REF></ITEM><ITEM>
<LABEL>XXXV.</LABEL>OF THE CUSTOMS OF KYNGES &amp; OÞERE ÞAT DWELLEN IN THE YLES COSTYNGE TO PRESTRE IOℏNES LOND, AND OF THE WORSCHIPE ÞAT THE SONE DOTℏ TO THE FADER WHAN HE IS DEDE.<REF>204</REF></ITEM></LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>APPENDIX.</HEAD><ITEM>PART OF CHAPTER XV<REF>212</REF></ITEM></LIST>
</DIV1>

<DIV1 TYPE="contents"><HEAD><PB REF="" N="1:[ix]"/>
EDITOR'S ANALYSIS.</HEAD>
<LIST>
<HEAD>[PART FIRST: THE HOLY LAND AND THE NEAR EAST.]</HEAD><ITEM>[PROLOGUE. VALUE OF THE PILGRIMAGE]<REF>1</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[I. THE WAY TO CONSTANTINOPLE]<REF>4</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[III. CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEK FAITH]<REF>9</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[IV. THE LADY OF LANGO]<REF>13</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[V. CYPRUS AND ACRE]<REF>16</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[[VI. CAIRO AND THE SULTANS]<REF>21</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[VII. EGYPT, BALM, THE PYRAMIDS]<REF>28</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[VIII. FROM ITALY TO ALEXANDRIA]<REF>34</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[IX. FROM CAIRO TO SINAI]<REF>37</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[X. THE DESERT AND BETHLEHEM]<REF>42</REF></ITEM><ITEM><PB REF="" N="1:xi"/>[XI. JERUSALEM AND THE SEPULCHRE]<REF>48</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XII. THE TEMPLE, SION AND OLIVET]<REF>53</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XIII. THE DEAD SEA, THE SAMARITANS]<REF>66</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XIV. GALILEE. CHRISTIAN SECTS]<REF>73</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XV. VARIOUS ROUTES TO JERUSALEM]<REF>1</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XVI. MAHOMET AND HIS LAW]<REF>84</REF></ITEM></LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>[PART SECOND: THE COUNTRIES BEYOND THE HOLY LAND.]</HEAD><ITEM>[XVII. ARMENIA. THE SPARROW-HAWK TALE<REF>95</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XVIII. CHALDEA. VARIETIES OF DIAMONDS]<REF>100</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XIX. INDIA. ITS SUPERSTITIONS]<REF>107</REF></ITEM><ITEM><PB REF="" N="1:xii"/>[XX. ST. THOMAS. THE JUGGERNAUT CAR]<REF>114</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXI. THE EARTH IS A SPHERE]<REF>118</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXII. STRANGE SPICES, STONES AND PEOPLE]<REF>124</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXIII. IDOLATRY. TRANSMIGRATION OF SOULS]<REF>132</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXIV. THE GREAT CAN'S COURT]<REF>140</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXV. RISE OF JENGHIZ KHAN]<REF>145</REF></ITEM><ITEM>XXVI. SPLENDOUR OF THE CAN'S HOUSEHOLD]<REF>152</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXVII. MANNERS OF THE TARTARS]<REF>163</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXVIII. TURKESTAN AND RUSSIA]<REF>169</REF></ITEM><ITEM><PB REF="" N="1:xv"/>[XXIX. PERSIA AND TURKEY]<REF>171</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXX. THE LOST TRIBES. GOG AND MAGOG]<REF>175</REF></ITEM><ITEM>XXXI. PRESTER JOHN. THE ASSASSINS]<REF>179</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXXII. THE VALE PERILOUS. MONSTERS]<REF>187</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXXIII. VIRTUOUS HEATHENS AND HERETICS]<REF>194</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXXIV. THE GOLD COUNTRY. PARADISE]<REF>200</REF></ITEM><ITEM>[XXXV. HEATHEN BELIEFS. THE POPE'S APPROVAL]<REF>204</REF></ITEM></LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>APPENDIX</HEAD><ITEM>PART OF CHAPTER XV<REF>212</REF></ITEM></LIST>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="part"><HEAD TYPE="editorial"><PB REF="" N="1:[xvi]"/><PB REF="" N="1:[xvii]"/>
[PART FIRST: THE HOLY LAND AND THE NEAR EAST.]</HEAD>
<DIV2 TYPE="prologue" ID="Cot.Prol"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Prol.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial"><PB REF="" N="1:[1]"/>Mandeville's Travels.</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">Maundevyll</HEAD>
<P><MILESTONE N="2a" UNIT="folio"/> FOR als moche as the lond beȝonde the see þat is to seye the holy lond þat men callen the lond of promyssioun or of beheste passynge aƚƚ oþere londes it is the most worthi lond most excellent and lady &amp; soucreyn of aƚƚ oþere londes &amp; is blessed &amp; halewed of the precyous body &amp; blood of oure lord jhssu crist; jn the whiche land it lykede him to take flesch &amp; blood of the virgyne Marie to envyrone þat holy lond with his blessede feet; And þere he wolde of his blessedness enoumbre him in the seyd blessed &amp; gloriouse virgine Marie &amp; become man &amp; worche many myracles and preche and teche the feyth &amp; the lawe of crystene men vnto his children.  And þere it. lykede him to suffre many repreuynges and scornes for vs And he þat was kyng of heuene of eyr of erthe of see &amp; of aƚƚ thinges þat ben contayned in hem wolde aƚƚ only be cleped kyng of þat lond whan he seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">REX SUM IUDEORUM</Q>: þat is to seyne: I am kyng of Jewes. And þat lond he chees before aƚƚ oþer londes as the beste &amp; most worthi lond &amp; the most vertuouse lond of aƚƚ the world.  For it is the herte and the myddes of all the world, Wytnessynge the philosophere<PTR TARGET="P1.L21"/> þat seyth thus:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">VIRTUS RERUM IN MEDIO CONSISTIT</Q> that is to seye: the vertue of thinges is in the myddes.  And in þat lond he wolde lede his lyf &amp; suffre passioun &amp; deth of jewes for vs for to bye &amp; to delyuere vs from peynes of helle And from deth withouten ende, the whiche was ordeynd for vs for <MILESTONE N="2b" UNIT="folio"/> the synne of oure formere fader Adam &amp; for oure owne synnes also.  For as for himself he hadde non euyƚƚ deserued for he thoughte neuere euyƚƚ ne did euyƚƚ.<PB REF="" N="1:2"/>
 And he þat was kyng of glorie &amp; of ioye myghte best in that place suffre deth because he ches in þat lond rathere þan in ony othere þere to suffre his passioun &amp; his deth. For he þat wil pupplische ony thing to make it openly knowen he wil make it to ben cryed &amp; pronounced in the myddel place of a town so þat the thing þat is proclamed &amp; pronounced may euenly strecche to aƚƚ parties.  Right so he þat was formyour of aƚƚ the world wolde suffre for vs at ierusalem þat is the myddes of the world to þat ende &amp; entent þat his passioun &amp; his deth þat was pupplischt þere myghte ben knowen euenly to aƚƚ the parties of the world.  See now how dere he boughte man þat he made after his owne ymage &amp; how dere he aȝenboght vs for the grete loue þat he hadde to vs &amp; we neuere deserued it to him.  For more precyous cateƚƚ ne gretter raunsoun ne myghte he put for vs þan his blessede body his precious blood &amp; his holy lyf þat he thralled for vs &amp; aƚƚ he offred for vs þat neuere did synne.  Dere god, what loue hadde he to vs his subiettes whan he þat neuere trespaced wolde for trespassours suffre deth!  Right wel aughte vs for to loue &amp; worscipe to drede &amp; serue such a lord and to worschipe &amp; preyse such an holy lond þat brought forth such fruyt þorgh the whiche euery man is saued but it be his owne defaute.  Wel may þat lond be called <MILESTONE N="3a" UNIT="folio"/> delytable &amp; a fructuouse lond þat was bebledd &amp; moysted with the precyouse blode of oure lord jhesu crist, the whiche is the same lond þat oure lord behighte vs in heritage.  And in þat lond he wolde dye as seised for to leve it to vs his children.  Wherfore euery gode cristene man þat is of powere &amp; hath whereof<PTR TARGET="P2.L30"/> scholde peynen him with aƚƚ his strengthe for to conquere oure right heritage &amp; chacen out aƚƚ the mysbeleeuynge men.  For wee ben clept cristene men after crist oure fader And ȝif wee be right children of crist we oughte for to chalenge the heritage þat oure fader lafte vs &amp; do it out of hethene mennes hondes.  But now pryde couetyse &amp; envye han so enflawmed the hertes of lordes of the world þat þei are<PB REF="" N="1:3"/>
 more besy for to disherite here neyghbores more þan for to chalenge or to conquere here right heritage before seyd. And the comōūn peple þat wolde putte here bodyes &amp; here cateƚƚ for to conquere oure heritage þei may not don it withouten the lordes.  For a semblee of peple withouten a cheuenteyn or a chief lord is as a flok of scheep withouten a schepperde the which departeth &amp; desparpleth &amp; wyten neuer whider to go.  But wolde god<PTR TARGET="P3.L8"/> þat the temporel lordes &amp; aƚƚ worldly lordes were at gode acord &amp; with the comoun peple wolden taken this holy viage ouer the see þanne I trowe wel þat within a lityl tyme oure right heritage before seyd scholde be reconsyled &amp; put in the hondes of the right heires of jhesu crist. And for als moche as it is longe tyme passed þat þer was no generaƚƚ passage<PTR TARGET="P3.L14"/> no vyage ouer the see &amp; many men desiren for to here <MILESTONE N="3b" UNIT="folio"/> speke of the holy lond &amp; han þere of gret solace &amp; comforte, I Joℏn Maundevylle knyght aƚƚ be it I be not worthi þat was born in Englond, in the town of seynt Albones &amp; passed the see in the ȝeer of oure lord jhesu crist .Miƚƚ ccc &amp; xxij. in the day of seynt Micheƚƚ &amp; hiderto haue ben longe tyme ouer the see &amp; haue seyn &amp; gon þorgh manye dyuerse londes &amp; many prouynces &amp; kyngdomes &amp; jles And haue passed þorghout Turkye Ermonye the lityƚƚ &amp; the grete þorgh Tartarye Percye Surrye Arabye Egypt the high &amp; the lowe thorgℏ lybye Caldee &amp; a gret partie of Ethiope þorgh Amazoyne Inde the lasse &amp; the more<PTR TARGET="P3.L26"/> a gret partie &amp; thorgh out many othere jles þat ben abouten Inde where dwellen many dyuerse folk &amp; of dyuerse maneres &amp; lawes and of dyuerse schappes of men Of whiche londes &amp; jles I schaƚƚ speke more pleynly here after And I schaƚƚ devise ȝou sum partie of thinges þat þere ben whan tyme schaƚƚ ben after it may best come to my mynde. And specyally for hem þat wiƚƚ &amp; are in purpos for to visite the holy citee of Ierusalem &amp; the holy places þat are þereaboute.  And I schaƚƚ teƚƚ the weye þat þei schuƚƚ holden thider For I haue often tymes passed &amp; ryden þat way with gode companye of many lordes, god be thonked.<PB REF="" N="1:4"/>
 And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat I haue<PTR TARGET="P4.L1"/> put this boke out of latyn in to frenscℏ &amp; translated it aȝen out of frenscℏ in to Englysscℏ þat euery man of my nacioun may vnderstonde it.  But lordes &amp; knygℏtes &amp; othere noble &amp; worthi men þat conne not latyn but lityƚƚ &amp; han ben beȝonde the see knowen &amp; vnderstonden ȝif I seye trouthe or non. And ȝif I <MILESTONE N="4a" UNIT="folio"/> err in deuisynge for forȝetynge or eƚƚ þat þei mowe redresse it &amp; amende it.  For thinges passed out of longe tyme from a mannes mynde or from his syght turnen sone in to forȝetynge because þat mynde of man ne may not ben comprehended<PTR TARGET="P4.L10"/> ne witℏ ℏolden for the freeltee of mankynde.<PTR TARGET="P4.L12"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.1"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.1.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter I</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE WAY TO CONSTANTINOPLE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">TO TECHE ȜOU THE WEYE OUT OF ENGLOND TO COSTANTYNOBLE.</HEAD>
<P>IN the name of god glorious &amp; aƚƚmyghty he þat wil passe ouer the see<PTR TARGET="P4.L14"/> &amp; come to londe after the contree þat he cometℏ fro manye of hem comen to on ende.  But troweth not þat I wil teƚƚ ȝou aƚƚ the townes &amp; cytees &amp; castelles þat men schuƚƚ go by for þan scholde I make to longe a tale But aƚƚ only summe contrees &amp; most princypaƚƚ stedes þat men schuƚƚ gone þorgh to gon the righte way.  First ȝif a man come from the west<PTR TARGET="P4.L20"/> syde of the world as Engelond Irelond Wales Skotlond or Norweye he may ȝif þat he wole go þorgh Almayne &amp; þorgℏ the kyngdom of hungarye<PTR TARGET="P4.L23"/> þat marcheth to the lond of Polayne &amp; to the lond of Pannonye &amp; so to Slesie.  And the kyng of hungarie is a gret lord and a myghty &amp; holdeth grete lordschippes &amp; meche lond in his hond. For he holdeth the kyndom of hungarie Solauonye &amp; of Comanye a gret part &amp; of Bulgarie þat men clepen the lond of Bougiers<PTR TARGET="P4.L29"/> &amp; of the reme of Roussye<PTR TARGET="P4.L29b"/> a gret partie where of he hath made a Duchee þat lasteth vnto the lond of Niflan<PTR TARGET="P4.L31"/> &amp; marcheth to Pruysse.  And men gon þorgh the lond of this lord þorgh a cytee þat is clept Cypron<PTR TARGET="P4.L33"/> &amp; by the casteƚƚ of Neiseburgℏ<PTR TARGET="P4.L33b"/> &amp; be the euyƚƚ<PB REF="" N="1:5"/>
 town<PTR TARGET="P4.L33c"/> þat sytt toward the end of hungarye And <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">þere</CORR><SIC>þe</SIC></CHOICE> passe <MILESTONE N="4b" UNIT="folio"/> men the ryuer of Danubee.  This ryuere of Danubee is a fuƚƚ gret ryuer &amp; it goth in to Almayne<PTR TARGET="P5.L3"/> vnder the hilles of lombardye and it receyueth in to him .xl. oþere ryueres And it renneth þorgh hungarie &amp; þorgh Grece &amp; þorgh Trachie &amp; it entreth in to the <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">see</CORR><SIC>see so</SIC></CHOICE> toward the Est so rudely &amp; so scharply þat the water of the see is fressch &amp; holdeth his swetness .xx. myle within the see.  And after gon men to Belgraue &amp; entren into the lond of Bourgres &amp; þere passe men a brigge of ston þat is vpon the ryuer of Marrok<PTR TARGET="P5.L11"/> &amp; men passen þorgℏ the lond of Pyncemarcz &amp; comen to Grece to the cytee of Nye and to the cytee of fynepape &amp; after to the cytee of Dandrenoble &amp; after to Constantynoble þat was wont to be clept Bezanzon.  And þere dwelleth comounly the emperour of Grece.  And þere is the most fayr chirche &amp; the most noble of aƚƚ the world &amp; it is of seynt Sophie.  And before þat chirche is the ymage of Justynyan the emperour couered with gold.<PTR TARGET="P5.L18"/>  And he sytt vpon an hors ycrowned &amp; and he was wont to holden a round appeƚƚ of gold<PTR TARGET="P5.L20"/> in his hond but it is fallen out þereof.  And men seyn þere þat it is a tokene þat the Emperour hath ylost a gret partie of his londes &amp; of his lordschipes.  For he was wont to ben emperour of Romanie &amp; of Grece of aƚƚ Asye the lesse &amp; of the lond of Surrye of the lond of Judee, in the whiche is ierusalem &amp; of the lond of Egypt of Percye of Arabye. But he hath lost aƚƚ but Grece &amp; þat lond he holt<PTR TARGET="P5.L27"/> aƚƚ only.  And men wolden many tymes put the appuƚƚ into the ymages hond aȝen but it wil not holde it.  This appuƚƚ betokeneth the lordschipe þat he hadde ouer aƚƚ the <MILESTONE N="5a" UNIT="folio"/> world þat is round.  And the tother hond he lifteth vp aȝenst the Est in tokene to manace the mysdoeres. This ymage stont vpon a pylere of marble at Costantynoble.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.2"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.2.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:6"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter II</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE CROSS AND CROWN</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CROSS AND THE CROUNE OF OURE LORD JHESU CRIST.</HEAD>
<P>AT Costantynoble is the cros of oure lord Jhesu crist and his cote withouten semes þat is clept TUNICA INCONSUTILIS<PTR TARGET="P6.L2"/> &amp; the spounge &amp; the reed of the whiche the Jewes ȝaue oure lord eyseƚƚ &amp; galle in the cros.  And þere is on of the nayles þat crist was naylled with on the cros.  And sum men trowen þat half the cros þat crist was don on be in Cipres<PTR TARGET="P6.L7"/> in an abbey of monkes þat men callen the hiƚƚ of the holy cros but it is not so.  For þat cros þat is in Cypre is the cros in the whiche Dysmas the gode theof was honged onne.  But aƚƚ men knowen not þat &amp; þat is euyƚƚ ydon. For for profyte of the offrynge þei seye þat it is the cros of oure lord Jhesu cryst. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the cros of oure lord was made of .iiij. manere of trees as it is conteyned in this vers:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">IN CRUCE FIT PALMA CEDRUS CYPRESSUS OLYUA</Q>.<PTR TARGET="P6.L14"/>  For that pece þat wente vpright fro the ertℏe to the heued was of cypresse &amp; the pece þat wente ouerthwart to the whiche his hondes weren nayled to was of palme.  And the stok that stode within the erthe in the whiche was made the morteys was of cedre And the table abouen his heued þat was a fote &amp; an half long on the whiche the tytle was writen in Ebreu greu &amp; latyn þat was of Olyue.  And the Jewes maden the cros of theise .iiij. manere of trees for þei trowed þat oure lord Jhesu crist scholde han honged on the<MILESTONE N="5b" UNIT="folio"/>
 cros als longe as the cros<PTR TARGET="P6.L25"/> mygℏte laste &amp; þerfore made þei the foot of the cros of Cedre.  For Cedre may not in erthe ne in water rote &amp; þerfore þei wolde þat it scholde haue lasted longe.  For þei trowed þat the body of crist scholde haue stonken þei made þat pece þat went from the erthe vpward of Cypres for it is wel smellynge so þat the smeƚƚ of his body scholde not greue men þat wente forby.  And the ouerthwart pece was of palme for in the olde testament it was ordeyned þat whan on was ouercomen<PTR TARGET="P6.L33"/> he scholde be crowned with palme.  And for þei trowed þat<PB REF="" N="1:7"/>
 thei hadden the victorye of crist Jhesus þerfore made þei the ouerthwart pece of palme.  And the table of the tytle þei maden of olyue For olyue betokenetℏ pes, As the storye of Noe witnessetℏ whan þat the culuer broughte the braunche of Olyue þat betokend pes made betwene god &amp; man.  And so trowed the Jewes for to haue pes whan crist was ded For þei seyde þat he made discord &amp; strif<PTR TARGET="P7.L7"/> amonges hem.  And ȝee schull vndirstonde þat oure lord was ynaylled on the cros lyggynge<PTR TARGET="P7.L9"/> &amp; þerfore he suffred the more peyne. And the cristenemen þat dwellen beȝond the see in Grece seyn þat the tree of the cros þat wee callen cypress was of þat tree þat Adam ete the appuƚƚ of &amp; þat fynde þei writen.  And þei seyn also þat here scripture seyth þat Adam was seek<PTR TARGET="P7.L14"/> and seyde to his sone Seth þat he scholde go to the aungeƚƚ þat kepte paradys þat he wolde senden hym oyle of mercy for to anoynte with his membres þat he myghte haue hele. And Seth wente but the aungeƚƚ wolde not late him <MILESTONE N="6a" UNIT="folio"/> come in but seyde to him þat he myght not haue of the oyle of mercy.  but he toke him .iij. greynes of the same tree þat his fader eet the appeƚƚ offe &amp; bad him als sone as his fader was ded þat he scholde putte þeise .iij. greynes vnder his tonge &amp; graue him<PTR TARGET="P7.L23"/> so &amp; so he dide.  And of þeise .iij. greynes<PTR TARGET="P7.L24"/> sprong a tree as the aungel seyde þat it scholde <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">growe</SUPPLIED> &amp; bere a fruyt þorgh the whiche fruyt Adam scholde be saued.  And whan Seth cam aȝen he fonde his fader nere ded and whan he was ded he did with the greynes as the aungeƚƚ bad him of the whiche sprongen .iij. trees of the whiche the cros was made þat bare gode fruyt &amp; blessed, oure lord Ihesu crist þorgh whom Adam &amp; all þat comen of him scholde be saued &amp; delyuered from drede of deth withouten ende, but it be here owne defaute.  This holy cros had the Jewes hydd in the erthe vnder a roche of the mownt of Caluarie &amp; it lay þere .cc. ȝeer &amp; more into the tyme <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">of</CORR><SIC>þat</SIC></CHOICE> seynt Elyne þat was moder to Constantyn the Emperour of Rome.  And sche<PB REF="" N="1:8"/>
 was doughter of kyng Cool born in Colchestre þat was kyng of Engelond þat was clept þanne Brytayne the more the whiche the Emperour Constance wedded to his wif for her bewtee &amp; gat vpon hire Constantyn þat was after Emperour of Rome &amp; kyng of Englond.<PTR TARGET="P8.L4"/>  And ȝee schull vndirstonde þat the cros of oure lord was .viij. cubytes long And the ouerthwart piece was of lengthe .iij. cubytes &amp; an half And .o. þartie of the crowne of oure lord<PTR TARGET="P8.L8"/> wherwith he was crowned &amp; on of the nayles &amp; the spereheed &amp; many oþer relikes ben in Fraunce <MILESTONE N="6b" UNIT="folio"/> in the kynges Chapeƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P8.L11"/> And the crowne lyth in a vesseƚƚ of cristall richely dyght.  For a kyng of Fraunce boughte þeise relikes somtyme of the Jewes<PTR TARGET="P8.L13"/> to whom the Emperour had leyde hem to wedde for a gret summe of syluer.<PTR TARGET="P8.L14"/>  And ȝif aƚƚ it be so þat men seyn þat this croune is of thornes, ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat it was of jonkes of the see<PTR TARGET="P8.L16"/> þat is to sey russhes of the see þat prykken als scharpely as thornes.  For I haue seen &amp; beholden many tymes þat of parys &amp; þat of Costantynoble for þei were bothe on made of russches of the see.  But men han departed hem in .ij. parties of the whiche .o. part is at Parys &amp; the oþer part is at Costantynoble.  And I haue on of tho precyouse thornes þat semeth liche a white thorn And þat was ȝouen to me<PTR TARGET="P8.L24"/> for gret specyaltee.  For þere are many of hem broken &amp; fallen in to the vesseƚƚ þat the croune lyth in.  For þei breken for dryeness whan men meven hem to schewen hem to grete lordes þat comen thider. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstond þat oure lord Ihesu in þat nyght þat he was taken he was ylad in to a gardyn &amp; þere he was first examyned right scharply &amp; þere the Jewes scorned him &amp; maden him a crowne of the braunches of Albespyne þat is white thorn þat grew in þat same gardyn &amp; setten it on his heued so faste &amp; so sore þat the blood ran down be many places of his visage &amp; of his necke &amp; of his schuldres. And þerfore hath the white thorn many vertues.  For he þat bereth A braunche on him þereoffe no thonder ne no maner of tempest may dere him ne in the hows þat it<PB REF="" N="1:9"/>
 is jnne<PTR TARGET="P8.L37"/> may non euyƚƚ gost entre ne come vnto the place þat it is jnne.  And <MILESTONE N="7a" UNIT="folio"/> in þat same gardyn seynt Peter denyed ours lord thryes.  Afterward was oure lord lad forth before the Bisschoppes &amp; the maystres of the lawe in to anoþer gardyn of Anne And þere also he was examyned repreued &amp; scorned and crouned eft with a swete thorn þat men clepeth Barbarynes<PTR TARGET="P9.L7"/> þat grew in þat gardyn &amp; þat hatℏ also manye vertues.<PTR TARGET="P9.L8"/>  And afterward he was lad into a gardyn of Cayphas &amp; þere he was crouned with Eglentior And after he was lad into the chambre of Pylate &amp; þere he was examynd &amp; crouned.  And the Jewes setten him in a chayere &amp; cladde him in a mantell &amp; þere made þei the croune of jonkes of the see And þere þei kneled to him &amp; skornede him seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">AUE REX JUDEORUM</Q>, þat is to seye: heyl kyng of Jewes.  And of this croune half is at Parys and the other half at Costantynoble. And this croune had crist on his heued whan he was don vpon the cros &amp; þer fore ougℏte men to worschipe it &amp; holde it more worthi þan ony of the othere.  And the spere schaft hath the Emperour of Almayne<PTR TARGET="P9.L20"/> but the heued is at Parys.  And natheles the Emperour of Costantynoble seyth þat he hath the spere heed &amp; I haue often tyme seen it but it is grettere þan þat at Parys.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.3"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.3.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter III</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEK FAITH</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CYTEE OF COSTANTYNOBLE &amp; OF THE FEITH OF GREKES.</HEAD>
<P>AT<PTR TARGET="P9.L24"/> Costantynoble lyeth seynte Anne oure ladyes moder whom seynte Elyne leet brynge fro Ierusalem.  And þere lyeth also the body of Joℏn Crisostom þat was Erchebisschopp of Costantynoble.  And þere lyth also seynt luke the Euuangelist for his bones weren brougℏt from Bethanye where <MILESTONE N="7b" UNIT="folio"/> he was beryed &amp; many oþere relikes ben þere.  And þere is the vesseƚƚ of ston as it were of marbel þat men clepen Enydros<PTR TARGET="P9.L31"/> þat oueremore droppeth water &amp; filleth himself euerich ȝeer til þat it go ouer aboue withouten þat that men take fro withjnne.<PTR TARGET="P9.L33"/>  Costantynoble is<PB REF="" N="1:10"/>
 a fuƚƚ fair cytee &amp; a gode &amp; a wel walled &amp; it is .iij. cornered. And þere is an arm of the see hellespont and sum men callen it the mouth of Costantynoble And sum men callent it the brace of seynt George.  And þat arm closeth the .ij. partes of the cytee.  And vpward to the see vpon þat water was wont to be the grete cytee of Troye in a fuƚƚ fayr playn but þat cytee was destroyed by hem of Grece &amp; lytyll appereth þereof because it is so longe sith it was destroyed. Abouten Grece þere ben many Iles As Calistre Calcas Critige Tesbria Mynea Flaxon Melo Carpate &amp; Lempne.  And in this jle is the Mount Athos þat passeth the cloudes.  And þere ben manye dyuerse langages &amp; many contreys þat ben obedyent to the Emperour, þat is to seyne Turcople<PTR TARGET="P10.L14"/> Pyncynard Comange &amp; manye othere as Tragye &amp; Macedoigne of the whiche Alisandre was kyng.  In þat contree was Aristotle born in a cytee þat men clepen Stragers a lytil fro the cytee of Trachye.  And at Stragers lyth Aristotle &amp; þere is an awtier vpon his toumbe And þere maken men grete festes<PTR TARGET="P10.L19"/> of hym euery ȝeer as þougℏ he were a seynt.  And at his awtier þei holden here grete conseilles &amp; here assembleez And thei hopen þat þorgℏ inspiracioun of god &amp; of him þei schuƚƚ haue the better conseiƚƚ.  In this contree ben right hygℏe <MILESTONE N="8a" UNIT="folio"/> hilles toward the ende of Macedonye And þere is a gret hiƚƚ þat men clepen Olympus þat departeth Macedonye &amp; Trachie And it is so high þat it passeth the cloudes.  And þere is anoþer hill þat is clept Athos<PTR TARGET="P10.L28"/> þat is so higℏ þat the schadewe of hym rechetℏ to Lempne þat is an Ile and it is .lxxvj. myle betwene.  And abouen at the cop of þat hiƚƚ is the eyr so cleer þat men may fynde no wynd þere And þerfore may no best lyue þere so is the eyr drye. // And men seye in this contrees þat Philosophres some tyme wenten vpon theise hilles &amp; helden to here nose a spounge moysted with water for to haue eyr<PTR TARGET="P10.L34"/> for the eyr aboue was so drye.  And abouen in the dust &amp; in the powder of þo hilles þei wroot lettres &amp; figures with hire fyngres &amp; at the ȝeres ende þei comen aȝen &amp; founden<PB REF="" N="1:11"/>
 the same lettres &amp; figures the whiche þei hadde writen the ȝeer before withouten ony defaute.  And þerfore it semeth wel þat theise hilles passen the clowdes &amp; ioynen to the pure eyr. At Costantynoble is the palays of the Emperour rigℏt fair &amp; wel dygℏt And þere in is a fair place for justynges<PTR TARGET="P11.L5"/> or for oþer pleyes &amp; desportes.  And it is made with stages &amp; hath degrees aboute þat euery man may wel se &amp; non greue oþer.  And vnder þeise stages ben stables wel yvowted for the emperours hors &amp; aƚƚ the pileres ben of marbeƚƚ.  And within the chirche of seynt Sophie An Emperour somtyme wolde haue biryed the body of his fader whan he was ded &amp; as þei maden the graue þei founden a body in the erthe &amp; vpon the body lay a fyn plate of gold And þere on was writen in Ebru / greu / &amp; latyn lettres þat seyden þus:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">IHESUS CRISTUS NASCE<MILESTONE N="8b" UNIT="folio"/>TUR DE VIRGINE MARIA &amp; EGO CREDO IN EUM</Q>.  Þat is to seyne: Jhesu crist schaƚƚ be born of the virgyne Marie &amp; I trowe in hym.  And the date whan it was leyd in the ertℏe was .ij.Miƚ. ȝeer before oure lord was born And <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">ȝit is</CORR><SIC>ȝis</SIC></CHOICE> the plate of gold in the thresorye of the chirche.  And men seyn þat it was hermogene<PTR TARGET="P11.L21"/> the wise man. And ȝif aƚƚ it so be þat men of Grece ben cristene ȝit þei varien from oure feith For þei seyn þat the holy gost may not come of the sone but aƚƚ only of the fadir.  And þei are not obedyent to the chirche of Rome ne to the pope And þei seyn þat here Patriark hath as meche power ouer the see as the Pope hath on this syde the see.  And þerfore Pope Joℏn the .xxij.<PTR TARGET="P11.L28"/> sende lettres to hem how cristene feith scholde ben aƚƚ on &amp; þat þei scholde ben obedyent to the Pope þat is goddes <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">vicarie</CORR><SIC>vacrie</SIC></CHOICE> on erthe to whom god ȝaf his pleyn powere for to bynde &amp; to assoille &amp; þerfore þei scholde ben obedyent to him.  And þei senten aȝen dyuerse answeres &amp; amonges othere þei seyden þus:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">POTENCIAM TUAM SUMMAM CIRCA TUOS SUBIECTOS FIRMITER CREDIMUS SUPERBIAM TUAM SUMMAM TOLERARE NON POSSUMUS AUARICIAM TUAM SUMMAM SACIARE NON INTENDIMUS.  DOMINUS TECUM QUIA<PB REF="" N="1:12"/>
 DOMINUS NOBISCUM EST</Q>.  Þat is to seye: Wee trowe wel þat thi power is gret vpon thi subgettes.  Wee may not suffre thin high pryde Wee ben not in purpos to fulfille thi gret couetyse.  lord be with þe for oure lord is with vs. fare weƚƚ.  And oþer answere mygℏte he not haue of hem. And also þei make here sacrement of the awteer of therf bred<PTR TARGET="P12.L6"/> for oure lord made it of such bred whan he made his mawndee.  And on the scherethorsday make <MILESTONE N="9a" UNIT="folio"/> þei here therf bred in tokene of the mawndee &amp; dryen it at the sonne &amp; kepen it aƚƚ the ȝeer &amp; ȝeuen it to seke men in stede of goddes body.  And þei make but on vnxioun<PTR TARGET="P12.L11"/> whan þei cristene children And þei anoynte not the seke men. And thei seye þat þere nys no purgatorie &amp; þat soules schuƚƚ not haue nouþer ioye ne peyne tiƚƚ the day of doom.  And þei seye þat Fornicacioun is no synne dedly but a thing þat is kyndely And þat men &amp; wommen scholde not wedde but ones And whoso weddeth oftere þan ones here children ben bastardes &amp; geten in synne And here prestes also ben wedded.  And þei sey also þat vsure is no dedly synne.  And þei sellen benefices of holy chirche &amp; so don men in oþere places, god amende it whan his wille is, And þat is gret sclaundre.  For now is Simonye<PTR TARGET="P12.L22"/> kyng crouned in holy chirche, god amende it for his mercy.  And þei seyn þat in lentone men schaƚƚ not faste ne synge masse but on the saterday &amp; on the sonday. And þei faste not on the saterday no tyme of the ȝeer but it be cristemass euen<PTR TARGET="P12.L26"/> or Ester euen.  And þei suffre not the latynes to syngen at here awteres &amp; ȝif thei don be ony aventure anon þei wasschen the awteer with holy water. And þei seyn þat þere scholde be but .o. masse seyd at on awtier vpon .o. day.  And þei seye also þat oure lord ne eet neuere mete but he made tokene of etyng.  And also þei seye þat wee synne dedly in schauynge oure berdes. For the berd is tokene of a man &amp; ȝifte of oure lord.<PTR TARGET="P12.L34"/> And þei seye þat wee synne dedly in etynge of bestes þat weren forboden in the olde testement &amp; of the olde lawe as swyn hares &amp; oþere bestes <MILESTONE N="9b" UNIT="folio"/> þat chewen not<PB REF="" N="1:13"/>
 here code.  And þei seyn þat wee synnen whan wee eten flesscℏ on the dayes before Asschwednesday<PTR TARGET="P13.L2"/> &amp; of þat þat wee eten flesscℏ the wednesday &amp; egges &amp; chese vpon the frydayes And þei acursen aƚƚ þo þat abstynen hem to eten flesch the saterday.  Also the Emperour of Costantynoble maketh the Patriark the Erchebysschoppes &amp; the Bisshoppes &amp; ȝeuetℏ the dignytees &amp; the benefices of chirches &amp; depryueth hem þat ben worthy whan he fyndeth ony cause And so is he lord bothe temporeƚƚ &amp; spiritueƚƚ in his contree. And ȝif ȝee wil wite of here .A.B.C. what lettres þei ben here ȝee may seen hem with the names þat þei clepen hem þere amonges hem:<PTR TARGET="P13.L12"/></P>
<P>[Only photographs can do justice to the various alphabets contained in Mandeville.]</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.4"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.4.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter IV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE LADY OF LANGO</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF SEYNT JOℏN THE EUUANGELIST &amp; OF YPOCRAS DOUGℏTER TRANSFORMED FROM A WOMMAN TO A DRAGOUN.</HEAD>
<P>AND aƚƚ be it þat þeise thinges touchen not to .o. way neuertheles þei touchen to þat þat I haue hight ȝou to schewe ȝou a partie of custumes &amp; maneres &amp; dyuersitees of contrees.  And for this is the firste contree þat is discordant in feyth &amp; in beleeue &amp; varieth from oure feyth on this half the see,<PTR TARGET="P13.L18"/> þerefore I haue sett it here, þat ȝee may knowe the dyuersitee þat is betwene oure feyth &amp; theires.  For many men han gret likyng to here speke of straunge thinges of dyuerse contreyes. <MILESTONE N="10a" UNIT="folio"/> Now returne I aȝen for to teche ȝou the way from Constantynoble to Ierusalem.  He þat wol þorgℏ Turkye he goth toward the cytee of Nike<PTR TARGET="P13.L24"/> &amp; passeth þorgh the ȝate of Chieuetout &amp; aƚƚ weys men seen before hem the hiƚƚ of Chieuetout þat is right high &amp; it is a myle &amp; an half from Nike. And whoso wil go be watre be the brace of seynt George &amp; by the see where seynt Nicholas lyetℏ &amp; toward many oþer places First men gotℏ to an jle þat is clept Sylo.<PTR TARGET="P13.L29"/> In þat Ile groweth Mastyk on smale trees &amp; out of hem cometh gomme as it were of plombtrees or of cherietrees.<PB REF="" N="1:14"/>
And after gon men þorgℏ the Ile of Pathmos<PTR TARGET="P14.L1"/> &amp; þere wrot seynt Joℏn the Euuangelist the apocalips.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat seynt Joℏn was of age .xxxij. ȝeer whan oure lord suffred his passioun And after his passioun he lyuede .lxvij. ȝeer And in the .c. ȝeer of his age he dyede.  From Pathmos men gon vnto Ephesim a faire citee &amp; nygh to the see And þere dyede seynte Joℏn &amp; was buryed behynde the high awtiere in a toumbe.  And þere is a fair chirche For cristene men weren wont to holden þat place alweys.  And in the tombe of seynt Joℏn is nought but Manna þat is clept Aungeles mete for his body was translated in to paradys.<PTR TARGET="P14.L12"/>  And Turkes holden now aƚƚ þat place &amp; the citee &amp; the chirche And aƚƚ Asie the lesse is ycleped Turkye.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat seynt Joℏn leet make his graue þere in his lyf &amp; leyd himself þerejnne aƚƚ quyk And þerfore somme men seyn þat he dyed nought, but þat he resteth þere til the day of doom.  And forsothe þere is a gret merueyle for men may see þere the erthe of the tombe <MILESTONE N="10b" UNIT="folio"/> apertly many tymes steren &amp; meuen as þere weren quykke thinges vnder. And from Ephesim men gon þorgh many Iles in the see vnto the cytee of Paterane<PTR TARGET="P14.L22"/> where seynt Nicholas was born &amp; so to martha where he was chosen to ben Bisschopp &amp; þere groweth right gode<PTR TARGET="P14.L24a"/> wyn<PTR TARGET="P14.L24"/> &amp; strong And þat men callen wyn of martha.  And from thens gon men to the Ile of Crete þat the Emperour ȝaf somtyme to Janeweys And þanne passen men þorgℏ the Iles of Colcos<PTR TARGET="P14.L27"/> &amp; of lango of the whiche Iles ypocras was lord offe. And somme men seyn þat in the Ile of lango is ȝit the doughter of ypocras in forme &amp; lykness of a gret dragoun þat is an hundred fadme of lengtℏe as men seyn, for I haue not seen hire.  And þei of the Iles callen hire lady of the lond And sche lyeth in an olde castell in a cave &amp; scheweth twyes or thryes in the ȝeer and sche doth non harm to no man but ȝif men don hire harm.  And sche was thus chaunged &amp; transformed from a fair damysele in to lykness of a dragoun be a Goddess þat was clept Deane.  And<PB REF="" N="1:15"/>
 men seyn þat sche schal so endure in þat forme of a dragoun vnto tyme þat a knygℏt come þat is so hardy þat dar come to hire &amp; kisse hire on þe mouth and þan schall sche turne aȝen to hire owne kynde &amp; ben a womman aȝen but after þat sche schaƚƚ not lyuen longe.  And it is not longe sithen þat a knyght of the <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">hospital of</SUPPLIED> Rodes þat was hardy &amp; doughty in armes seyde þat he wolde kyssen hire.  And whan he was vpon his coursere &amp; wente to <MILESTONE N="11a" UNIT="folio"/> the casteƚƚ &amp; entred in to the cave the dragoun lifte vp hire hed aȝenst him And whan the knyght<PTR TARGET="P15.L10"/> saugh hire in þat forme so hidous &amp; so horrible he fleygℏ awey &amp; the dragoun bare the knyght vpon a roche mawgree his hede And from þat roche sche caste him in to the see &amp; so was lost bothe hors &amp; man.  And also a ȝonge man þat wiste not of the dragoun wente out of a schipp &amp; wente þorgh the Ile til þat he come to the castell &amp; cam in to the cave and wente so longe til þat he fond a chambre &amp; þere he saugh a damysele þat kembed hire hede &amp; lokede in a myrour.  And sche hadde meche tresoure abouten hire &amp; he trowede þat sche hadde ben a comoun womman þat dwelled þere to resceyue men to folye.  And he abode tiƚƚ the damysele saugh the<PTR TARGET="P15.L22a"/> schadewe of him in the myrour.<PTR TARGET="P15.L22"/> And sche turned hire toward him &amp; asked hym what he wolde And he seyde he wolde ben hire lemman or paramour and sche asked him ȝif þat he were a knyght &amp; he seyde nay.  And þan sche seyde þat he myghte not ben hire lemman But sche bad him gon aȝen vnto his felowes &amp; <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">let</SUPPLIED> make him knyght &amp; come aȝen vpon the morwe &amp; sche scholde come out of the cave before him &amp; þanne come and kysse hire on the mowth.  &amp; haue no drede, for I schaƚƚ do þe no maner harm all be it þat þou see me in lykeuess of a dragoun For þough þou se me hidouse &amp; horrible to loken onne I do þe to wytene þat it is made be enchauntement.  For withouten doute I am non oþer þan þou seest now, a womman, <MILESTONE N="11b" UNIT="folio"/> And þerfore drede þe nought.  And ȝif þou kisse me þou schalt haue aƚƚ this tresoure &amp; be my lord &amp; lord also of all þat Ile.  And<PB REF="" N="1:16"/>
 he departed fro hire &amp; wente to his felowes to schippe &amp; leet make him knyght &amp; cam aȝen vpon the morwe for to kysse this damysele.  And whan he saugh hire comen out of the cave in forme of a dragoun so hidouse &amp; so horrible he hadde so gret drede þat he fleygℏ aȝen to the schipp &amp; sche folewed him.  And whan sche sawgh þat he turned not aȝen sche began to crye as a thing þat hadde meche sorwe And þanne sche turned aȝen in to hire cave And anon the knyght dyede &amp; sithen hiderwardes myghte no knyght se hire but þat he dyede anon.  But whan a knyght cometh þat is so hardy to kisse hire he schall not dye, but he schall turne the damysele in to hire right forme &amp; kyndely schapp &amp; he schal be lord of all the contreyes &amp; Iles aboueseyd.<PTR TARGET="P16.L14"/> And from þens men comen to the Ile of Rodes the whiche Ile hospitaleres holden &amp; gouernen And þat token þei sumtyme from the Emperour And it was wont to be clept Collos &amp; so calle it the Turkes ȝit And seynt Poul in his epistles writeth to hem of þat Ile <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">AD COLLOCENSES</SEG></TITLE>.  This Ile is nygh .viij<HI REND="sup">c</HI>. myle long from Constantynoble.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.5"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.5.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter V</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">CYPRUS AND ACRE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">[OF DIVERSITIES IN CYPRUS; OF THE ROAD FROM CYPRUS TO JERUSALEM, AND OF THE MARVELS OF THE FOSS FULL OF SAND.]<PTR TARGET="P16.L21"/></HEAD>
<P>AND from this Ile of Rodes men gon to Cipre where beth many <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">wynes</CORR><SIC>vynes</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P16.L22"/> þat first ben rede &amp; after .o. ȝere þei becomen white And þeise wynes þat ben most white
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">ben</CORR><SIC>ben/ben</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P16.L24"/> most clere &amp; best of smeƚƚ.  And men passen be þat way be a place<PTR TARGET="P16.L25"/> þat was wont to ben a gret cytee &amp; a gret lond &amp; the cytee was clept Cathaillye,<PTR TARGET="P16.L26"/> the whiche cytee<MILESTONE N="12a" UNIT="folio"/>
 &amp; lond was lost þorgh folye of a ȝonge man.  For he had a fayr damysele þat he loued wel to his paramour &amp; sche dyed sodeynly &amp; was don in a tombe of marble &amp; for the grete lust þat he had to hire he wente in the nyght vnto hire tombe &amp; opened it &amp; went in &amp; lay be hire &amp; wente<PB REF="" N="1:17"/>
 his wey.  And whan it cam to the ende of .ix. monethes þere com a voys to him &amp; seyde: Go to the tombe of þat womman &amp; open it &amp; behold what þou hast begoten on hire &amp; ȝif þou lette to go þou schalt haue a gret harm. And he ȝede &amp; opened the tombe &amp; þere fleygℏ out an Eddere<PTR TARGET="P17.L6"/> rigℏt hidous to see, the whiche als swythe fleigℏ aboute<PTR TARGET="P17.L6b"/> the cytee &amp; the contree &amp; sone after the cytee sank down<PTR TARGET="P17.L7"/> &amp; þere ben manye perilouse passages with outen fayle. From Rodes to Cypre ben .v. myle &amp; more, But men may gon to Cypre &amp; come not at Rodes.  Cypre is rigℏt a gode Ile and a fair &amp; a gret and it hath .iiij. princypaƚƚ cylees within him And þere is an Erchebysshopp at Nichosie &amp; .iiij. othere bysschoppes<PTR TARGET="P17.L13"/> in þat lond.  And at Famagost is on of the princypall hauenes of the see, þat is in the world And þere arryuen cristene men &amp; sarazynes &amp; men of aƚƚ nacyons.  In Cipre is the hiƚƚ of the holy cros<PTR TARGET="P17.L16"/> &amp; þere is an abbeye of monkes blake And þere is the cros of Dismas the gode theef as I haue seyd before, And summe men trowen þat þere is half the cross of oure lord but it is not so and þei don euyƚƚ þat make men to beleeue so.  In Cipre lyth seynt zenomyne<PTR TARGET="P17.L21"/> of whom men of þat contree maken gret solempnytee.  And in the casteƚƚ of amoure<PTR TARGET="P17.L23"/> lyth the body of seynt Hyllarie &amp; men kepen it right<MILESTONE N="12b" UNIT="folio"/> worschipfully.  And besyde Famagost was seynt Barnabce the Apostle born.  In Cipre men hunten with Papyouns<PTR TARGET="P17.L26"/> þat ben lyche lyberdes &amp; þei taken wylde bestes right well and þei ben somdeƚƚ more þan lyouns &amp; þei taken more scharpelych the bestes &amp; more delyuerly þan don houndes.  In Cipre is the manere of lordes &amp; all oþere men<PTR TARGET="P17.L30"/> aƚƚ to eten on the erthe, for þei make dyches in the erthe aƚƚ aboute in the halle depe to the knee &amp; þei do paue hem And whan þei wil ete þei gon þere in &amp; sytten þere.<PTR TARGET="P17.L33"/>  And the skyƚƚ is for þei may be the more fresscℏ for þat lond is meche more hottere þan it is here.  And at grete festes &amp; for straungeres þei setten formes &amp; tables as men don in this contree, but þei had louer sytten in the erthe. From Cypre men gon to<PB REF="" N="1:18"/>
 the lond of Jerusalem be the see and in a day &amp; in a nyght he þat hath gode wynd may come to the hauene of Thire þat now is clept Surrye.  There was somtyme a gret cytee &amp; a gode of crystenemen but sarazins han destroyed it a gret partye And þei kepe þat haue right weƚƚ for drede of cristene men.  Men myghte go more right to þat hauene &amp; come not in Cypre But þei gon gladly to Cipre to reste hem on the lond or eƚƚ to byggen thinges þat þei haue nede to here lyuynge.  On the see syde men may fynde many rubyes.  And þere is the welle of the whiche holy writt speketh offe &amp; seyth:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">FONS ORTORUM &amp; PUTEUS AQUARUM VIUENCIUM</Q>,<PTR TARGET="P18.L11"/> þat is to seye: the welle of gardyns &amp; the dych of lyuynge watres.  In this cytee of Thire seyde the womman to oure lord:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">BEATUS VENTER QUI TE PORTAUIT &amp; VBERA QUE SUCCISTI</Q>, þat is to seye:  Blessed be the body þat þe baar &amp; the pappes þat þou sowkedest.  And þere oure lord forȝaf <MILESTONE N="13a" UNIT="folio"/> the womman of Chananee hire synnes And before Tyre was wont to be the ston on the whiche oure lord sat &amp; prechede &amp; on þat ston was founded the chirche of seynt sauyour. And .viij. myle<PTR TARGET="P18.L21"/> from Tyre toward the Est vpon the see is the cytee of Sarphen in sarept<PTR TARGET="P18.L22"/> of sydonyens And þere was wont for to dwelle helye the prophete &amp; þere reysed he Jonas the wydwes sone<PTR TARGET="P18.L24"/> from deth to lyf. And .v. myle fro sarphen is the cytee of Sydon of the whiche citee Dydo was lady þat was Eneas wif after the destruction of Troye &amp; þat founded the cytee of Cartage in Affrik &amp; now is cleped Sydon Sayete.<PTR TARGET="P18.L28"/>  And in the cytee of Tyre regned Agenore the fader of Dydo.  And .xvj. myles from Sydon is Beruth And fro Beruth to Sardenare is .iij. iourneyes And from Sardenar is .v. myle to Damask. And whoso wil go <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">longer</CORR><SIC>longe</SIC></CHOICE> tyme on the see &amp; come nerre to Jerusalem he schal go fro Cipre be see to the port Jaff For þat is the nexte hauene to Jerusalem. And the town is called Jaff for on of the sones of Noe þat higℏte Japhet founded it &amp; now it is clept Joppe.<PTR TARGET="P18.L36"/> And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat it is on of the oldest<PB REF="" N="1:19"/>
 townes of the world For it was founded before Noeis flode And ȝit þere schewetℏ in the roche þer as the Irene cheynes were festned þat Andromade<PTR TARGET="P19.L3"/> a gret Geaunt was bounden with &amp; put in prisoun before Noees flode of the whiche geant is a ryb of his syde þat is .xl. fote longe. And whoso wil arryue at the firste port of Thire or of Surre þat I haue spoken of before may go be londe ȝif he wil to Jerusalem.  And men goth fro Surre vnto the citee of Dacoun<PTR TARGET="P19.L9"/> <MILESTONE N="13b" UNIT="folio"/> in a day And it was clept somtyme Tholomayda And it was somtyme a cytee of cristenemen fuƚƚ fair but it is now destroyed &amp; it stont vpon the see. And fro venyse to Akoun be see is .m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI> &amp; iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. myles of lombardye And fro Calabre or fro Cecyle to Akoun be see is a .m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>ccc. myles of lombardye And the Ile of Crete is rigℏt in the myd weye.  And besyde the cytee of Akoun<PTR TARGET="P19.L15"/> to ward the see vj<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. furlonges on the right syde toward the south is the hiƚƚ of Carmelyn where helyas the prophete dwelled &amp; þere was first the ordre of frere carmes founded. This hiƚƚ is not right gret ne fuƚƚ higℏ And at the fote of this hiƚƚ was somtyme a gode cytee of cristenemen þat men cleped Cayphas<PTR TARGET="P19.L21"/> for Cayphas first founded it but it is now aƚƚ wasted.  And on the lift syde of the hill Carmelyn is a town þat men clepen Saffre<PTR TARGET="P19.L23"/> &amp; þat is sett on anoþer hiƚƚ þere seynt James &amp; seynt Joℏn were born And in the worschipe of hem þere is a fair chirche.  And fro Tholomayda þat men clepen now akoun vnto a gret hiƚƚ þat is clept Scalla Thires<PTR TARGET="P19.L27"/> is an hundred furlonges And besyde the cytee of Akoun renneth a lytiƚƚ ryuere þat is clept Belon.  And þere nygℏ is the Foss of Mennon<PTR TARGET="P19.L29"/> þat is aƚƚ round &amp; it is an hundred cubytes of largeness &amp; it is aƚƚ fuƚƚ of graueƚƚ schynynge brighte of the whiche men maken faire verres &amp; clere.  And men comen fro fer by watre in schippes &amp; be londe with cartes for to fetten of þat graueƚƚ And þough þere be neuere so meche taken awey þere of on the day at morwe it is as fuƚƚ aȝen as euere it was <MILESTONE N="14a" UNIT="folio"/> And þat is a gret meruaille.  And þere is eueremore gret wynd in þat Foss þat stereth eueremore the graueƚƚ &amp; maketh it<PB REF="" N="1:20"/>
 trouble And ȝif ony man do þere jnne ony maner metaƚƚ it turneth anon to glass.  And the glass þat is made of þat graueƚƚ ȝif it be don aȝen in to the graueƚƚ it turneth anon in to graueƚƚ as it was first And þerfore somme men seyn þat it is a swelogℏ<PTR TARGET="P20.L5"/> of the grauely see. Also from Akoun aboue seyd gon men forth .iiij. iournees to the citee of Palostyne þat was of the Philistyencs þat now is clept Gaza<PTR TARGET="P20.L8"/> þat is a gay cytee &amp; a riche &amp; it is right fayr &amp; fuƚƚ of folk &amp; it is a lytill fro the see.  And from this cytee brought Sampson the stronge the ȝates vpon an higℏ lond whan he was taken in þat cytee And þere he slowgh in a paleys the kyng &amp; hymself &amp; gret nombre of the beste<PTR TARGET="P20.L12"/> of the Philistienes the whiche had put out his eyen &amp; schauen his hed &amp; enprisound him be tresoun of Dalida his paramour, And þerefore he made falle vpon hem a gret halle whan þei were at mete.  And from þens gon men to the cytee of Cesaire<PTR TARGET="P20.L17"/> &amp; so to the casteƚƚ of Pylgrymes &amp; so to Ascolonge &amp; þan to Jaff &amp; so to Jerusalem. And whoso wiƚƚ go be londe þorgℏ the lond of Babyloyne<PTR TARGET="P20.L20"/> where the sowdan dwelleth comonly he moste gete grace of him &amp; leue to go more sikerly þorgℏ þo londes &amp; contrees And for to go to the mount of synay before þat men gon to Jerusalem &amp; þanne turne aȝen to Jerusalem he scha go fro Gaza to the casteƚƚ of Daire.<PTR TARGET="P20.L24"/> And after þat men comen out of Surrye &amp; entren in to wylderness &amp; þere the weye is fuƚƚ <MILESTONE N="14b" UNIT="folio"/> sondy.  And þat wylderness &amp; desert lasteth .viij. iourneyes but aƚƚ weys men fynden gode jnnes &amp; aƚƚ þat hem nedeth of vytaylle, And men clepen þat wylderness Achellek.<PTR TARGET="P20.L29"/>  And whan a man cometh out of þat desert he entreth in to Egypt þat me<PTR TARGET="P20.L31a"/> clepen Egipt Canopat<PTR TARGET="P20.L31"/> And after oþer langage men clepen it Morsyn.<PTR TARGET="P20.L32"/> And þere first men fynden a gode tonn þat is clept Beletℏ<PTR TARGET="P20.L33"/> &amp; it is at the ende of the kyngdom of Halappee &amp; from þens men gon to Babyloyne &amp; to Cayre</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.6"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.6.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:21"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter VI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">CAIRO AND THE SULTANS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF MANYE NAMES OF SOUDANS, &amp; OF THE TOUR OF BABILOYNE.</HEAD>
<P>AT Babyloyne þere is a faire chirche<PTR TARGET="P21.L1"/> of oure lady where she dwelled .vij. ȝeer whan sche fleygℏ out of the lond of Judee for drede of kyng heroud.  And þere lyth the body of seynt Barbre the virgine &amp; martyr And þere duelled Joseph whan he was sold of his bretℏeren.  And þere made Nabugodonozor the kyng putte .iij. children in to the forneys<PTR TARGET="P21.L6"/> of fuyr for þei weren in the rigℏt troutℏe of beleeue The whiche children men cleped Ananya Azaria Mizaeƚƚ as the psalm of Benedicite seitℏ But Nabugodonozor cleped hem oþerwise Sydrak Misak &amp; Abdenago þat is to seye god glorious, god victorious &amp; god ouer all thinges &amp; remes and þat was for the myraele þat he saugh goddes sone go with the children þorgℏ the fuyre, as he seyde.  Þere duelleth the Soudan in his Calahelyk for þere is comounly his see in a fayr casteƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P21.L15"/> strong &amp; gret &amp; wel sett vpon a roche.  In þat casteƚƚ dueƚƚe aƚƚ wey to kepe it &amp; for to serue the sowdan mo þan .vj<HI REND="sup">ml</HI>. persones þat <MILESTONE N="15a" UNIT="folio"/> taken aƚƚ here necessaries of the sowdanes court.  I oughte right wel to knowen it for I duelled with him<PTR TARGET="P21.L20"/> as soudyour in his werres a gret while, aȝen the Bedoynes And he wolde haue maryed me fuƚƚ highly to a gret Princes doughter ȝif I wolde han forsaken my lawe &amp; my beleue.  But I thanke god I had no wiƚƚ to don it for nothing þat he behighte me. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the soudan is lord of .v. kyngdomes<PTR TARGET="P21.L25"/> þat he hath conquered &amp; apropred to him be strengthe And þeise ben the names:  The kyngdom of Canapak þat is Egipt &amp; the kyngdom of Jerusalem where þat Dauid &amp; Salomon were kynges And the kyngdom of Surrye of the whiche the cytee of Damasc was chief And the kyngdom of Alappee in the lond of Math &amp; the kyngdom of Arabye þat was to on of the .iij. kynges þat<PB REF="" N="1:22"/>
 made offryng to oure lord whan he was born.  And many oþere londes he holdetℏ in his hond.  And þere with aƚƚ he holdeth Calyffes,<PTR TARGET="P22.L3"/> þat is a fuƚƚ gret thing in here langage And it is als meche to seye as kyng. And þere were wont to ben .v. soudans but now þere is nomo but he of Egypt. And the firste soudan<PTR TARGET="P22.L6"/> was Zarocon þat was of Mede &amp; was fader to Sahaladyn þat toke the Califfee of Egipt &amp; slough him &amp; was made soudan be strengthe.  After þat was soudan Sahaladyn in whoos tyme the kyng of Englond Richard the firste <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">was þere</SUPPLIED> with manye oþere þat kepten the passage þat Sahaladyn ne myghte not passen.  After Sahaladyn regned his sone Boradyn And after him his nevewe.  After þat the Comaynz<PTR TARGET="P22.L14"/> <MILESTONE N="15b" UNIT="folio"/> þat weren in seruage in Egipt felten <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">hemself</CORR><SIC>hemsef</SIC></CHOICE> þat þei weren of gret power þei chesen hem a Soudan amonges hem the whiche made him to ben cleped Melecℏsalan. And in his tyme entred into the contree of the kynges of France seynt Lowyȝs &amp; faught with him &amp; <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">he</SUPPLIED> toke him &amp; enprisound him.  And this was slayn of his owne seruantes And after þei chosen an other to be soudan þat þei cleped Tympieman And he let delyueren seynt lowys out of prisoun for certeyn raunsoun.  And after on of theise Comaynz regned þat highte Cachas &amp; slough Turqueman for to be soudan &amp; made him ben cleped Melechemes.  And after anoþer þat hadde to name Bendochdare þat slough Melechemes for to be Soudam &amp; cleped him self Melechdare.  In his tyme entred the gode kyng Edward of Englond in Syrye &amp; dide gret harm to the Sarrazines.  And after was this soudan enpoysound at Damasce And his sone thougℏte to regnen after him be heritage &amp; made him to ben clept Meleschsach.  But another þat had to name Elphy chaced him out of the contree &amp; made him soudan.  This man toke the cytee of Tripollee &amp; destroyede manye of the cristene men the ȝeer of grace .Miƚƚ cc iiij score &amp; ix.  And after was he enprisound of another þat wolde be Soudan but he was<PB REF="" N="1:23"/>
 anon slayn.  After þat was the sone of Elphy chosen to ben Soudan &amp; cleped him Mellethasseraf &amp; he tok the citee of Akoun &amp; chaced out the cristene men &amp; this was also enpoysond.  And þan was his brother ymade Soudan &amp; was cleped Melechnasser And after on þat was clept Guytoga toke him &amp; put him in prisoun in the casteƚƚ of<MILESTONE N="16a" UNIT="folio"/>
 Mountryuaƚƚ &amp; made him Soudan be strengthe &amp; cleped him Melechcadeƚƚ &amp; he was <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">a</CORR><SIC>of</SIC></CHOICE> Tartaryne.  But the Comaynz chaced him out of þe contree &amp; diden hym meche sorwe And maden on of hem self soudan þat hadde to name lachyn &amp; he made him to ben clept Melechmanser the whiche on a day pleyed at the chess &amp; his swerd lay besyde him &amp; so befeƚƚ þat on wratthed him &amp; with his owne propre swerd he was slayn.  And after þat þei weren at gret discord for to make a soudan And fynally þei accordeden to Melechnasser þat Guytoga had put in prisoun at Mountrivaƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P23.L17"/> And this regnede longe &amp; gouerned wisely so þat his eldest sone was chosen after him Melecℏmader the whiche his brother leet sle priuyly for to haue the lordschipe &amp; made him to ben clept Melechmadabron &amp; he was Soudan whan I departed fro þo contrees.<PTR TARGET="P23.L22"/> And wyte ȝee wel þat the Soudan may lede out of Egipt mo þan .xx Miƚƚ.<PTR TARGET="P23.L23"/> men of armes And out of Surrye &amp; out of Turkye &amp; out of oþer contrees þat he holt he may arrere mo þan .l. Miƚƚ. and aƚƚ þo ben at his wages And þei ben aƚƚ weys at him<PTR TARGET="P23.L26"/> withouten the folk of his contree þat is withouten nombre.  And euerycℏ of hem hath be ȝere the mountance of .vj score. floreynes But it behoueth þat euery of hem holde .iij. hors &amp; a cameylle. And be the cytees &amp; be townes<PTR TARGET="P23.L30"/> ben amyralles þat han the gouernance of the peple, On hath to gouerne .iiij.<PTR TARGET="P23.L31"/> &amp; anoþer hath to gouerne .v.<PTR TARGET="P23.L32"/> anoþer mo &amp; anoþer wel mo And als many taketh<PTR TARGET="P23.L33"/> the Amyraƚƚ be him allone as aƚƚ the oþer <MILESTONE N="16b" UNIT="folio"/> souldyours han vnder hym And þerfore whan the Soudan wiƚƚ avance ony worthi knyght he maketh him a amiraƚƚ.  And whan it is ony derthe the<PB REF="" N="1:24"/>
 knyghtes ben right pore &amp; þanne þei sellen bothe here hors &amp; here harneys. And the Soudan hath .iiij. wyfes<PTR TARGET="P24.L2"/> on cristene &amp; .iij. sarazines of the whiche on dwelleth at Ierusalem &amp; anoþer at Damasce &amp; anoþer at Ascolon And whan hem lyst þei remewen to oþer cytees And whan the Soudane wiƚƚ he may go to visite hem whan him list. And he hath as many paramours<PTR TARGET="P24.L7"/> as him lyketh.  For he maketh to come before him the fairest &amp; the nobleste of birthe &amp; the gentylleste damyseles of his contree And he maketh hem to ben kept &amp; serued fuƚƚ honourabely And whan he wole haue on to lye with him he maketh hem aƚƚ to come before him And he beholdeth in aƚƚ whicℏ of hem is most to his plesance &amp; to hire anon he sondeth or casteth a ryng fro his fynger And þanne anon sche schaƚƚ ben bathed &amp; richely atyred &amp; anoynted with delicat thinges of swete smeƚƚ &amp; þan lad to the Soudanes chambre, and þus he doth als often as him list whan he will haue onye of hem.  And before the soudan cometh no strangier but ȝif he be clothed in cloth of gold or of tartarie or of camaka<PTR TARGET="P24.L19"/> in the Sarazines guyse &amp; as the sarazins vsen.  And it behoucth þat anon at the firste sight þat men see the Soudan be it in windowe or in what place elles <MILESTONE N="17a" UNIT="folio"/> þat men knele to him &amp; kysse the erthe For þat is the manere to do reuerence to the soudaun of hem þat speken with him. And whan þat messangeres of straunge contrees comen before him the meynee of the Soudan, Whan the strangeres speken to hym, þei ben aboute the souldan with swerdes drawen &amp; gysarmez &amp; axes, here armes lift vp<PTR TARGET="P24.L28"/> in high with þo wepenes for to smyte vpon hem ȝif þei seye ony woord þat is displesance to the soudan. And also no straungere cometh before him but þat he<PTR TARGET="P24.L31"/> maketh him sum promys &amp; graunt of þat the sowdan asketℏ resonabely beso it be not aȝenst his lawe.  And so don oþere Prynces beȝonden For þei seyn þat noman<PTR TARGET="P24.L34"/> schaƚƚ come before no Prynce but þat the souldan is bettre And schaƚƚ be more gladdere in departynge from his presence þanne he was at the comynge before hym. And<PB REF="" N="1:25"/>
 vnderstondetℏ þat that Babyloyne<PTR TARGET="P25.L1"/> þat I haue spoken offe where þat the Soudan duelleth is not þat gret Babyloyne where the dyuersitee of langages was first made for vengeance by the myracle of god whan the grete tour of Babel was begonnen to ben made of the whiche the walles weren .lxiiij. furlonges of heigℏte.  Þat is in the grete desertes of Arabye vpon the weye as men gon toward the kyngdom of Caldee.  But it is fuƚƚ longe sith þat ony man durste neygℏe to the tour for it is aƚƚ desert &amp; fuƚƚ of dragouns &amp; grete serpentes &amp; fuƚƚ of dyuerse venymouse bestes aƚƚ abouten.  Þat tour with the cytee was of .xxv. myle in cyrcuyt of the walles As þei of the contree seyn <MILESTONE N="17b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; as men may demen by estimacioun after þat men tellen of the contree.  And þough it be clept the tour of Babiloyne ȝit natheles þere were ordeyned withjnne many mansiouns and many gret dwellynge places in lengthe &amp; brede And þat tour conteyned gret contree in circuyt, for the tour allone conteyned .x. myle sqware.  Þat tour founded kyng Nembroth þat was kyng of þat contree &amp; he was the firste kyng of the world And he leet make an ymage in the lykness of his fader &amp; constreyned aƚƚ his subgettes for to worschipe it.  And anon begonnen othere lordes to do the same And so begonnen the ydoles &amp; the symulacres<PTR TARGET="P25.L23"/> first.  The town &amp; the cytee weren fuƚƚ wel sett in a fair contree &amp; a playn þat men clepen the contree of Samar of the whiche the walles of the cytee weren .cc. cubytes<PTR TARGET="P25.L27"/> in heighte &amp; .l. cubytes of depnes.  And the Ryuere of Eufrate ran þorgℏ out the cytee &amp; aboute the tour also.  But Cirus the kyng of Perse toke from hem the ryuere &amp; destroyed aƚƚ the cytee and the tour also. For he departed þat Ryuere<PTR TARGET="P25.L31"/> in .ccc. &amp; .lx. smale ryueres be cause þat he had sworn þat he scholde putte the ryuere in sucℏ poynt þat a womman myghte wel passe þere with outen castynge of of hire clothes for als moche as he hadde lost many worthi men þat troweden to passen þat ryuere be swymmynge. And from Babyloyne where the soudan dwelleth to go right betwene the Oryent &amp; the Septemtryon<PB REF="" N="1:26"/>
 toward the grete Babyloyne is xl. iourneyes to passen be desert.  But it is not the grete Babiloyne<PTR TARGET="P26.L2"/> in the lond &amp; in the powere of the seyd Soudan but it is in the power and the lordschipe of Persye. <MILESTONE N="18a" UNIT="folio"/> But he holdeth it of the grete Chane þat is the gretteste Emperour &amp; the most souereyn lord of aƚƚ the parties beȝonde &amp; he is lord of the iles of Cathay &amp; of manye oþere iles &amp; of a gret partie of Inde And his lond marcheth vnto Prestre Joℏnes lond And he holt so moche lond that he knoweth not the ende And he is more myghty &amp; gretter lord withouten comparsoun þan is the Soudan.  Of his ryaƚƚ estate &amp; of his myght I schaƚƚ speke more plenerly when I schall speke of the lond &amp; of the contree of ynde.
Also the cytee of Methon<PTR TARGET="P26.L14"/> where Machomet lyth is also of the grete desertes of Arabye.  And þere lith the body of hym fuƚƚ honourabely in here temple þat the Sarazines clepen Musketh.<PTR TARGET="P26.L17"/>  And it is fro Babyloyne the lesse where the Soudan dwelleth vnto Metℏon aboueseyd in to a .xxxij. iourneyes.  And wyteth wel þat the rewme of Arabye is a full gret contree, but þere in is ouer moche desert And noman may dweƚƚ þere in þat desert for defaute of water. For þat lond is aƚƚ grauelly &amp; fuƚƚ of sond And it is drye &amp; no thing fructuous be cause þat it hath no moysture &amp; þerfore is þere so meche desert. And ȝif it hadde Ryueres &amp; wolles &amp; the lond also were as it is in oþer partyes it scholde ben als fuƚƚ of peple &amp; als fuƚƚ enhabyted with folk as in other places.  For þere is fuƚƚ gret multitude of peple where as the lond is enhabyted.  Arabye dureth fro the endes of the reme of Caldee vnto the laste ende of <MILESTONE N="18b" UNIT="folio"/> Affryk &amp; marcheth to the lond of ydumee toward the ende of Botron.<PTR TARGET="P26.L31"/>  And in Caldee the chief cytee is Baldak And of Affryk the chief cytee is Cartage þat Dydo þat was Eneas wif founded The whiche Eneas was of the cytee of Troye &amp; after was kyng of Itaylle. Mesopotamye streccheth also vnto the desertes of Arabye &amp; it is a gret contree.  In this contree is the cytee of Daraym where abrahames<PB REF="" N="1:27"/>
 fader duelled &amp; from whens Abraham departed be commandement of the Aungeƚƚ.  And of þat cytee was Effraym þat was a gret clerk &amp; a gret doctour And Theophilus<PTR TARGET="P27.L4"/> was of þat cytee also þat oure lady sauede from oure enemye.  And Mesopotayme dureth fro the ryuere of Eufrates vnto the ryuere of Tygris.  For it is betwene þo .ij. ryueres.  And beȝonde the ryuere of Tygre is Caldee þat is a fuƚƚ gret kyngdom.  In þat rewme, at Baldak aboueseyd was wont to duelle the Calyffez<PTR TARGET="P27.L10"/> þat was wont to ben bothe as Emperour &amp; Pope of the Arabyenez so þat he was lord spiritueƚƚ &amp; temporeƚƚ And he was successour to Machomete &amp; of his generacioun. Þat cytee of Baldak<PTR TARGET="P27.L13"/> was wont to ben cleped Sutis &amp; Nabugodonozor founded it And þere duelled the holy prophete Daniel &amp; þere he saugh visiounes of heuene &amp; þere he made the exposicioun of dremes.  And in old tyme þere were wont to be .iij. Calyffeez:<PTR TARGET="P27.L17"/> He of Arabye, he of Caldeez And þei <MILESTONE N="19a" UNIT="folio"/>dwelleden in the cytee of Baldak <MILESTONE N="19a" UNIT="folio"/> aboueseyd.  And at Cayre besides Babyloyne duelled the Calyffee of Egypt &amp; at Marrok vpon the west see duelte the Calyffee of Barbaryenes &amp; of Affrycanes.  And now is þere non of the Calyffeez ne nougℏt han ben sitℏe the tyme of the Sowdan Sahaladyn<PTR TARGET="P27.L23"/> For from þat tyme hider the Sowdaun clepeth him self Calyffee And so han the Calyffeez ylost here name. Also wyteth wel þat Babyloyne þe lesse where the Soudan duelleth <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">&amp;</CORR><SIC>&amp; at</SIC></CHOICE> the cytee of Cayr þat is nygℏ besyde it ben grete huge cytees manye &amp; fayre and þat on sitt nygh þat other.  Babyloyne sytt upon the ryuere of Gyson somtyme clept Nyle<PTR TARGET="P27.L29"/> þat cometh out of Paradys terrestre.  Þat ryuere of Nyle aƚƚ the ȝeer whan the sonne entreth in to the signe of Cancer<PTR TARGET="P27.L31"/> it begynneth to wexe And it wexeth aƚƚweys als longe as the sonne is in Cancro &amp; in the signe of the lyoun̛.  And it wexeth in such manere þat it is somtyme so gret þat it is .xx. cubytes or more of depness And þanne it doth gret harm to the godes þat ben vpon the lond For þanne<PB REF="" N="1:28"/>
 may noman trauaylle to ere the londes for the grete moystness And þerfore is þere dere tyme in þat contree. And also whan it wexeth lytyƚƚ it is dere tyme in pat contree for defaute of moysture.  And whan the sonne is in the signe of Virgo þanne begynnetℏ the ryuere for to <MILESTONE N="19b" UNIT="folio"/> wane &amp; to decrcce lytyl &amp; lytyƚƚ So þat whan the sonne
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">is</CORR><SIC>is/is</SIC></CHOICE> entred in to the signe<PTR TARGET="P28.L7a"/> of libra þanne þei entren betwene theise ryueres.<PTR TARGET="P28.L7"/>  This ryuere cometh rennynge from Paradys terrestre betwene the desertes of ynde &amp; after it smytt vn to londe &amp; renneth longe tyme many grete contrees vnder ertℏe And after it goth out vnder an high hill þat men clepen Alotℏ þat is betwene ynde &amp; Ethiope the mountance of .v. monethes iourneyes fro the entree of Ethiope And after it envyrounetℏ aƚƚ Ethiope &amp; Morekane<PTR TARGET="P28.L15"/> &amp; goth aƚƚ along fro the lond of Egipte vnto the cytee of Alisandre to the ende of Egipte and þere it falleth in to the see.  Aboute this ryuere ben manye briddes &amp; foules As Sikonyes<PTR TARGET="P28.L18"/> þat þei clepen Ibes.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.7"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.7.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter VII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">EGYPT, BALM, THE PYRAMIDS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CONTREE OF EGIPT; OF THE BRID FENIX; OF ARABYE; OF THE CYTEE OF CAYRE; OF THE CONNYNGE TO KNOWEN BAWME AND TO PREUEN IT, AND OF THE GERNERES OF JOSEPH.</HEAD>
<P>EGYPT is a long contree<PTR TARGET="P28.L19"/> but it is streyt þat is to seye narow for þei may not enlargen it toward the desert for defaute of water And the contree is sett along vpon the ryuere of Nyle be als moche as þat ryuere may serue be flodes or oþerwise þat whanne it floweth it may spreden abrood þorgh the contree, so is the contree large of lengtℏe.<PTR TARGET="P28.L24"/> For þere it reyneth not but lityll in þat contree &amp; for þat cause þei haue no water, but ȝif it <MILESTONE N="20a" UNIT="folio"/> be of þat flood of þat ryuere.  And for als moche as it ne reyneth not in þat contree but the eyr is alwey pure &amp; cleer, þerfore in<PB REF="" N="1:29"/>
 þat contree ben the gode astronomyeres, for þei fynde þere no cloudes to letten hem.  Also the cytee of Cayre is right gret &amp; more huge þan þat of Babyloyne the lesse And it sytt abouen toward the desert of Syrye a lytill abouen the ryuere aboueseyd.  In Egipt þere ben .ij. parties, The hegℏte þat is toward Ethiope &amp; the loweness<PTR TARGET="P29.L6"/> þat is towardes Arabye.  In Egypt is the lond of Ramasses &amp; the lond of Gessen.  Egipt is a strong contree for it hath many schrewede hauenes be cause of the grete Roches þat ben stronge and daungerouse to passe by.  And at Egipt toward the Est is the rede see þat dureth vnto the cytee of Coston<PTR TARGET="P29.L12"/> &amp; toward the west is the cytee of lybye<PTR TARGET="P29.L13"/> þat is a fuƚƚ drye lond &amp; lityƚƚ of fruyt, for it is ouer moche plentee of hete And þat lond is clept Fusth.  And toward the partie meridionaƚƚ is Ethiope &amp; toward the north is the desert þat dureth vnto Syrye &amp; so is the contree strong on aƚƚ sydes.  And it is wel a .xv. iourneyes of lengtℏe &amp; more þan two so moche<PTR TARGET="P29.L18"/> of desert &amp; it is but .ij. iournees of largeness. And betwene Egipt &amp; Nubye it hath wel<PTR TARGET="P29.L20"/> a .xij. iournees of desert And men of Nubye ben cristen but þei ben blake as the Mowres<PTR TARGET="P29.L22"/> for gret hete of the sonne. <MILESTONE N="20b" UNIT="folio"/> In Egipt þere ben .v. prouynces, þat on hight SAHYTH þat other hight DEMESEER another RESICH, þat is an Ile in NYLE, Another ALISANDRE &amp; another the lond of DAMYETE. Þat citee was wont to be right strong but it was twyes wonnen of the cristene men And þerfore after þat the sarazines beten down the walles And with the walles &amp; the toures þerof the sarazaines maden another cytee more fer from the see &amp; clepeden it the newe Damyete, So þat now no man duelleth at the rathere toun of Damyete. At þat cytee of Damyete is on of the hauenes of Egypt &amp; at Alisandre is þat otℏer þat is a fuƚƚ strong cytee, But þere is no water to drynke, but ȝif it come be condyt from Nyle þat entreth in to here cisternes, And who so stopped þat water from hem, þei mygℏte not endure þere.  In Egypt þere ben but fewe Forcelettes or castelles be cause<PB REF="" N="1:30"/>
 þat the contree is so strong of himself. NOTA OF A MERUEYLE.<PTR TARGET="P30.L1"/> At the desertes of Egypte was a wortℏi man þat was an holy heremyte<PTR TARGET="P30.L3"/> &amp; þere mette with him a Monstre þat is to seyne<PTR TARGET="P30.L4"/> a monstre is a þing difformed aȝen kynde bothe of man or of best or of ony þing elles &amp; þat is cleped a Monstre.  And this monstre þat mette with this holy heremyte was as it hadde ben a man þat hadde .ij. hornes trenchant on his forhede &amp; he hadde a body lyk a man vnto þe navele <MILESTONE N="21a" UNIT="folio"/> And benethe he hadde the body lych a goot &amp; the heremyte asked him what he was.  And the monstre answerde him &amp; seyde he was a dedly creature such as god hadde formed &amp; duelled in þo desertes in purchacynge his sustynance, &amp; besoughte the heremyte þat he wolde preye god for him the whiche þat cam from heuene for to sauen aƚƚ mankynde &amp; was born of a mayden &amp; suffred passioun &amp; deth as wee wel knowen, be whom wee lyuen &amp; ben.  And ȝit is the hede<PTR TARGET="P30.L17"/> with the .ij. hornes of þat monstre at Alisandre for a merueyle. In Egipt is the citee of Elyople þat is to seyne the cytee of the sonne. In þat cytee þere is a temple made round after the schap̄p̄ of the temple of Ierusalem.  The prestes of þat temple han all here wrytynges vnder the date of the foul þat is clept Fenix<PTR TARGET="P30.L23"/> &amp; þere is non but on in aƚƚ the world And he cometh to brenne himself vpon the awtere of þat temple at the ende of .v. hundred ȝeer for so longe he lyueth.  And at the .vc. ȝeres ende the prestes arrayen here awtere honestly and putten þere vpon spices &amp; sulphur vif &amp; oþer thinges þat wolen brennen lightly And þan the brid Fenix cometh &amp; brennetℏ himself to askes.  And the first day next after men fynden in the askes a worm And the seconde day next after men fynden a brid quyk &amp; parfyt And the thridde day next after he fleeth his wey And so þere is no mo briddes of þat <MILESTONE N="21b" UNIT="folio"/> kynde in aƚƚ the world but it allone &amp; treuly þat is a gret myracle of god.  And men may wel lykne þat bryd vnto god be cause þat þere nys no god but on And also þat oure lord aroos from deth to lyue the thridde day.  This bryd men seen often<PB REF="" N="1:31"/>
 tyme fleen in þo contrees And he is not mecheles more þan an Egle And he hath a crest of fedres vpon his hed more gret þan the poocok hath &amp; his nekke is ȝalow after colour of an Orieƚƚ þat is a ston wel schynynge.  And his bak is coloured blew as ynde And his wenges ben of purpre colour And the tayƚƚ is ȝelow &amp; red,<PTR TARGET="P31.L6"/> castynge his tayƚƚ aȝen in travers.  And he is a fuƚƚ fair brid to loken vpon aȝenst the sonne, for he schyneth full gloriously &amp; nobely. Also in Egipt ben gardynes þat han trees &amp; herbes þe whiche beren frutes .vij. tymes in the ȝeer And in þat lond men fynden manye fayre Emeraudes<PTR TARGET="P31.L11"/> &amp; ynowe And þerfore þei ben þere grettere cheep.  Also whan it reynetℏ ones in the somer in the lond of Egipt þanne is aƚƚ the contree fuƚƚ of grete myzs.<PTR TARGET="P31.L14"/>  Also at Cayre þat I spak of before sellen men comounly botℏe men &amp; wommen of other lawe as we don here bestes in the markat. And þere is a comoun hows in þat cytee þat is aƚƚ fuƚƚ of smale furneys &amp; thider bryngen wommen of the toun here eyren of hennes of gees &amp; of dokes for to ben put into þo forneyses And þei þat kepen þat hows coueren hem<PTR TARGET="P31.L20"/> with hete of hors dong Withouten henne goos or doke or ony oþer foul.  And at the ende <MILESTONE N="22a" UNIT="folio"/> of .iij. wokes or of a moneth þei comen aȝen &amp; taken here chikenes &amp; norisschen hem &amp; bryngen hem fortℏ so þat aƚƚ the contree is fuƚƚ of hem And so men don þere bothe winter &amp; somer. Also in þat contree &amp; in oþere also men fynden longe Apples to selle in hire cesoun &amp; men clepen hem Apples of Paradys &amp; þei ben rigℏt swete &amp; of gode sauour And þogh ȝee kutte hem in neuer so many gobettes or parties ouerthwart or endlonges eueremore ȝee schull fynden in the myddes the figure of the holy cros of oure lord Ihesu But þei wil roten within .viij. dayes And for þat cause men may not carye of þo apples to no fer contrees.  Of hem men fynden the mountance of an hundred in a bascat<PTR TARGET="P31.L34"/> to selle &amp; þei han grete leues of a fote &amp; an half of lengthe &amp; þei ben couenably large.  And men fynden þere also the appuƚƚ tree of Adam<PTR TARGET="P31.L37"/> þat han a byte at on<PB REF="" N="1:32"/>
 of the sydes And þere ben also Fige trees þat beren no leves but fyges vpon the smale braunches &amp; men clepen hem Figes of PHAROON.  Also besyde CAYRE withouten þat cytee is the feld where Bawme groweth<PTR TARGET="P32.L4"/> And it cometh out on smale trees þat ben non hyere þan to a mannes breek girdiƚƚ &amp; þei semen as wode þat is of the wylde vyne.  And in þat feld ben .vij. welles þat oure lord Ihesu crist made with on of his feet<PTR TARGET="P32.L8"/> whan he wente to pleyen with oþer children.  Þat feld is not so wel closed but þat men may entren at here owne list, But in þat cesoun þat the <MILESTONE N="22b" UNIT="folio"/> bawme is growynge men put þere to gode kepynge þat no man <DEL>entre</DEL><PTR TARGET="P32.L12"/> dar ben hardy to entre.  This bawme groweth in no place but only þere And þough þat men bryngen of þe plauntes for to planten in oþer contrees þei growen wel &amp; fayre but þei bryngen fortℏ no fructuous thing.  &amp; the leves of bawme ne faƚƚe nougℏt.<PTR TARGET="P32.L16"/>  And men kutten the braunches with a scharp flyntston or with a scharp bon whanne men wil go to kutte hem, For who so kutte hem with jren it wolde destroye his vertue &amp; his nature.  And the sarazines clepen the wode ENOCHBALSE, And the fruyt the whicℏe þat is as quybybes þei clepen ABEBISSAM And the lycour þat droppeth fro the braunches þei clepen Guybalse.<PTR TARGET="P32.L23"/> And men maken aƚƚ weys þat bawme to ben tyled of the cristen men or elles it wolde not fructyfye As the Sarazins seyn hemself for it hath ben oftentyme preued. Men seyn also þat the bawme groweth in ynde the more in þat desert where Alysaundre spak to the trees of the sonne &amp; of the mone But I haue not seen it<PTR TARGET="P32.L29"/> For I haue not ben so fer abouen vpward because þat þere ben to many perilouse passages.  And wyte ȝee wel þat a man ougℏte to take gode kepe for to bye<PTR TARGET="P32.L32"/> bawme but ȝif he cone knowe it right wel, for he may right lygℏtly ben disceyued.  For men sellen a gomme þat men clepen Turbentyne in stede of bawme And þei putten þereto a litiƚƚ bawme for to ȝeuen gode odour And summe putten<PB REF="" N="1:33"/>
 wax in oyle<PTR TARGET="P33.L1"/> of the <MILESTONE N="23a" UNIT="folio"/> wode of the fruyt of bawme &amp; seyn þat it is bawme And summe destyllen clowes of gylofre &amp; of spykenard of Spayne &amp; of oþere spices þat ben wel smellynge &amp; the lykour þat goth out þerof þei clepe it bawme And þus ben many grete lordes &amp; oþere disceyued And þei wenen þat þei han bawme &amp; þei haue non. For the Sarazines countrefeten it be sotyltee of craft for to disceyuen the cristene men as I haue seen fuƚƚ many a tyme.  And after hem the marchauntes &amp; the Apotecaries countrefeten it eftsones &amp; þanne it is lasse worth &amp; a gret del worse.  But ȝif it lyke ȝou I schaƚƚ schewe how ȝee schuƚƚ knowe &amp; preue to the ende þat ȝee schull not ben disceyued.  First ȝee schuƚƚ wel knowe þat the natureƚƚ bawme is full cleer &amp; of cytryne colour &amp; strongly smellynge.  And ȝif it be thikke or reed or blak it is Sophisticate þat is to seyne contrefeted &amp; made lyke it for disceyt.  And vnderstondeth þat ȝif ȝee wil putte a lityll bawme in the pawme of ȝoure hond aȝen the sonne, ȝif it be fyn &amp; gode ȝee ne schuƚƚ not suffre ȝoure hand aȝenst the hete of the sonne.  Also taketh a lytill bawme with the poynt of a knyf &amp; touche it to the fuyr &amp; ȝif it brenne it is a gode signe.  After take also a drope of bawme &amp; put it into a dissch or in a cuppe with mylk of a goot And ȝif it be natureƚƚ bawme anon it wole take &amp; beclippe the mylk.<PTR TARGET="P33.L24"/>  Or put a drope of bawme in clere water in a cuppe of syluer or in a clere bacyn &amp; stere it wel with the clere water And ȝif þat the <MILESTONE N="23b" UNIT="folio"/> bawme be fyn &amp; of his owne kynde the water schaƚƚ neuere trouble, And ȝif the bawme be sophisticat þat is to seyne countrefeted the water schall <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">become</CORR><SIC>becone</SIC></CHOICE> anon trouble. And also ȝif the bawme be fyn it schall falle to the botme of the vesseƚƚ as þough it were quyk syluer, For the fyn bawme is more heuy twyes þan is the bawme þat is sophisticat &amp; countrefeted. Now I haue spoken of bawme &amp; now also I schall speke of another thing þat is beȝonde Babyloyne aboue the Flode of Nile toward the<PB REF="" N="1:34"/>
 desert betwene Affrik &amp; Egypt þat is to seyne of the Gerneres of Joseph<PTR TARGET="P34.L2"/> þat he leet make for to kepe the greynes for the perile of the dere ȝeres.  And þei ben made of ston full wel made of Masounes craft Of the whiche .ij. ben merueylouse grete &amp; hye And the toþere ne ben not so grete.  And euery Gerner hath a ȝate for to entre withjnne A lytiƚƚ hygh from the erthe For the lond is wasted &amp; fallen sithe the Gerneres were made.  And withjnne þei ben all full of serpentes And abouen the Gerneres withouten ben many scriptures of dyuerse langages.  And summen seyn þat þei ben sepultures of grete lordes þat weren somtyme but þat is not trewe For all the comoun rymour &amp; speche is of all the peple <MILESTONE N="24a" UNIT="folio"/> þere bothe fer &amp; nere þat þei ben the Garneres of Joseph And so fynden þei in here scriptures &amp; in here cronycles.  On þat oþer partie, ȝif þei weren sepultures þei scholden not ben voyd withjnne Ne þei scholde haue no ȝates for to entre withjnne.  For ȝee may wel knowe þat tombes &amp; sepultures ne ben not made of such gretness ne of suche highness, Wherfore it is not to beleue þat þei ben tombes or sepultures. In Egypt also þere ben dyuerse langages &amp; dyuerse lettres &amp; of oþer manere condicioun þan þere ben in oþer partes As I schall deuyse ȝou suche as þei ben And the names how thei clepen hem, To such entent þat ȝee mowe knowe the difference of hem &amp; of othere.</P>
<P>[Another alphabet.]</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.8"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.8.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter VIII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">FROM ITALY TO ALEXANDRIA</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS"> <MILESTONE N="24b" UNIT="folio"/> OF THE YLE OF CECYLE; OF THE WEYE FRO BABYLOYNE TO THE MOWNT SYNAY; OF THE CHIRCHE OF SEYNTE KATERYNE, AND OF ALLE THE MERUAYLLES ÞERE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW wil I retourne aȝen or I procede ony ferthere for to declare ȝou the othere weyes þat drawen towardes Babiloyne where the Soudan himself duelleth þat is at<PB REF="" N="1:35"/>
 the entree of Egypt, for als moche as many folk gon þider first &amp; after þat to the mownt Synay &amp; after retournen to lerusalem, As I haue seyd ȝou here beforn. For þei fulfillen first the more longe pilgrymage &amp; after retournen aȝen be the nexte weyes because þat<PTR TARGET="P35.L5"/> the more ny weye is the more wortℏi &amp; þat is Ierusalem, For non other pilgrymage is not lyk in comparsoun to it.  But for to fuƚƚfille here pilgrymages more esily &amp; more sykerly men gon first the longer weye rathere þan the nerere weye.  But whoso wil go to Babyloyne be another weye more schort from þe contrees of the west þat I haue reherced before or from oþer contrees next fro hem, þan men gon by Fraunce be Burgoyne &amp; be Lombardye.  It nedeth not to telle ȝou the names of the cytees ne of the townes þat ben in þat weye For the weye is comoun &amp; it is knowen of many nacyouns.  And þere ben manye havenes <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">where</SUPPLIED> þat men taken the see.  Summe men taken the see at <MILESTONE N="25a" UNIT="folio"/> Gene, Somme at Venyse &amp; passen be the see Adryatyk þat is clept the Goulf of Venyse, þat departeth ytaylle &amp; Grece on þat syde.  And somme gon to Naples somme to Rome &amp; from Rome to Brandys &amp; þere þei taken the see &amp; in many othere places where pat hauenes ben.  And men gon be Tussye be Champayne be Calabre be Appuille &amp; be the hilles<PTR TARGET="P35.L24"/> of ytaylle be Chorisqe be Sardyne &amp; be Cycile þat is a gret Ile &amp; a gode.  In þat Ile of Cycile þer is a maner of a gardyn in the whiche ben many dyuerse frutes And the gardyn is alweys grene &amp; florisshing, aƚƚ the cesouns of the ȝeer als wel in winter as in somer.  Þat Ile holt in compas aboute .ccc &amp; l. frensche myles And betwene Cycile &amp; Itaylle þere is not but a lytiƚƚ arm of the see þat men clepen the Farde of Mescyne And Cycile is betwene the see Adryatyk &amp; the see of lombardye, And fro Cycile in to Calabre is but .viij. myles of lombardye.  And in Cycile þere is a manere of serpentes be the whiche men assayen &amp; preuen wheþer here children ben bastardes or none<PTR TARGET="P35.L36"/> or of lawefull mariage, For ȝif þei ben born in right<PB REF="" N="1:36"/>
 mariage the serpentes gon aboute hem &amp; don hem non harm And ȝif þei ben born in avowtrie the serpentes byten hem &amp; envenyme hem &amp; thus manye wedded men preuen ȝif the children ben here owne.  Also in þat Ile is the Mount Ethna þat men clepen Mount Gybeƚƚ <MILESTONE N="25b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; the wlcanes þat ben eueremore brennynge.  And þere ben .vij. places<PTR TARGET="P36.L7"/> þat brennen &amp; þat casten out dyuerse flawmes and dyuerse colour And be the chaungynge of þo flawmes men of þat contree knowen whanne it schaƚƚ be derthe or gode tyme or cold or hoot or moyst or drye or in aƚƚ othere manere how the tyme schall be gouerned.  And from Itaille vnto the wlcanes nys but .xxv. myle And men seyn þat the wlcanes ben weyes of helle.<PTR TARGET="P36.L13"/>  Also whoso goth be Pyse ȝif þat men list to go þat weye þere is an arm of the see where þat men gon to oþere hauenes in þo marches And þan men passen be the Ile of GREEF<PTR TARGET="P36.L16"/> þat is at GENE<PTR TARGET="P36.L17"/> And after arryueth men in GRECE at the hauene of the cytee of Myrok<PTR TARGET="P36.L18"/> or at the hauene of Valone or at the cytee of Duras, &amp; þere is a Duk at Duras,<PTR TARGET="P36.L19"/> or at oþere hauenes in þo marches &amp; so men gon to Costantynoble. And after gon men be watre to the Ile of Crete &amp; to the Ile of Rodes &amp; so to Cypre &amp; so to Venyse &amp; fro þens to Costantynoble, to holde the more right weye be see it is wel a .m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI> viij<HI REND="sup">c</HI> &amp; iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. score myle of lombardye. And after from Cipre men gon be see &amp; leven Ierusalem &amp; aƚƚ þat contre on the left hond vnto Egypt &amp; arryuen at the cytee of DAMYETE þat was wont to ben fuƚƚ strong &amp; it sytt at the entree of Egypt.  And fro Damyete gon men to the Cytee of Alizandre þat sytt also vpon the see. In þat cytee was seynte kateryne beheded And þere was seynt <MILESTONE N="26a" UNIT="folio"/> Mark the Euuangelist martyred &amp; buryed, But the Emperour Leoun<PTR TARGET="P36.L31"/> made his bones to ben brought to Venyse.  And ȝit þere is at Alizandre a faire chirche aƚƚ white withouten peynture and so ben all the othere chirches þat weren of the cristcne men aƚƚ white withjnne, For the Paynemes &amp; the Sarrazynes maden hem white for to fordon the ymages of seyntes þat weren<PB REF="" N="1:37"/>
 peynted on the walles.  Þat cytee of Alizandre is wel .xxxti. furlonges in lengthe but it is but .x. on largeness And it is a full noble cytee &amp; a fayr.  At þat cytee entreth the ryuere of Nyle in to the see as I to ȝou haue seyd before.  In þat ryuere men fynden many precyouse stones &amp; meche also of lignum aloes<PTR TARGET="P37.L6"/> And it is a manere of wode þat cometh out of paradys terrestre the whiche is good for manye dyuerse medicynes And it <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> right dereworth.  And from Alizandre men gon to Babyloyne where the Soudan dwelleth þat sytt also vpon the ryuere of Nyle, And this weye is most schort for to go streyght vnto Babiloyne.<PTR TARGET="P37.L12"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.9"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.8.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter IX</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">FROM CAIRO TO SINAI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE WEYE THAT GOTH FROM BABILOYNE, VNTO THE MOWNT SYNAY, &amp; OF THE MERUEYLES ÞERE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW schall I seye ȝou also the weye þat goth fro Babiloyne to the Mount of Synay where seynte kateryne lyth.  He moste passe be the desertes of Arabye Be the whiche desertes Moyses ladde the peple of Israel And þanne passe men be the welle þat Moyses made with his hond<PTR TARGET="P37.L17"/> in þo desertes whan the peple grucched for þei fownden no <MILESTONE N="26b" UNIT="folio"/> thing to drynke.  And þan passe men be the welle of Marach<PTR TARGET="P37.L20"/> of the whiche the water was first bytter But the children of Israel putten þerejnne a tree &amp; anon the water was swete &amp; gode for to drynke.  And þanne gon men be desert vnto the vale of Elyn<PTR TARGET="P37.L23"/> In the whiche vale ben .xij. welles And þere ben .lxxij. trees of palme þat beren the dates The whiche Moyses fond with the children of Israel, And fro þat valeye is but a gode iourneye to the Mount of Synay. And whoso wil go be another weye fro Babiloyne þan me goth be the Rede see þat is an arm of the see OCCEAN.  And þere passed Moyses with the children of Israel ouerthwart the see all drye, Whan Pharao the kyng of Egypt chaced<PB REF="" N="1:38"/>
 hem, And þat see is wel a .vj. myle of largeness in lengtℏe.<PTR TARGET="P38.L1"/> And in þat see was Pharao drowned &amp; all his hoost þat he ladde.  Þat see is not more reed þan another see but in
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">some</CORR><SIC>same</SIC></CHOICE> place þereof is the graueƚƚ reed And þerfore men clepen it the rede see.  Þat see renneth to the endes of Arabye &amp; of Palestyne, þat see lasteth more þan .iiij. iourneyes And þan gon men be desert vnto the vale of Elyn And fro þens to the mount of Synay.  And ȝee may wel vndirstonde þat be this desert no man may go on horsbak<PTR TARGET="P38.L9"/> because þat þere nys nouþer mete for hors ne water to drynke And for þat cause men passen þat desert with Cameƚƚ, For the Camaylle fynt allwey mete on trees &amp; on busshes þat he fedeth him with And he may wel faste fro drynk. ij. <MILESTONE N="27a" UNIT="folio"/> dayes or .iij. And þat may non hors don.  And wyte well þat from Babyloyne to the Mount Synay is well a .xij. gode iourneyes And sum men maken hem more And sum men hasten hem &amp; peynen hem &amp; þerefore þei maken hem lesse, And all weys fynden men latymeres to go with hem in the contrees &amp; ferthere beȝonde into tyme þat men conne the langage.<PTR TARGET="P38.L20"/>  And it behoueth men to bere vitaiƚƚ with hem þat schall duren hem in þo desertes &amp; oþer necessaries for to lyue by. And the Mount of Synay is clept the desert of Syne þat is for to seyne the bussch brennynge Because þat Moyses sawgh oure lord god many tymes in forme of fuyr brennynge vpon þat hiƚƚ And also in a busscℏ brennynge &amp; spak to him And þat was at the foot of the hill.  There is an Abbeye of Monkes wel bylded &amp; wel closed with ȝates of Iren for drede of the wylde bestes.  And the monkes ben Arrabyenes or men of Grece &amp; þere <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> a gret couent And all þei ben as heremytes &amp; þei drinken no wyn but ȝif it be on principaƚƚ festes And þei ben fuƚƚ deuoute men &amp; lyuen porely &amp; sympely with joutes &amp; with dates And þei don gret abstynence &amp; penaunce.  Þere is the chirche of seynte kateryne in the whiche ben manye lampes brennynge For þei han of oyle of Olyue ynow<PB REF="" N="1:39"/>
 bothe for to brenne in here lampes &amp; to ete also And þat plentee haue þei be the myracle of god For the ravenes &amp; the crowes &amp; the chougℏes &amp; oþer foules <MILESTONE N="27b" UNIT="folio"/> of the contree assemblen hem þere euery ȝeer ones &amp; fleen þider as in pilgrymage And euerych of hem bryngeth a braunche of the Bayes or of Olyue<PTR TARGET="P39.L6"/> in here bekes in stede of offryng &amp; leuen hem þere, of the whiche the monkes maken gret plentee of oyle &amp; this is a gret meruaylle.  And sith þat foules þat han no kyndely wytt ne resoun gon thider to seche þat gloriouse virgyne wel more oughten men þan to seche hire &amp; to worschipen hire.  Also behynde the awtier of þat chirche is the place where Moyses saugh oure lord god in a brennynge bussch And whanne the monkes entren in to þat place þei don of bothe hosen &amp; schoon or botes alweys, Be cause þat oure lord seyde to Moyses: do of thin hosen &amp; thi schon for the place þat þou stondest on is lond holy &amp; blessed.  And the monkes clepen þat place DOZOLEEL þat is to seyne the schadew of god.  And besyde the high awtier .iij. degrees of heigℏte is the fertre of Alabastre where the bones of seynt Kateryne lyȝn And the prelate of the monkes scheweth the relykes to the pilgrymes And with an Instrument of sylner<PTR TARGET="P39.L22"/> he froteth the bones &amp; þanne þer goth out a lytyƚƚ oyle as þough it were a maner swetynge þat is nouther lych to oyle ne to bawme but it is full swete of smell.<PTR TARGET="P39.L25"/>  And of þat þei ȝeuen a lytill to the pilgrymes, for þere goth out but lityll quantitee of þat likour.  And after þat þei schewen the heed <MILESTONE N="28a" UNIT="folio"/> of seynte kateryne &amp; the cloth þat sche was wrapped jnne þat is ȝit all blody, And in þat same cloth so ywrapped the aungeles beren hire body to the mount Synay &amp; þere þei buryed hire with it. And þanne þei schewen the bussch<PTR TARGET="P39.L31"/> þat brenned &amp; wasted nought in the whiche oure lord spak to Moyses &amp; oþere relikes ynowe.  Also whan the prelate of the abbeye is ded I haue vndirstonden be informacioun þat his lampe quencheth And whan þei chesen anoþer prelate ȝif he be a gode man &amp; worthi to be prelate his lampe schal lighte<PTR TARGET="P39.L37"/> with the grace of god withouten<PB REF="" N="1:40"/>
 touchinge of ony man.  For euerych of hem hath a lampe be himself And be here lampes þei knowen wel whan ony of hem schall dye.<PTR TARGET="P40.L3"/>  For whan ony schall dye the lyght begynneth to chaunge &amp; to wexe dym And ȝif he be chosen to ben prelate &amp; is not worthi his lampe quencheth anon.  And other men han told me þat he þat syngeth the masse for the prelate þat is ded he schall fynde vpon the awtier the name<PTR TARGET="P40.L8"/> written of him þat schall ben prelate chosen.  And so vpon a day I asked of the monkes bothe on &amp; oþer how this befell, But þei wolde not teƚƚ me no thing Into the tyme þat I seyde þat þei scholde not hyde the grace þat god did hem but þat þei scholde publissche it to make the peple to haue the more deuocioun And þat þei diden synne to hide goddes myracle as me semed, For the myracles þat god hath don and ȝit <MILESTONE N="28b" UNIT="folio"/> doth euery day ben the wytnesse of his myght &amp; of his merueylles as dauid seyth in the psaultere: MIRABILIA TESTIMONIA TUA DOMINE,<PTR TARGET="P40.L17"/> þat is to seyne:  Lord thi merueyles ben þi wytness.  And þanne þei tolde me bothe on and oþer how it befell full many a tyme, But more I myghte not haue of hem.  In þat abbeye ne entreth not no flye ne todes<PTR TARGET="P40.L22"/> ne ewtes ne such foul venymouse bestes ne lyzs ne flees be þe myracle of god &amp; of oure lady.  For þere were wont to ben many sucℏe manere of filthes þat the monkes weren in wiƚƚ to leve the place &amp; the abbeye And weren gon fro thens vpon the mountayne abouen for to eschewe þat place.  And oure lady cam to hem &amp; bad hem turnen aȝen And from þens forewardes neuere entred such filthe in þat place amonges hem Ne neuere schall entre here after.  Also before the ȝate<PTR TARGET="P40.L30"/> is the welle where Moyses smot the ston of the whiche the water cam out plentevously. Fro þat abbeye men gon vp the mountayne of Moyses be many degrees &amp; þere men fynden first a chirche of oure lady where þat sche mette the monkes whan þei fledden awey for the vermyn aboueseyd.  And more high vpon þat mountayne is the Chapell of helye the prophete And þat place þei<PB REF="" N="1:41"/>
 clepen Oreb, whereof holy writt speketh: ET AMBULAUIT IN FORTITUDINE CIBI ILLIUS VSQUE AD MONTEM DEI OREB, þat is to <MILESTONE N="29a" UNIT="folio"/> seyne: And he wente in strengthe of þat mete vnto the hill of god Oreb.  And þere nygh is the vyne þat seynt Ioℏn the Euuangelist planted þat men clepen Reisins of Staphis.<PTR TARGET="P41.L6"/>  And a lytill abouen is the Chapell of Moyses &amp; the roche where Moyses fleygh to for drede whan he saugh oure lord face to face, And in þat roche is printed the forme of his body For he smot so strongly &amp; so harde him self in þat roche þat all his body was doluen withjnne þorgh the myracle of god.  And þere besyde is the place where oure lord toke to Moyses the .x. commandementes of the lawe.  And þere is the caue vnder the roche where Moyses duelte whan he fasted .xl. dayes &amp; .xl. nyghtes But he dyede in the lond of promissioun, But noman knoweth where he was buryed.<PTR TARGET="P41.L16"/>  And from þat mountayne men passen a gret valeye for to gon to anoþer mountayn̄ where seynt Kateryne was buryed of the Aungeles of oure lord.  And in þat valeye is a chirche of .xl. martyres &amp; þere singen the monkes of the abbeyes often tyme And þat valeye is right cold.  And after men gon vp the mountayne of seynt Kateryne þat is more high þan the mount of Moyses And þere where seynt Kateryne was buryed is nouther chirche ne chapell ne other duellynge place, But þere is an heep of stones aboute the place where the body of hire was put of the Angeles.  <MILESTONE N="29b" UNIT="folio"/> Þere was wont to ben a chapell but it was casten down̛ &amp; ȝit lyggen the stones þere And all be it þat the Collect of seynte kateryne<PTR TARGET="P41.L29"/> seye þat it is the place where oure lord betaughte the .x. commandementes to Moyses &amp; þere where the blessed virgyne seynte kateryne was buryed, þat is to vnderstonde in .o. contree or in .o. place berynge .o. name, For bothe þat on &amp; þat oþer is clept the mount of Synay, But þere is a gret weye from þat on to þat oþer &amp; a gret deep valeye betwene hem.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.10"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.9.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:42"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter X</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE DESERT AND BETHLEHEM</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE DESERT BETWENE THE CHIRCHE OF SEYNTE KATERYNE &amp; IERUSALEM; OF THE DRIE TRE, &amp; HOW ROSES CAM FIRST IN ÞE WORLD.</HEAD>
<P>NOW after þat men han visited þo holy places þanne wil þei turnen toward Ierusalem And þan wil þei take leue of the monkes &amp; recommenden hem to here preyeres, And þanne þei ȝeuen the pilgrimes of here vitaylle for to passe with the desertes toward Surrye.  And þo desertes duren wel a .xiij. iourneyes.  In þat desert duellen manye of Arrabyenes þat men clepen Bedoynes<PTR TARGET="P42.L7"/> &amp; Ascopardes.  And þei ben folk full of aƚƚ euyƚƚ condiciouns And þei haue none houses but tentes þat þei maken of skynnes of bestes as of Camaylles &amp; of oþer bestes þat þei eten And þere benethe þei couchen hem &amp; dwellen in place where þei may fynden water As on the Rede see or elleswhere, For in þat desert is full gret defaute of water <MILESTONE N="30a" UNIT="folio"/> And often tyme it falleth þat where men fynden water at o tyme in a place it fayleth anoþer tyme And for that skyll þei make none habitaciouns þere.  Theise folk þat I speke of þei tylen not the lond ne þei laboure nought for þei eten no bred<PTR TARGET="P42.L18"/> but ȝif it be ony þat dwellen nygh a gode toun þat gon thider &amp; eten bred somtyme And þei rosten here flesch &amp; here fissch vpon the hote stones<PTR TARGET="P42.L21"/> aȝenst the sonne.  And þei ben stronge men &amp; wel fyghtynge And þere is so meche multytude of þat folk þat þei ben with outen nombre And þei ne recchen of no thing ne don not but chacen after bestes to eten hem And þei recchen no þing of here lif And þerfore þei dowten not the Soudan ne non oþer prince, But þei dar wel werre with hem ȝif þei don ony thing þat is greuance to hem.  And þei han often tyme werre with the Soudan &amp; namely þat tyme þat I was with him.  And þei beren but o scheld &amp; o spere with outen oþer armes And þei wrappen here hedes &amp; here<PB REF="" N="1:43"/>
 necke with a gret quantytee of white lynnen cloth And þei ben right felonouse &amp; foule &amp; of cursed kynde. And whan men passen this desert in comynge toward Ierusalem þei comen to Bersabee þat was wont to ben a full fair town &amp; a delytable of cristene men And ȝit þere ben summe of here chirches.  In þat toun dwelled Abraham the Patriark a longe tyme.  Þat toun of Bersabee founded Bersabee the wif<PTR TARGET="P43.L8"/> of sire vrye the knyght on the whiche kyng Dauid <MILESTONE N="30b" UNIT="folio"/> gatt Salomon the wyse þat was kyng after Dauid vpon the .xij. kynredes of Ierusalem And regned .xl. ȝeer.  And fro þens gon men to the cytee of Ebron þat is the montance of .ij. gode myle And it was clept somtyme the vale of Mambree And sumtyme it was clept the vale of teres because þat Adam wepte þere an .c. ȝeer<PTR TARGET="P43.L14"/> for the deth of Abell his sone þat Caym slowgh.  Ebron was wont to ben the princypall cytee of the Philistyenes And þere duelleden somtyme the Geauntz And þat cytee was also Sacerdotall<PTR TARGET="P43.L18"/> þat is <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">to</SUPPLIED> seyne seyntuarie of the tribe of Iuda.  And it was so fre þat men resceyued þere aƚƚ manere of fugityfes of oþer places for here euyl dedes. In Ebron Iosue Caleph &amp; here companye comen first to aspyen how þei mygℏte wynnen the lond of beheste.  In Ebron regned first kyng Dauid<PTR TARGET="P43.L23"/> .vij. ȝeer &amp; an half And in Ierusalem he regnede .xxxiij. ȝeer &amp; an half.  And in Ebron ben aƚƚ the sepultures of the Patriarkes Adam Abraham ysaac &amp; of Iacob &amp; of here wyfes Eue Sarre &amp; Rebekke &amp; of Lya<PTR TARGET="P43.L27"/> the whiche sepultures the Sarazines kepen full curyously &amp; han the place in gret reuerence for the holy fadres the Patriarkes þat lyȝn þere And þei suffre no cristene man<PTR TARGET="P43.L30"/> entre in to that place but ȝif it be of specyaƚƚ grace of the Soudan, For þei holden cristene men &amp; Iewes as dogges And þei seyn þat þei scholde not entre into so holy place.  And men clepen <MILESTONE N="31a" UNIT="folio"/> þat place where þei lyȝn double spelunke or double cave or double dych for als meche as þat on lyeth aboue þat other And the Sarazines clepen þat place in here langage KARICARBA<PTR TARGET="P43.L36"/><PB REF="" N="1:44"/>
 þat is to seyne the place of Patriarkes And the <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">Iewes</CORR><SIC>Iew/wes</SIC></CHOICE> clepen þat place ARBOTH.  And in þat same place was Abrahames hous And þere he satt &amp; saugh .iij. persones &amp; worschipte but on as holy writt seyth:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">TRES VIDIT &amp; VNUM ADORAUIT</Q>, þat is to seyne: he saugh .iij. &amp; worschiped on.  And of þo same<PTR TARGET="P44.L6"/> resceyued Abraham the Aungeles in to his hous.  And right faste by þat place is a cave in the roche where Adam &amp; Eue duelleden whan þei weren putt out of paradyse &amp; þere goten þei here children.  And in þat same place was Adam formed<PTR TARGET="P44.L10"/> &amp; made, after þat summen seyn.  For men weren wont for to clepe þat place the feld of Damasce, be cause þat it was in the lordschipe of Damask.  And fro þens was he translated into paradys of delytes, as þei seyn.  And after þat he was dryuen out of paradys he was þere left.  And the same day þat he was putt in paradys, the same day he was putt out, For anon he synned.  þere begynneth the vale of Ebron þat dureth nygh to Ierusalem.  There the Aungell commaunded Adam þat he scholde duelle with his wyf Eue, Of the whiche he gatt Seth, of whiche tribe þat is to seye kynrede Ihesu crist was born.  In þat valeye is a feld where men drawen out of the erthe a thing þat men clepen Cambyll<PTR TARGET="P44.L23"/> &amp; þei ete it in stede of spice <MILESTONE N="31b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; þei bere it to selle.  And men may not make the hole ne the cave where it is taken out of the erthe so depe ne so wyde, but þat it is at the ȝeres ende full aȝen vp to the sydes, þorgh the grace of god. And .ij. myle from Ebron is the graue of loth þat was Abrahames broþer <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">sone</SUPPLIED>.<PTR TARGET="P44.L29"/> And a lytill fro Ebron is the mount of Mambre,<PTR TARGET="P44.L30"/> of the which the valeye taketh his name, And þere is a tree of Oke þat the Sarazines clepen DIRPE þat is of Abrahames tyme, the whicℏe men clepen the drye tree.<PTR TARGET="P44.L33"/>  And þei seye þat it hath ben þere sitℏe the begynnynge of the world &amp; was sumtyme grene &amp; bare leues vnto the tyme þat oure lord dyede on the cros And þanne it dryede &amp; so diden aƚƚ the trees þat weren<PB REF="" N="1:45"/>
 þanne in the world<PTR TARGET="P45.L1"/> <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">or elles þai failed in þaire hertes and become holle within, of whilk þer er many ȝit standand in diuerse placez of the world</SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P45.L3"/> And summe seyn be here prophecyes<PTR TARGET="P45.L4"/> þat a lord, a Prince of the west syde of the world schall wynnen the lond of promyssioun þat is the holy lond with helpe of cristene men &amp; he schall do synge a masse vndir þat drye tree &amp; þan the tree schall wexen grene<PTR TARGET="P45.L7"/> &amp; bere bothe fruyt &amp; leves And þorgh þat myracle manye Saraȝines &amp; Iewes schuƚƚ ben turned to cristene feyth. And þerfore þei don gret worschipe þereto &amp; kepen it fuƚƚ besyly.  And all be it so þat it be drye natheles ȝit he bereth gret vertue for certeynly he þat hath a litill þere of vpon him it heleth him of the fallynge euyƚƚ,<PTR TARGET="P45.L13"/> And his hors schaƚƚ not ben afoundred<PTR TARGET="P45.L14"/> &amp; manye oþer vertues it hath, Wherefore men <MILESTONE N="32a" UNIT="folio"/> holden it full precyous. From Ebron men gon to Bethlem in half a day, for it is but .v. myle &amp; it is full fayre weye be pleynes &amp; wodes full delectable.  Bethleem is a lityll cytee<PTR TARGET="P45.L18"/> long &amp; narwe &amp; wel walled &amp; in eche syde enclosed with gode dyches And it was wont to ben cleped Effrata, as holy wrytt seyth:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ECCE AUDIUIMUS EUM IN EFFRATA</Q>,<PTR TARGET="P45.L21"/> þat is to seye: lo wee herde him in effrata.  And toward the est ende of the cytee is a full fair chirche and a graciouse &amp; it hath many toures, pynacles &amp; corneres<PTR TARGET="P45.L24"/> fuƚƚ stronge &amp; curiously made And within þat chirche ben .xliiij. pyleres of marble grete &amp; faire.  And betwene the cytee &amp; the chirche is the feld Floridous, þat is to seyne, the feld florissched.<PTR TARGET="P45.L28"/>  For als moche as a faire mayden was blamed with wrong<PTR TARGET="P45.L29"/> &amp; sclaundred þat sche hadde don fornycacioun, For whiche cause sche was demed to the deth &amp; to be brent in þat place, to the whiche sche was ladd.  And as the fyre began to brenne aboute hire sche made hire preyeres to oure lord þat as wissely as sche was not gylty of þat synne þat he wolde helpe hire &amp; make it to be knowen to aƚƚ men of his mercyfull grace. And whan sche hadde þus seyd sche entred in to the<PB REF="" N="1:46"/>
 fuyr And anon was the fuyre quenched &amp; oute.  And the brondes þat weren brennynge becomen red roseres And the brondes þat weren not kyndled nor tend becomen white roseres full of roses.  And þeise <MILESTONE N="32b" UNIT="folio"/> weren the first Roseres<PTR TARGET="P46.L4"/> &amp; Roses bothe white &amp; rede, þat euere ony man saugh.  And þus was þis mayden saued be the grace of god And þerfore is þat feld clept the feld of god florysscht, for it was full of roses.  Also besyde the queer of the chirche at the right syde as men comen dounward .xvj. greces is the place where oure lord was born, þat is full wel dyght of marble &amp; full richely peynted with gold syluer azure &amp; oþer coloures.  And .iij. paas besyde is the crybbe of the ox &amp; the asse.  And besyde þat is the place where the sterre fell<PTR TARGET="P46.L14"/> þat ladde the .iij. kynges<PTR TARGET="P46.L14b"/> Iaspar Melchior &amp; Balthazar, But men of Grece clepen hem þus: Galgalath Malgalath &amp; Saraphie, And the Iewes clepen <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">hem</SUPPLIED> in this manere in Ebrew: APPELIUS AMERRIUS &amp; DAMASUS.  Theise .iij. kynges offreden to oure lord gold ensence &amp; myrre And þei metten to gedre þorgh myracle of god, For þei metten to gedre in a cytee in ynde þat men clepen Cassak<PTR TARGET="P46.L21"/> þat is .liij. iourneyes fro Betℏƚeem.  And þei weren at Bethleem the .xiij. day And þat was the .iiij. day after þat þei hadden seyn the sterre whan þei metten in þat cytee, And þus þei weren in .ix. dayes fro þat cytee at Bethleem &amp; þat was gret myracle.  Also vnder the cloystre of the chirche be .xviij. degrees at the right syde is the charneƚƚ of the Innocentes where here bones lyȝn And before the place where oure lord was born is the tombe of seynt <MILESTONE N="33a" UNIT="folio"/> Ierome<PTR TARGET="P46.L29"/> þat was a preest &amp; a Cardynaƚƚ þat translatede the bible &amp; the psaultere from Ebrew in to latyn And withoute the mynstre is the chayere þat he satt in whan he translated it.  And faste besyde þat chirche a .lx. fedme is a chirche of seynt Nicholas where oure lady rested hire after sche was lyghted of oure lord And for as meche as sche had to meche mylk in hire pappes þat greued hire, sche mylked hem on the rede stones of marble so þat the traces may<PB REF="" N="1:47"/>
 ȝit ben sene<PTR TARGET="P46.L37"/> in the stones aƚƚ <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">whyte</CORR><SIC>wlyte</SIC></CHOICE>.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat aƚƚ þat dwellen in Bethleem ben cristene men And þere ben faire vynes aboute the cytee &amp; gret plentee of wyn þat the cristene men han don let make<PTR TARGET="P47.L4"/> But the Sarazines ne tylen not no vynes ne þei drynken no wyn.  For here bokes of here lawe þat Makomete betoke hem, whiche þei clepen here ALKARON<PTR TARGET="P47.L7"/> &amp; summe clepen it MESAPH &amp; in anoþer langage it is cleped HARME And the same boke forbedeth hem to drinke wyn, For in þat boke Machomete cursed aƚƚ þo þat drynken wyn &amp; alle hem þat sellen it.  For summen seye þat he slough ones an heremyte in his dronkeness þat he loued ful wel And þerfore he cursed wyn &amp; hem þat drynken it.  But his curs be turned in to his owne hed as holy writt seith:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ET IN VERTICEM IPSIUS INIQUITAS EIUS DESCENDET</Q>, þat is for to seye: his wykkedness schall turne &amp; falle in his owne heed.  <MILESTONE N="33b" UNIT="folio"/> And also the Sarazines bryngen forth no pigges nor þei eten no swynes flessch, for þei seye it is brother to man &amp; it was forboden be the olde lawe &amp; þei <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">holden</CORR><SIC>holdem</SIC></CHOICE> hem alle acursed<PTR TARGET="P47.L20"/> þat eten þereof.  Also in the lond of Palestyne &amp; in the lond of Egypt þei eten but lytill or non of flessch of veel or of boef but he be so old þat he may nomore trauayle for elde, for it is forbode<PTR TARGET="P47.L24"/> And for because þei hauen but fewe of hem, þerfore þei norisscℏe hem for to ere here londes.  In this cytee of Bethleem was Dauid the kyng born And he hadde .lx. wyfes &amp; the firste wyf highte Michol And also he hadde .ccc. lemmannes. And fro Bethleem vnto Ierusalem nys but .ij. myle And in the weye to Ierusalem half a myle fro Bethleem is a chirche where the aungel seyde to the schepperdes of the birthe of crist.  And in þat weye is the tombe of Racheƚƚ þat was Iosephes moder the patriarke.  And sche dyede anon after þat sche was delyuered of hire sone Beniamyn &amp; þere sche was buryed of Iacob hire husbonde, And he<PB REF="" N="1:48"/>
 leet setten .xij. grete stones on hire in tokene þat sche had born .xij. children.  In þat same weye half myle fro Ierusalem appered the sterre to the .iij. kynges, In þat weye also ben manye chirches of cristene men be the whiche <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">men</CORR><SIC>men/men</SIC></CHOICE> gon towardes the cytee of Ierusalem.<PTR TARGET="P48.L5"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.11"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.10.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">JERUSALEM AND THE SEPULCHRE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE PILGRIMAGES IN IERUSALEM &amp; OF THE HOLY PLACES ÞERABOWTE.</HEAD>
<P>AFTER for to speke of Ierusalem the holy cytee ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat it stont full faire betwene hilles &amp; <MILESTONE N="34a" UNIT="folio"/> þere ben no ryueres ne welles but water cometh be condyte from Ebron.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat Ierusalem of olde tyme vnto the tyme of Melchisedecℏ was cleped Iebus,<PTR TARGET="P48.L11"/> And after it was clept Salem vnto the tyme of kyng Dauid þat putte theise .ij. names togidere &amp; cleped it Iebusalem And after þat kyng Salomon cleped it Ierosolomye And after þat men cleped it Ierusalem &amp; so it is cleped ȝit.  And aboute Ierusalem is the kyngdom of Surrye And þere besyde is the lond of Palestyne And besyde it is Ascolone And besyde þat is the lond of Maritame.  But Ierusalem is in the lond of Iudee, And it is clept Iude for þat Iudas Machabeus was kyng of þat contree And it marcheth Estward to the kyngdom of Arabye, on the south syde to the lond of Egipt &amp; on the west syde <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">to</CORR><SIC>to/to</SIC></CHOICE> the grete see, On the north syde toward the kyngdom of Surrye &amp; to the see of Cypre.  In Ierusalem was wont to be a Patriark &amp; Erchebysschoppes &amp; Bisschoppes abouten in the contree.  Abowten Ierusalem<PTR TARGET="P48.L25"/> ben þeise cytees: Ebron at .vij. myle, Ierico at .vj. myle, Bersabee at .viij myle, Ascalon at .xvij. myle, Iaff at .xvj. myle, Ramatha at .iij. myle And Betℏƚeem at .ij. myle.  And a .ij. myle from Betℏƚeem toward the south is the chirche of seynt karitot<PTR TARGET="P48.L30"/> þat was Abbot þere For<PB REF="" N="1:49"/>
 whom þei maden meche doel amonges the monkes whan he scholde dye &amp; ȝit þei ben in moornynge<PTR TARGET="P49.L2"/> <MILESTONE N="34b" UNIT="folio"/> in the wise þat þei maden here lamentacioun for him the firste tyme &amp; it is fuƚƚ gret pytee to beholde. This contree &amp; lond of Ierusalem hath ben in many dyuerse naciounes hondes And often þerfore hath the contree suffred meche tribulacioun for the synne of the poeple þat duellen þere.  For þat contree hath ben in the hondes of aƚƚ nacyouns þat is to seyne of Iewes, of Chananees, Assiryenes, Perses, Medoynes, Macedoynes, of Grekes, Romaynes, of Cristenemen, of Sarrazines, Barbaryenes, Turkes, Tartaryenes &amp; of manye otℏere dyuerse nacyouns.  For god wole not þat it be longe in the hondes of traytoures ne of synneres be þei cristene or othere And now haue the hetℏene men holden þat lond in here hondes .xl. ȝere<PTR TARGET="P49.L15"/> &amp; more, But þei schuƚƚ not holde it longe ȝif god wole. And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat whan men comen to Ierusalem here first pilgrymage is to the chirche of the holy Sepulcre<PTR TARGET="P49.L18"/> where oure lord was buryed þat is withoute the cytee on the north syde But it is now enclosed in with the toun waƚƚ.  And þere is a fuƚƚ fair chirche aƚƚ Rownd &amp; open aboue &amp; couered with leed And on the west syde is a fair tour &amp; an high for belles strongly made And in the myddes of the chirche is a tabernacle as it were a lytyƚƚ hows made with a low lityƚƚ dore And þat tabernacle is made in manere of half a compas rigℏt curiousely &amp; richely made of gold &amp; azure &amp; oþere riche coloures fuƚƚ nobelyche made And <MILESTONE N="35a" UNIT="folio"/> in the rigℏt syde of þat tabernacle is the sepulcre of oure lord And the tabernacle is .viij. fote long &amp; .v. fote wyde &amp; .xj. fote in hegℏte.  And it is not longe sitℏe the sepulcre was aƚƚ open þat men myghten kisse it &amp; touche it.  But for pilgrymes þat comen thider peyned hem to breke the ston<PTR TARGET="P49.L32"/> in peces or in poudre þerfore the Soudan hatℏ do make a waƚƚ aboute the sepulcre þat noman may towche it.  But in the left syde of the waƚƚ of the tabernacƚe is wel the heigℏte of a man is a gret ston to the quantytee of a mannes hed þat was of the holy sepulcre &amp; þat ston<PB REF="" N="1:50"/>
 kissen the pilgrymes þat comen þider.  In þat tabernacle ben no wyndowes but it is aƚƚ made ligℏt with lampes þat hangen before the sepulcre And þere is a lampe þat hongeth before the Sepulcre þat brenneth ligℏt &amp; on the gode Fryday it goth out be himself <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH" SOURCE="Eg">and on þe Pasch day it lightez agayne by it self</SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P50.L6a"/><PTR TARGET="P50.L6"/> at þat hour þat oure lord roos fro detℏ to lyue.  Also with in the chirche at the rigℏt syde besyde the queer of the chirche is the mount of Caluarye where oure lord was don on the cros And it is a roche of white colour and a lytiƚƚ medled with red And the cros was set in a morteys<PTR TARGET="P50.L11"/> in the same roche &amp; on þat roche dropped the woundes<PTR TARGET="P50.L12"/> of oure lord whan he was pyned on the cross &amp; þat is cleped Galgatℏa, And men gon vp to þat Golgatℏa be degrees.  And in the place of þat morteys was Adames hed founden after Noes flode in tokene þat the synnes of Adam scholde ben <MILESTONE N="35b" UNIT="folio"/> bought in þat same place And vpon þat roche made Abraham sacrifise to oure lord.  And þere is an awtere And before þat awtier lyȝn Godefray de Boleyne &amp; Bawdewyn̛ &amp; oþere cristene kynges of Ierusalem.  And þere nygℏ where oure lord was crucyfied is this writen in Greew:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="greek">OTHEOS BASILION YSMON PROSIONAS ERGASA SOTHIAS EMESOTIS GYS</Q>.<PTR TARGET="P50.L21"/> Þat is to seyne in latyn:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">HIC DEUS NOSTER REX ANTE SECULA OPERATUS EST SALUTEM IN MEDIO TERRE</Q>. Þat is to seye: this god oure kyng before the worldes hatℏ wrought hele in myddes of the ertℏe.  And also on þat roche where the cros was sett is writen within the roche þeise wordes:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="greek">CYOS MYST YS BASIS TOUPISTEOS THEY THESMOFY</Q>,<PTR TARGET="P50.L28"/> þat is to seyne in latyn:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUOD VIDES EST FUNDAMENTUM TOCIUS FIDEI MUNDI HUIUS</Q>, þat is to seye: þat þou seest is ground of aƚƚ the world<PTR TARGET="P50.L31"/> &amp; of this feytℏ. And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat whan oure lord was don vpon the cros he was .xxxiij. ȝer &amp; .iij. monethes of elde And the prophecye of Dauid seyth þus:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUADRAGINTA ANNIS PROXIMUS FUI GENERACIONI HUIC</Q>, þat is to seye: Fourty ȝeer was I neigℏbore to this kynrede,<PB REF="" N="1:51"/>
 And þus scholde it seme þat the prophecyes ne were not trewe, But þei ben bothe trewe,<PTR TARGET="P51.L2"/> For in old tyme men maden o ȝeer of .x. monethes, of the whicℏe Marcℏ was the firste &amp; Decembre was the laste, But Gayus<PTR TARGET="P51.L4"/> þat was Emperour of Rome putte þeise .ij. monethes þere to: Janyuer &amp; Feuerer &amp; ordeyned the ȝeer of .xij. monethes,<MILESTONE N="36a" UNIT="folio"/>
 þat is to seye .ccclxv. dayes withoute lepe ȝeer after the propre cours of the sonne.  And þerfore after cowntynge of .x. monetℏes of the ȝeer he dyede in the .xl. ȝeer, as the prophete seyde &amp; after the ȝeer of .xij. monetℏes he was of age .xxxiij. ȝeer &amp; .iij. monethes.  Also within the mount of Caluarie on the right side is an awtere where the piler lyȝth þat oure lord Ihesu was bounden to whan he was scourged And þere besyde .iiij. fote ben .iiij. pileres of ston þat aƚƚweys droppen water<PTR TARGET="P51.L15"/> &amp; summen seyn þat þei wepen for oure lordes deth.  And nygℏ þat awtier is a place vnder ertℏe .xlij. degrees of depnesse where the holy croys was founden<PTR TARGET="P51.L18"/> be the wytt of seynte Elyne vnder a roche where the Iewes had hidde it And þat was the verray croys assayed For þei founden .iij. crosses, on of oure lord &amp; .ij. of the .ij. thefes And seynte Elyne preued hem on a ded body þat aros from deth to lyue whan þat it was leyd on it þat oure lord dyed on.  And þereby in the waƚƚ is the place where the .iiij. nayles of oure lord weren hidd, For he had .ij. in his hondes &amp; .ij. in his feet And of on of þeise the Emperour of Costantynople made a brydiƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P51.L27"/> to his hors to bere him in bataylle &amp; þorgh vertue þereof he ouercam his enemyes And wan aƚƚ the lond of Asye the lesse þat is to seye Turkye, Ermonye the lasse &amp; the more And from Surrye to Ierusalem, From Arabye to Persie, from Mesopotayme to the kyngdom of Halappee, From Egypt the higℏe &amp; the lowe &amp; aƚƚ the oþere kyngdomes vnto <MILESTONE N="36b" UNIT="folio"/> the depe of Ethiope &amp; in to ynde the lesse þat þanne was cristene.  And þere was in þat tyme many gode holy men &amp; holy heremytes of whom the book of fadres lyfes speketℏ &amp; þei ben now in paynemes &amp; sarazines hondes, But whan god aƚƚ myghty<PB REF="" N="1:52"/>
 wole rigℏt als the londes weren lost þorgℏ synne of cristene men,<PTR TARGET="P52.L2"/> so schuƚƚ þei ben wonnen aȝen be cristen men þorgℏ help of god.  And in myddes of þat chirche is a compas in the whiche Ioseph of Aramathie leyde the body of oure lord whan he had taken him down of the croys &amp; þere he wassched the woundes of oure lord And þat compas seye men is the myddes of the world.<PTR TARGET="P52.L7"/>  And in the chirche of the sepulchre on the north syde is the place where oure lord was put in prisoun, For he was in prisoun in many places.  And þer is a partye of the cheyne þat he was bounden with And þere he appered first to Marie Magdaleyne whan he was rysen &amp; sche wende þat he had ben a gardener.  In the chirche of seynt Sepulcre was wont to ben Chanouns of the ordre of seynt Augustyn &amp; hadden a Priour but the Patriark was here souereyn.  And withoute the dores of the chirche on the right syde as men gon vpward .xviij. greces seyde oure lord to his moder:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">MULIER ECCE FILIUS TUUS</Q>, þat is to seye: Womman lo thi sone, And after þat he seyde to Joℏn his disciple:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ECCE MATER TUA</Q>, þat is to seyne: lo behold thi moder And þeise wordes he seyde on the cros.  And on þeise greces wente oure lord <MILESTONE N="37a" UNIT="folio"/> whan he bare the cros on his schulder And vnder this grees is a chapeƚƚ &amp; in þat chapeƚƚ syngen prestes yndyenes<PTR TARGET="P52.L24"/> þat is to seye prestes of ynde nogℏt after oure lawe but after here &amp; aƚƚ wey þei maken here sacrement of the awtier <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH" SOURCE="Eg">of breed</SUPPLIED> seyenge PATER NOSTER &amp; oþere preyeres þerewith, With the whiche preyeres þei seye the wordes þat the sacrement is made of For þei ne knowe not the Addiciouns þat many popes<PTR TARGET="P52.L29"/> han made, but þei synge with gode deuocioun.  And þere nere is the place where þat oure lord rested him whan he was wery for berynge of the cros.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat before the chirche of the Sepulcre is the cytee more feble þan in ony othere partie for the grete playn þat is betwene the chirche &amp; the citee.  And toward the Est syde withoute the walles of the cytee is the vale of<PB REF="" N="1:53"/>
 Iosaphath þat touchetℏ to the walles as þougℏ it were a large dycℏ, And abouen þat vale of Iosaphath, out of the cytee, is the chirche of Seynt Steuene where he was stoned to deth And þere beside is the gildene ȝate þat may not ben opened, be the whiche ȝate oure lord entrede on PALMESONDAY vpon an asse &amp; the ȝate opened aȝenst him whan he wolde go vnto the temple And ȝit apperen the steppes of the asses feet in .iij. places of the degrees þat ben of fuƚƚ harde ston.  And before the chirche of seynt Sepulcre toward the south a .cc. paas is the gret hospitaƚƚ of seynt Ioℏn of the whiche the Hospitaleres hadd <MILESTONE N="37b" UNIT="folio"/> here foundacioun And withinne the palays of the sekemen of þat hospitaƚƚ ben .vj<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. &amp; .iiij. pileres of ston And in the walles of the hows withoute the nombre aboueseyd þere ben .liiij<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. pileres þat beren vp the hows And fro þat hospitaƚƚ to go toward the Est is a fuƚƚ fayr chirche þat is clept nostre Dame la graund And þan is þere anotℏer chirche right nygℏ þat is clept nostre Dame de latyne. And þere weren Marie Cleophee &amp; Marie Magdaleyne &amp; teren here heer whan oure lord was peyned in the cros.<PTR TARGET="P53.L21"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.12"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.11.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE TEMPLE, SION AND OLIVET</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE TEMPLE OF OURE LORD; OF THE CRUELTEE OF KYNG HEROUD; OF THE MOUNT SYON; OF PROBATICA PISCINA, AND OF NATATORIUM SYLOE.</HEAD>
<P>AND fro the chirche of the Sepulcre toward the Est at .viij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. paas is TEMPLUM DOMINI.  It is right a feir hows &amp; it is aƚƚ round &amp; higℏ &amp; couered<PTR TARGET="P53.L24"/> with leed &amp; it is wel paued<PTR TARGET="P53.L25"/> with white marble, But the sarazines wole not suffre no cristene man ne Iewes to come þerein, For þei seyn þat none so foule synfuƚƚ men scholde not come in so holy place.  But I cam in þere &amp; in otℏere places þere I wolde for I hadde lettres of the Soudan<PB REF="" N="1:54"/>
 with his grete seel<PTR TARGET="P54.L1"/> &amp; comounly oþer men han but his signett.  In the whiche lettres he commanded of his specyaƚƚ grace to aƚƚ his subgettes to lete me seen aƚƚ the places &amp; to enforme me pleynly aƚƚ the mysteries of euery place &amp; to condyte me fro cytee to cytee ȝif it were nede &amp; buxomly to resceyue me &amp; my companye <MILESTONE N="38a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; for to obeye to aƚƚ my requestes resonable ȝif þei weren not gretly aȝen the Ryaƚƚ power &amp; dignytee of the Soudan or of his lawe. And to oþere þat asken him grace, suche as han serued him<PTR TARGET="P54.L9"/> he ne ȝeueth not but his signett the whiche þei make to be born before hem hangynge on a spere.  And the folk of the contree don gret worschipe &amp; reuerence to his signett or his seel &amp; knelen þereto as lowly as wee don to CORPUS DOMINI And ȝit men don fuƚƚ grettere reuerence to his lettres,<PTR TARGET="P54.L14"/> For the Admyraƚƚ &amp; aƚƚe oþere lordes þat þei ben schewed to, before or þei resceyue hem þei knelen doun &amp; þan þei take hem &amp; putten hem on here hedes &amp; after þei kissen hem &amp; þan þei reden hem knelynge with gret reuerence &amp; þan þei offren hem to do aƚƚ þat the berere asketℏ.  And in this templum domini weren somtyme Chanouns Reguleres &amp; þei hadden an Abbot to whom þei weren obedient.  And in this temple was Charlemayn whan þat the aungeƚƚ brougℏte him the prepuce of oure lord Ihesu crist of his Circumcisioun And after kyng Charles leet bryngen it to Parys<PTR TARGET="P54.L25"/> in to his chapeƚƚ And after þat he leet brynge it to Peyteres &amp; after þat to Chartres.<PTR TARGET="P54.L26"/>  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat this is not the temple<PTR TARGET="P54.L28"/> þat Salomon made, for þat temple dured not but .m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>c &amp; ij. ȝeer, For Tytus Vaspasianes sone Emperour of Rome had leyd sege aboute Ierusalem for to discomfyte the Iewes for þei putten oure lord to detℏe, <MILESTONE N="38b" UNIT="folio"/> withouten leue of the Emperour And whan he hadde wonnen the cytee he brente the temple &amp; beet it down &amp; aƚƚ the cytee &amp; toke the Iewes &amp; dide hem to dethe .xj<HI REND="sup">Miƚ</HI>.cm<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>.<PTR TARGET="P54.L35"/> &amp; the othere he putte in prisoun &amp; solde hem<PB REF="" N="1:55"/>
 to seruage .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>.<PTR TARGET="P55.L1"/> for o peny, for þei seyde þei bougℏte Ihesu for .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. penyes And he made of hem better cheep Whan he ȝaf .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. for o peny.  And after þat tyme IULIANUS APOSTATA þat was Emperour ȝaf leue to the Iewes to make the temple of Ierusalem for he hated cristene men.  And ȝit he was cristned but he forsoke his lawe &amp; becam a renegate And whan the Iewes hadden made the temple com an erthequakeng &amp; cast it doun as god wolde &amp; destroyed aƚƚ þat þei had made.  And after þat Adryan þat was Emperour of Rome &amp; of the lynage of Troye<PTR TARGET="P55.L10"/> made Ierusalem aȝen &amp; the temple in the same manere as Salomon made it And he wolde not suffre no Iewes to dweƚƚ þere, but only cristene men, For aƚƚþougℏ it were so þat he were not cristned ȝit he louede cristene men more þan ony otℏer nacioun saf his owne.  This Emperour leet enclose the chirche of seynt Sepulcre &amp; walle it within the cytee, þat before was withoute the cytee long tyme beforn<PTR TARGET="P55.L18"/> And he wolde haue chaunged the name of Ierusalem &amp; haue cleped it Elya But þat name lasted not longe.  Also ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat the sarazines don moche reuerence to þat temple &amp; þei seyn þat that place is right holy And whan þei gon <MILESTONE N="39a" UNIT="folio"/> in þei gon barefote &amp; knelen many tymes And whanne my felowes &amp; I seygℏ þat whan wee comen in wee diden of oure schoon &amp; camen in barefote &amp; þoughten þat wee scholden don as moche worschipe &amp; reuerence þereto as ony of the mysbeleeuynge men scholde &amp; als gret conpunctioun in herte to haue.  This temple is .lxiiij. cubytes of wydeness &amp; als manye in lengtℏe And of hegℏte it is .vj<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. cubites And it is withjnne aƚƚ aboute made with pyleres of marble &amp; in the myddel place of the temple ben many higℏ stages<PTR TARGET="P55.L32"/> of .xiiij. degrees of hegℏte made with gode pylers aƚƚ aboute.  And this place the Iewes callen SANCTA SANCTORUM þat is to seye holy of halewes And in þat place cometℏ noman<PTR TARGET="P55.L35"/> saf only here prelate þat maketh here sacrifise And the folk stonden aƚƚ<PB REF="" N="1:56"/>
 aboute in diuerse stages after þei ben of dignytee or of worschipe so þat þei aƚƚ may see the sacrifice.  And in þat temple ben .iiij. entrees &amp; the ȝates ben of cypress wel made &amp; curiousely digℏt And within the Est ȝate oure lord seyde: here is Ierusalem.  And in the north syde of þat temple within the ȝate þere is a welle but it renneth nogℏt<PTR TARGET="P56.L5"/> of the whiche holy writt speketh of &amp; seytℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">VIDI AQUAM EGREDIENTEM DE TEMPLO</Q>,<PTR TARGET="P56.L7"/> þat is to seyne: I saugℏ water come out of the temple.  And on þat other syde of the temple þere is a roche þat men clepen Moriacℏ,<PTR TARGET="P56.L10"/> but after it was clept Betℏel where the Arke of god with relykes of Iewes weren wont to ben put. <CHOICE><CORR RESP="DR">Þat</CORR><SIC>Þat//Þat</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P56.L12"/> <MILESTONE N="39b" UNIT="folio"/> arke or huccℏe with the Relikes Tytus ledde with hym to Rome whan he had scomfyted aƚƚ the Iewes.  In þat arke weren the .x. commandementes<PTR TARGET="P56.L15"/> &amp; of Aarones ȝerde &amp; of Moyses ȝerde with the whiche he made the rede see departen as it had ben a waƚƚ on the rigℏt syde &amp; on the left syde, while þat the peple of Israel passeden the see drye foot.  And with þat ȝerde he smoot the Roche &amp; the water cam out of it &amp; with þat ȝerde he dide manye wondres.  And þere in was a vessel of gold fuƚƚ of MANNA &amp; clothinges &amp; honournementes<PTR TARGET="P56.L22"/> &amp; the tabernacle of Aaron &amp; a <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">table</CORR><SIC>tabernacle</SIC></CHOICE> square of gold with .xij. precyous stones And a boyst of Iasper grene with .iiij. figures &amp; .viij. names<PTR TARGET="P56.L24"/> of oure lord &amp; .vij. candelstykes of gold &amp; .xij. pottes of gold &amp; .iiij. Censeres of gold &amp; an Awtier of gold &amp; .iiij. lyouns of gold vpon the whiche þei bare Cherubyn<PTR TARGET="P56.L27"/> of gold .xij. spannes long and the Cercle of Swannes<PTR TARGET="P56.L28"/> of heuene with a tabernacle of gold &amp; a table of syluer &amp; .ij. trompes of siluer &amp; .vij. barly loues &amp; aƚƚ the oþere relikes þat weren before the birthe of oure lord Ihesu crist. And vpon þat roche was Iacob slepynge whan he saugh the aungeles gon vp &amp; doun by a ladder &amp; he seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">VERE LOCUS ISTE SANCTUS EST &amp; EGO IGNORABAM</Q>, þat is to seyne: Forsothe this place is holy &amp; I wiste it nougℏt.  And<PB REF="" N="1:57"/>
 þere an aungel helde Iacob stille &amp; turned his name &amp; cleped him Israel.  And in þat same place Dauid saugℏ the Aungeƚƚ þat smot the folk with a swerd &amp; put it vp blody in the schethe. <MILESTONE N="40a" UNIT="folio"/> And in þat same Roche was seynt Symeon whan he resceyued oure lord in to the temple.  And in this roche he sette him whan the Iewes wolde a stoned him &amp; a sterre cam doun &amp; ȝaf him ligℏt.<PTR TARGET="P57.L7"/>  And vpon þat Roche preched oure lord often tyme to the peple &amp; out þat seyd temple oure lord drof out the byggeres &amp; the selleres.  And vpon þat roche oure lord sette him whan the Iewes wolde haue stoned him &amp; the Roche cleef in two &amp; in þat cleuynge was oure lord hidd And þere cam doun a sterre &amp; ȝaf ligℏt &amp; serued him with claretee.  And vpon þat roche satt oure lady &amp; lerned hire sawtere And þere oure lord forȝaf the womman hire synnes þat was founden in avowtrie And þere was oure lord circumcyded And þere the aungeƚƚ schewede tydynges to zacharie of the birthe of seynt Baptyst his sone And þere offred first Melchisedecℏ bred &amp; wyn to oure lord in tokene of the sacrement þat was to comene And þere feƚƚ Dauid preyeng to oure lord &amp; to the Aungeƚƚ þat smot the peple þat he wolde haue mercy on him &amp; on the peple &amp; oure lord herde his preyere &amp; þerfore wolde he make the temple in þat place, but oure lord forbade him be an Aungeƚƚ.  for he had don tresoun whan he leet sle vrie the worthi knygℏt for to haue Bersabee his wyf And þerfore aƚƚ the purueyance þat he hadde ordeyned to make the temple with he toke it Salomon his sone &amp; he made it.  And he preyed oure lord þat aƚƚ þo þat preyeden to him in þat place with gode herte þat he wolde heren here preyere &amp; graunten it hem ȝif þei asked it right <MILESTONE N="40b" UNIT="folio"/> fullyche And oure lord graunted him And þerfore Salomon cleped þat temple the temple of conseiƚƚ &amp; of help of god.  And withoute the ȝate of þat temple is an awtiere where Iewes weren wont to offren dowues &amp; turtles.<PTR TARGET="P57.L36"/>  And betwene the temple &amp; þat awtier was zacharie slayn &amp; vpon the pynacle of þat<PB REF="" N="1:58"/>
 temple was oure lord brought for to ben tempted of the enemye the feend.  And on the hegℏte of þat pynacle the Iewes setten seynt Iame &amp; casted hym down to the erthe þat first was bisschopp of Ierusalem.  And at the entree of þat temple toward the west is the ȝate þat is clept PORTA SPECIOSA.  And nygℏ besyde þat temple vpon the right syde is a chirche couered with leed þat is clept Salomones scole<PTR TARGET="P58.L8"/> And fro þat temple towardes the south rigℏt nygℏ is the temple of Salomon þat is rigℏt fair &amp; wel pollisscht<PTR TARGET="P58.L9"/> And in þat temple dueƚƚe<PTR TARGET="P58.L10"/> the knygℏtes of the temple þat weren wont to be clept TEMPLERES &amp; þat was the fundacioun of here ordre so þat þere duelleden knygℏtes &amp; IN TEMPLO DOMINI Chanouns Reguleres. Fro þat temple to ward the Est a .vj.xx paas in the cornere of the cytee is the bath of oure lord And in þat bath was wont to come water fro paradys<PTR TARGET="P58.L16"/> &amp; ȝit it droppetℏ.  And þere besyde is oure ladyes bed And faste by is the
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">tombe</CORR><SIC>temple</SIC></CHOICE> of seynt Symeon.  &amp; withoute the cloystre of the temple toward the north is a fuƚƚ faire chirche of seynte Anne oure ladyes moder And þer <MILESTONE N="41a" UNIT="folio"/> was oure lady conceyued And before þat chirche is a gret tree þat began to growe the same nyght.  And vnder þat chirche in goenge doun be .xxij. degrees lytℏ Ioachym oure ladyes fader in a faire tombe of ston And þere besyde lay somtyme seynt Anne his wif but seynt Helyne leet translate hire to Costantynople.  And in þat chirche is a welle in manere of a cisterne þat is clept PROBATICA PISCINA<PTR TARGET="P58.L27"/> þat hath .v. entreez.  Into þat welle Aungeles weren wont to come from heuene &amp; batℏen hem withjnne &amp; what man þat first batℏed him after the mevynge of the water was made hool of what maner sykenes þat he hadde.  And þere oure lord heled a man of the palasye þat lay .xxxviij. ȝeer &amp; oure lord seyde to him:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">TOLLE GRABATUM TUUM &amp; AMBULA</Q>, þat is to seye: Take thi bed &amp; go.  And þere besyde was Pilates hows And faste by is kyng Heroudes hows þat leet sle the Innocentes.  This heroude was ouer<PB REF="" N="1:59"/>
 moche cursed &amp; crueƚƚ.<PTR TARGET="P59.L1"/>  for first he leet sle his wif þat he louede rigℏt weƚƚ &amp; for the passynge loue þat he hadde to hire whan he saugh hire ded he feƚƚ in a rage &amp; oute of his wytt a gret while &amp; sitℏen he cam aȝen to his wytt &amp; after he leet sle his .ij. sones þat he hadde of þat wyf. And after þat he leet sle another of his wyfes &amp; a sone þat he hadde with hire And after þat he let sle his owne moder &amp; he wolde haue slayn his broþer also, but he dyede sodeynly. And after þat he dide aƚƚ the harm þat he cowde or mygℏte And after he feƚƚ in to sekness &amp; whan he felte<MILESTONE N="41b" UNIT="folio"/>
 þat he scholde dye he sente after his suster &amp; after aƚƚ the lordes of his lond &amp; whan þei were comen he leet commande hem to prisoun &amp; þan he seyde to his suster he wiste wel þat men of the contree wolde make no sorwe for his deth &amp; þerfore he made his suster swere þat sche scholde lete smyte of aƚƚ the hedes<PTR TARGET="P59.L16"/> of the lordes whan he were ded &amp; þan scholde aƚƚ the lond make sorwe for his deth &amp; eƚƚ nougℏt &amp; þus he made his testement.  but his suster fuƚƚfilled not his wiƚƚ For als sone as he was ded sche delyuered aƚƚ the lordes out of prisoun &amp; lete hem gon eche lord to his owne <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">hous</SUPPLIED> &amp; tolde hem aƚƚ the purpos of hire brotℏers ordynance &amp; so was this cursede kyng neuer made sorwe fore as he supposed for to haue ben.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat in þat tyme þere weren .iij. heroudes of gret name &amp; loos<PTR TARGET="P59.L25"/> for here crueltee. This heroude of whicℏ I haue spoken offe was HEROUD ASCOLONITE And he þat leet beheden seynt Ioℏn the Baptist was HEROUDE ANTYPA And he þat leet smyte of seynt Iames hed was HEROUDE AGRIPPA &amp; he putte seynt Peter in prisoun. Also furthermore in the cytee is the chirche of seynt Sauyour &amp; þere is the left Arm<PTR TARGET="P59.L31"/> of Ioℏn Grisostom &amp; the more partye of the hed of seynt Steuene.  And on þat oþer syde in the strete toward the south as men gon to mount Syon is a chirche of seynt Iames where he was beheded.  And fro þat chirche a .vj<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. paas is the mount Syon &amp; þere is <MILESTONE N="42a" UNIT="folio"/> a faire chirche of oure lady where sche dwelled &amp; þere shee dyed And þere<PB REF="" N="1:60"/>
 was wont to ben an abbot of Chanouns reguleres, And fro þens was sche born of the Apostles vnto the vale of Iosaphatℏ.  And þere is the ston<PTR TARGET="P60.L3"/> þat the Aungeƚƚ brougℏte to oure lady fro the mount of Synay &amp; it is of þat colour þat the roche is of seynt kateryne And þere besyde is the ȝate where thorgℏ oure lady wente whan sche was with childe whan sche wente to Betℏleem. Also <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">at</CORR><SIC>þat</SIC></CHOICE> the entree of the mount syon is a chapeƚƚ &amp; in þat chapeƚƚ is the ston gret &amp; large with the whiche the sepulcre was couered with whan Iosepℏ of Aramathie had put oure lord þerejnne.  The whiche ston the .iij. Maries sawen turnen vpward whan þei comen to the sepulcre the day of his resurrexioun And þere founden an aungeƚƚ þat tolde hem of oure lordes vprisynge fro deth to lyue. And þere also<PTR TARGET="P60.L15"/> is a ston in a waƚƚ besyde the ȝate of the pyleer þat oure lord was scourged ate.  And þere was Annes hows þat was Bisshop of the Iewes in þat tyme And þere was oure lord examyned in the nygℏt &amp; scourged &amp; smyten &amp; vyleously entreted.  And in þat same place seynt Peter forsoke oure lord thries or the cok creew.  And þere is a party of the table þat he made his souper onne whan he made his maundee with his discyples whan he ȝaf hem his flescℏ &amp; his blode in forme of bred &amp; wyn.  And vnder þat chapeƚƚ .xxxij. degrees is the place where oure lord wosscℏ his disciples fete And ȝit is the vesseƚƚ where the water was And þere besyde þat same vesseƚƚ was seynt Steuene buryed And þere is the autier where oure lady herde<PTR TARGET="P60.L28"/> the Aungeles synge messe And þere appered first oure lord to his disciples after his Resurrexioun the ȝates enclosed <MILESTONE N="42b" UNIT="folio"/> and seyde to hem:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">PAX VOBIS</Q>, þat is to seye: Pees to ȝou &amp; on þat mount appered crist to seynt Thomas the Apostle and bad him assaye his woundes &amp; þan beleeued he first &amp; seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DOMINUS MEUS &amp; DEUS MEUS</Q>, þat is to seye: my lord &amp; my god.  In the same chirche besyde the awteer weren aƚƚ the Aposteles on Wytsonday when the holy gost<PB REF="" N="1:61"/>
 descended on hem in lykness of fuyr.  And þere made oure lord his Pask with his disciples And þere slepte seynt Ioℏn the Euuangelist vpon the breest of oure lord Ihesu crist &amp; saugh slepynge many heuenly priuytees.
Mount Syon is withjnne the cytee &amp; it is a lytiƚƚ hiere þan the oþer syde<PTR TARGET="P61.L6"/> of the cytee And the cytee is strongere on þat syde þan on þat other syde For at the foot of the mount Syon is a faire casteƚƚ &amp; a strong þat the soudan leet make.  In the mount Syon weren buryed kyng Dauid &amp; kyng Salomon &amp; many othere kynges Iewes of Ierusalem And þere is the place where the Iewes wolden han cast vp<PTR TARGET="P61.L12"/> the body of oure lady whan the Apostles beren the body to be buryed in the vale of Iosaphath And þere is the place where seynt Petir wepte<PTR TARGET="P61.L14"/> fuƚƚ tenderly after þat he hadde forsaken oure lord. And a stones cast fro þat chapeƚƚ is anoþer chapeƚƚ where oure lord was jugged, for þat tyme was þere Cayphases hows.  From þat chapeƚƚ to go toward the est at .vij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. paas is a depe cave vnder the roche þat is clept the Galylee
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">of</CORR><SIC>of/of</SIC></CHOICE> oure lord where seynt Peter hidde him whan he had forsaken oure lord.  Item betwene the mount syon &amp; the temple Salomon is the place where oure lord reysed the mayden<PTR TARGET="P61.L22"/> in hire faderes hows.  Vnder the mount Syon toward the vale of Iosaphath is a welle þat is clept NATATORIUM SILOE &amp; þere was oure lord wassℏen after his bapteme And þere made <MILESTONE N="43a" UNIT="folio"/> oure lord the blynde man to see And þere was yburyed ysaye the prophete.  Also stregℏt from Natatorie Syloe is an ymage of ston &amp; of olde auncyen werk þat Absalon leet make And be cause þere of men clepen it the hond of Absalon.<PTR TARGET="P61.L30"/>  And faste by is ȝit the tree of Eldre þat Iudas henge him self vpon for dispeyr þat he hadde whan he solde and betrayed oure lord.  And þere besyde was the synagoge<PTR TARGET="P61.L33"/> where the bysschoppes of Iewes &amp; the sarrazins<PTR TARGET="P61.L34"/> camen togidere and helden here conseiƚƚ And þere caste Iudas the .xxx. pens before hem and seyde þat he hadde synned betrayenge<PB REF="" N="1:62"/>
 oure lord.  And þere nygh was the hows of the Apostles Philipp &amp; Iacob Alphe.<PTR TARGET="P62.L2"/>  And on þat oþer syde of mount Syon toward the south beȝonde the vale a stones cast is Acheldamacℏ þat is to seye the feld of blood þat was bought for the .xxx. pens þat oure lord was sold fore And in þat feld ben many tombes of cristene men for þere ben manye pilgrymes grauen.<PTR TARGET="P62.L7"/>  And þere ben many oratories as chapeƚƚ &amp; hermytages where heremytes weren wont to dueƚƚ.  And toward the est an .c. pas is the charneƚƚ of the hospitaƚƚ of seynt Ioℏn where men weren wont to putte the bones of dede men. Also fro Ierusalem toward the west is a fair chirche where the tree of the cros grew.  And .ij. myle fro þens is a faire chirche where oure lady mette with Elizabetℏ whan þei weren bothe with childe &amp; seynt Ioℏn stered in his modres wombe &amp; made reuerence to his creatour þat he saugℏ not.  And vnder the awtier of þat chirche is the place where seynt Ioℏn was born.  And fro þat chirche is a myle to the casteƚƚ of Emaux.  And þere also oure lord schewed him to .ij. of his disciples after his resurrexioun. Also on þat oþer syde .cc. pas fro Ierusalem is a chirche where was wont to <MILESTONE N="43b" UNIT="folio"/> be the caue of the lyoun And vnder þat chirche at .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. degrees of depness weren entered .xij m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. martires in the tyme of kyng Cosdroe, þat the lyoun mette withaƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P62.L24"/> in a nygℏt be the wille of god.  Also fro Ierusalem .ij. myle is the mountjoye a fuƚƚ fair place &amp; a delicyous and þere lyth Samuel the propℏete in afair tombe.  And men clepen it mountioye for it ȝeuetℏ ioye to pilgrymes hertes because þat þere men seen first Ierusalem.  Also betwene Ierusalem &amp; the mount of Olyuete is the vale of Iosaphatℏ vnder the walles of the cytee as I haue seyd before.  And in the myddes of þat vale is a lytiƚƚ ryuere þat men clepen TORRENS CEDRON. And abouen it ouerthwart lay a tre<PTR TARGET="P62.L34"/> þat the cros was made offe þat men ȝeden ouer onne.  And faste by it is a lityƚƚ pytt in the erthe where the foot of the pileer is ȝit<PB REF="" N="1:63"/>
 entered<PTR TARGET="P62.L36"/> And þere was oure lord first scourged, for he was scorged &amp; vileyusly entreted in many places.  Also in the myddel place of the vale of Iosaphatℏ is the chirche of oure lady &amp; it is of .xliiij. degrees vnder the erthe vnto the sepulchre of oure lady; And oure lady was of age whan sche dyed .lxxij. ȝeer And beside the sepulcre of oure lady is an awtier where oure lord forȝaf seynt Peter aƚƚ his synnes &amp; fro thens toward the west vnder an awtere is a welle þat cometh out of the flom̄e<PTR TARGET="P63.L9"/> of paradys. And wyteth wel þat þat chirche is fuƚƚ lowe in the erthe &amp; sum is aƚƚ withjnne the erthe, But I suppose wel þat it was not so founded, But for because þat Ierusalem hath often tyme ben destroyed &amp; the walles abated &amp; beten doun &amp; tombled into the vale And þat þei<PTR TARGET="P63.L14"/> han ben so filled aȝen &amp; the ground enhaunced, &amp; for þat skyƚƚ is the chirche so lowe within the erthe &amp; natℏeles men seyn þere comounly þat the ertℏe hatℏ so ben clouen<PTR TARGET="P63.L17"/> <MILESTONE N="44a" UNIT="folio"/> sytℏ the tyme þat oure lady was þere buryed, And ȝit men seyn þere þat it wexeth &amp; groweth euery day withouten dowte. In þat chirche were wont to ben monkes blake þat hadden hire abbot.  And besyde þat chirche is a chapeƚƚ besyde the Roche þat higℏt Getℏsemany &amp; þere was oure lord kyssed of Iudas.  And þere was he taken of the Iewes And pere laft oure lord his disciples whan he wente to preye before his passioun whan he preyed &amp; seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">PATER SI FIERI POTEST TRANSEAT A ME CALIX ISTE</Q>, þat is to seye: Fader ȝif it may be do lete this chalys go fro me, And whan he cam aȝen to his disciples he fond hem slepynge.  And in the Roche withjnne the chapeƚƚ ȝit apperen the fyngres<PTR TARGET="P63.L30"/> of oure lordes hond whan he putte hem in the roche<PTR TARGET="P63.L30b"/> whan the Iewes wolden haue taken him. And fro thens a stones cast toward the soutℏ is anotℏer chapeƚƚ where oure lord swette droppes of blood.  And þere rigℏt nygℏ is the tombe of kyng Iosaphath of whom the vale beretℏ the name.  This Iosaphath was kyng<PTR TARGET="P63.L35"/> of þat contree &amp; was conuerted by an heremyte þat was a worthi man &amp; dide moche gode.  And fro þens a bowe<PB REF="" N="1:64"/>
 drawgℏt toward the soutℏ is the chirche where seynt Iames &amp; Zacharie the propℏete weren buryed.  And aboue þat vale is the mount of Olyuete And it is cleped so for the plentee of Olyues þat growen þere.  Þat mount is more higℏ þan the cytee of Ierusalem is And þerfore may men vpon þat mount<PTR TARGET="P64.L6"/> see manye of the stretes<PTR TARGET="P64.L6b"/> of the cytee And betwene þat mount &amp; the cytee is not but the vale of Iosaphatℏ þat is not fuƚƚ large &amp; fro þat mount steigℏ oure lord Ihesu crist to heuene vpon Ascencioun day And ȝit þere schewetℏ the schap̄p̄ of his left foot in the ston, And þere is a chirche where was wont to <MILESTONE N="44b" UNIT="folio"/> be An Abbot &amp; Chanouns reguleres.  And a lytyƚƚ thens .xxviij. pas is a chapeƚƚ &amp; þerein is the ston on the whicℏe oure lord sat whan he prechede the .viij. blessynges &amp; seyde þus:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">BEATI PAUPERES SPIRITU</Q>.  And þere he taughte his disciples the <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">PATER NOSTER</SEG></TITLE> And wrot it<PTR TARGET="P64.L16"/> with his fynger in a ston.  And þere nygℏ is a chirche of seynte Marie Egipcyane<PTR TARGET="P64.L18"/> &amp; þere sche lytℏ in a tombe.  And fro þens toward the Est a .iij. bowe schote is Bethfagee to the whiche oure lord sente seynt Peter &amp; seynt Iames for to seche the Asse vpon Palme sonday &amp; rode vpon þat asse to Ierusalem.  And in comynge doun fro the mount of Olyuete toward the est is a casteƚƚ þat is cleped Bethanye And þere dwelte Symon leprous<PTR TARGET="P64.L24"/> &amp; þere herberwed oure lord &amp; after he was baptized of the apostles &amp; was clept Iulian &amp; was made bisschop̄p̄, And this is the same Iulyan þat men clepe to for gode herbergℏgage, for oure lord herberwed with him in his hows.  And in þat hous oure lord forȝaf Marie Magdaleyne hire synnes, þere sche wisscℏ his feet with hire teres &amp; wyped hem with hire heer And þere serued seynt Martha oure lord; Þere oure lord reysed lazar fro deth to lyue þat was ded .iiij. dayes &amp; stank þat was brother to Marie Magdaleyne &amp; to Martha; And þere duelte also Marie Cleophe.  Þat casteƚƚ is wel a myle long fro<PTR TARGET="P64.L35"/> Ierusalem.  Also in comynge doun fro the mount of Olyuete is the place where oure lord wepte vpon Ierusalem. And þere besyde is the place where oure lady appered<PTR TARGET="P64.L37"/><PB REF="" N="1:65"/>
 to seynt Thomas the Apostle after hire Assumpcioun &amp; ȝaf him hire gyrdyƚƚ.  And rigℏt nygℏ is the ston where oure lord often tyme sat vpon whan he prechede And vpon þat same he schaƚƚ sytte at the day of doom right as him self seyde.  Also after the mount of Olyuete is the mount of Galilee,<PTR TARGET="P65.L6"/> þere assembleden the Apostles whan Marie Magdaleyne cam <MILESTONE N="45a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; tolde hem of cristes vprisynge And þere betwene the mount Olyuete &amp; the mount Galilee is a chirche where the angel seyde to oure lady of hire deth.
Also fro Bethanye to Ierico <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">er fyue myle.  Ierico</SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P65.L10"/> was somtyme a lityƚƚ cytee<PTR TARGET="P65.L11"/> but it is now aƚƚ destroyed &amp; now is þere but a lityƚƚ village.  Þat citee tok Iosue be myracle of god &amp; commandement of the Angel &amp; destroyed it &amp; cursed it &amp; aƚƚ hem þat bygged it aȝen.  Of þat citee was zacheus the dwerf þat clomb vp into the sycomour tre for to see oure lord because he was so litiƚƚ, he mygℏte not seen him for the peple.  And of þat cytee was Raab the comoun womman þat ascaped allone with hem of hire lynage &amp; sche often tyme refressched &amp; fed<PTR TARGET="P65.L19"/> the messageres of Israel &amp; kepte hem from many grete periles of deth &amp; þerfore sche hadde gode reward as holy writt seyth:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUI ACCIPIT PROPHETAM IN NOMINE MEO MERCEDEM PROPHETE ACCIPIET</Q>, þat is to seye: he þat taketh a prophete in my name, he schaƚƚ take mede of the prophete.<PTR TARGET="P65.L24"/>  And so hadde sche, For sche prophecyed to the messageres seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">NOUI QUOD DOMINUS TRADET VOBIS TERRAM HANC</Q>, þat is to seye: I wot wel þat oure lord schal betake ȝou this lond, And so he dide And after Salomon Naasones sone wedded hire &amp; fro þat tyme was sche a worthi womman &amp; serued god wel.
Also fro Betanye gon men to flom Iordan by a mountayne &amp; þorgℏ desert<PTR TARGET="P65.L30"/> &amp; it is nygℏ a day iorneye<PTR TARGET="P65.L31"/> fro Bethanye toward the est to a gret hiƚƚ where oure lord fasted .xl. dayes.  Vpon þat hiƚƚ the enemy of heƚƚ bare oure lord &amp; tempted him<PTR TARGET="P65.L34"/> &amp; seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DIC VT LAPIDES ISTI PANES FIANT</Q>, þat is to seye: sey þat theise stones be made loues. In þat place vpon the hiƚƚ was wont to ben a faire chirche,<PB REF="" N="1:66"/>
 but it is aƚƚ destroyed so þat þere is now but an hermytage þat a maner of cristene men holden þat ben cleped Georgyenes for seynt George conuerted hem.  Vpon <MILESTONE N="45b" UNIT="folio"/> þat hiƚƚ duelte Abraham a gret while &amp; þerfore men clepen it Abrahames gardyn And betwene the hiƚƚ &amp; this gardyn renneth a lityƚƚ broke of water þat was wont to ben bytter, but be the blessyng of helisee the prophete it becam swete &amp; gode to drynke.  And at the foot of this hiƚƚ toward the playn is a grete welle þat entreth into flom Iordan.  Fro þat hiƚƚ to Ierico þat I spak of before is but a myle in goynge toward flom Iordan.  Also as men gon to Ierico sat the blynde man cryenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">IHESU FILI DAUID MISERERE MEI</Q>, þat is to seye: Ihesu danides sone haue mercy on me, &amp; anon he hadde his sigℏt.  Also .ij. myle fro Ierico is flom Iordan &amp; an half myle more nygℏ is A faire chirche of seynt Iohn the Baptist, where he baptised oure lord And pere besyde is the hous of Ieremye<PTR TARGET="P66.L17"/> the prophete.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.13"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.12.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XIII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE DEAD SEA, THE SAMARITANS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE DEDE SEE, AND OF THE FLOM JORDAN; OF THE HED OF SEYNT JOHN THE BAPTIST, &amp; OF THE VSAGES OF THE SAMARITANES.</HEAD>
<P>AND fro Jerico a .iij. myle is the dede see; Aboute þat see growetℏ moche Alom &amp; of Alkatran.<PTR TARGET="P66.L20"/> Betwene Jerico &amp; þat see is the lond of Dengadde &amp; þere was wont to growe the bawme,<PTR TARGET="P66.L22"/> But men make drawe the braunches þereof &amp; beren hem to ben graffed at Babyloyne, And ȝit men clepen hem vynes of Gaddy.  At a cost of þat see as men gon from Arabe is the mount of the Moabytes where þere is a cave þat men clepen karua.<PTR TARGET="P66.L26"/>  Vpon þat hiƚƚ ladde Balak the sone of Booz Balaam the prest for to curse the peple of Israel.  þat dede see<PTR TARGET="P66.L28"/> departetℏ the lond of <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">Iudee</CORR><SIC>ynde</SIC></CHOICE> &amp; of Arabye and þat see lastetℏ from Soara vnto Arabye.  The water of þat see is fuƚƚ bytter<PB REF="" N="1:67"/>
 &amp; salt And ȝiff the erthe were made moyst<PTR TARGET="P67.L1"/> &amp; weet with þat water it wolde neuere bere fruyt.  And the erthe &amp; the lond chaungeþ<PTR TARGET="P67.L3"/> often his colour And it casteth <DEL>to</DEL><ADD> out of</ADD> the water a thing þat men clepen Aspalt Also gret peces as the gretness of an hors<PTR TARGET="P67.L5"/> <MILESTONE N="46a" UNIT="folio"/> euery day &amp; on aƚƚ sydes. And fro Ierusalem to þat see is .CC. furlonges; þat see is in lengtℏe fyue hundred and foure skore furlonges And in brede an hundred and fifty furlonges And it is clept the dede see for it rennetℏ nougℏt, but is euere vnmeuable. And noutℏer man ne best ne nothing þat beretℏ lif in him ne may not dyen<PTR TARGET="P67.L11"/> in þat see And þat hatℏ ben preued many tymes be men þat han disserued to ben dede þat han ben cast þerjnne &amp; left þerjnne .iij. dayes or .iiij. &amp; þei ne mygℏte neuer dye þerjnne for it resceyuetℏ no thing withjnne him that beretℏ lif.  And noman may drynken of the water for bytternesse, And ȝif a man caste jren þerein<PTR TARGET="P67.L17"/> it wole flete abouen, And ȝif men caste a fedre þerein it wole synke to the botme.  And þeise ben thinges aȝenst kynde.<PTR TARGET="P67.L19"/>  And also the cytees þere weren lost because of synne <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">aȝenst kynde</SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P67.L20"/> And þere besyden growen trees þat beren fuƚƚ faire apples<PTR TARGET="P67.L21"/> &amp; faire of colour to beholde but whoso breketℏ hem or cuttetℏ hem in two he schaƚƚ fynde within hem coles &amp; cyndres jn tokene þat be wrattℏe of god the cytees &amp; the lond weren brente &amp; sonken<PTR TARGET="P67.L24"/> in to helle.  Summen clepen þat see the lake dalfetidee,<PTR TARGET="P67.L25"/> summe the flom of deueles<PTR TARGET="P67.L26"/> &amp; summe the flom þat is euer stynkynge <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH" SOURCE="Eg">for þe water þeroff es stynkand</SUPPLIED>.<PTR TARGET="P67.L27"/> And in to þat see sonken the .v. cytees be wrattℏe of god þat is to seyne Sodom Gomorre Aldama Seboym &amp; Segor for the abhomynable synne of sodomye þat regned in hem.  But Segor be the preyere of lotℏ was saued &amp; kept a gret while For it was sett vpon an hiƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P67.L32"/> And ȝit schewetℏ þerof sum party aboue the water<PTR TARGET="P67.L33"/> &amp; men may see the walles whan it is fayr weder &amp; cleer.  In þat cytee lotℏ dwelte a lytyƚƚ while &amp; þere was he made dronken of his<PB REF="" N="1:68"/>
 dougℏtres<PTR TARGET="P68.L1"/> &amp; lay witℏ hem &amp; engendred of hem Moab &amp; Amon And the cause whi his dougℏtres made him dronken &amp; for to ly by hem was this: because þei <MILESTONE N="46b" UNIT="folio"/> sawgℏ no man aboute hem but only here fader And þerfore þei trowed þat god had destroyed aƚƚ the world as he hadde don the cytees, as he had don before be Noeis flood, &amp; þerfore þei wolde ly with here fader for to haue issue &amp; for to replenysscℏe the world aȝen with peple to restore the world aȝen be hem, for þei trowed þat þer had ben no mo men in aƚƚ the world.  And ȝif here fader had not ben dronken he hadde not yleye with hem.  And the hiƚƚ abouen SEGOR men cleped it þanne EDOM And after men cleped it SEYR And after ydumea. Also at the rigℏt syde of þat dede see dwelleth ȝit<PTR TARGET="P68.L14"/> the wif of lotℏ in lykness of a salt ston for þat schee loked behynde hire whan the cytees sonken in to helle.  This lotℏ was Araāmes sone þat was brotℏer to Abrāham, And Sarra Abrahames wif &amp; Melcha Nachors wif weren sustren to the seyd lotℏ. And the same sarra was of elde .iij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. ȝeer and .x.<PTR TARGET="P68.L19"/> whan ysaac hire sone was goten on hire, And Abraham hadde anotℏer sone ysmael<PTR TARGET="P68.L21"/> þat he gat vpon Agar his chambrere whan he was but .xiiij. ȝeer of elde.  And whan ysaac his sone was .viij. dayes old Abraham his fader leet him ben circumcyded And ysmael with him þat was .xiiij. ȝeer old, wherfore the Iewes þat comen of ysaacces lyne ben circumcyded the .viij. day And the sarrazines þat comen of ysmaeles lyne ben circumcyded whan þei ben .xiiij. ȝeer of age.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat within the dede see renneth the flom<PTR TARGET="P68.L29"/> Iordan &amp; þere it dyetℏ, for it renneth no furþermore And þat is to a place þat is a myle fro the chirche of seynt Ioℏn the Baptist toward the west, a lytiƚƚ benethe the place where þat cristene men bathen hem comounly.  And a myle from flom Jordan is the ryuere of labocℏ,<PTR TARGET="P68.L34"/> the whiche Iacob passed ouer whan he cam fro Mesopotayme.  This flom Iordan is no <MILESTONE N="47a" UNIT="folio"/> gret ryuere but it is plentefous of gode fisscℏ And it cometh out of the hiƚƚ of lyban be .ij. welles þat ben<PB REF="" N="1:69"/>
 cleped Ior and Dan, and of þo .ij. welles hath it the name And it passeth be a lake þat is clept Maron and after it passetℏ by the see of Tyberye &amp; passeth vnder the hilles of GELBOE.  And þere is a fuƚƚ faire vale bothe on þat o syde &amp; on þat other of the same ryuere.  And <CHOICE><CORR RESP="DR">then</CORR><SIC>men</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P69.L5a"/> gon the hilles<PTR TARGET="P69.L5b"/> of lyban aƚƚ in lengtℏe vnto the desert of Pharan And þo hilles departen the kyngdom of surrye and the contree of PHENESIE And vpon þo hilles growen trees of Cedre þat ben fuƚƚ hye &amp; þei beren longe apples &amp; als grete as a mannes heued.<PTR TARGET="P69.L10"/>  And also this flom Iordan departeþ the lond of Galilee &amp; the lond of YDUMYE &amp; the lond of BETRON.<PTR TARGET="P69.L12"/>  And þat rennetℏ vnder ertℏe a gret weye vnto a fayre playn &amp; a gret þat is clept MELDAN in SARMOYZ<PTR TARGET="P69.L13"/> þat is to seye feyre or markett in here langage be cause þat þere is often fe<HI REND="sup">y</HI>res in þat playn; And þere becometh the water gret &amp; large.  In þat playn is the tombe of Iob And in þat flom<PTR TARGET="P69.L17"/> Iordan aboueseyd was oure lord baptized of seynt Ioℏn And the voys of god the fader was herd seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">HIC EST FILIUS MEUS DILECTUS</Q> &amp; CETERA, þat is to seye: this is my beloued sone, in the whicℏ I am wel plesed, heretℏ hym.  And the holy gost alygℏte vpon him in lykness of a coluer And so at his baptizynge was aƚƚ the hool trynytee.  And þorgh þat flom passeden the children of Israel aƚƚ drye feet And þei putten stones þere in the myddel place in tokene of the myracle þat the water withdrowgℏ him so.  Also in þat flom Iordan NAAMAN of Syrie bathed him þat was fuƚƚ riche but he was meseƚƚ &amp; þere anon he toke his hele. Abouten the flom Iordan ben manye chirches where þat manye cristene men dwelleden And nygℏ þerto is the cytee of HAYLLA<PTR TARGET="P69.L31"/> þat Iosue assayled &amp; toke. <MILESTONE N="47b" UNIT="folio"/> Also beȝonde the flom Iordan is the vale of Mambre &amp; þat is a fuƚƚ fair vale.  Also <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">from</CORR><SIC>vpon</SIC></CHOICE> the hiƚƚ þat I spak of before where oure lord fasted .xl. dayes, a .ij. myle long <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">towards</CORR><SIC>from</SIC></CHOICE> Galilee is a fair hiƚƚ &amp; an higℏ <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">where</CORR><SIC>when</SIC></CHOICE> the enemy the fend bare oure lord the thridde tyme to tempte him &amp;<PB REF="" N="1:70"/>
 schewede him aƚƚ the regiouns of the world &amp; seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">HEC OMNIA TIBI DABO SI CADENS ADORAUERIS ME,</Q> þat is to seyne: Aƚƚ this schaƚƚ I ȝeue þe ȝif þou falle &amp; worschipe me. Also fro the dede see to gon estward out of the marches of the holy lond þat is clept the lond of promyssioun is a strong casteƚƚ and a fair in an hiƚƚ þat is clept CARAK EN SARMOYZ,<PTR TARGET="P70.L7"/> þat is to seyne Ryally.<PTR TARGET="P70.L7b"/>  Þat casteƚƚ let make kyng Baldwyn̛ þat was kyng of France<PTR TARGET="P70.L8"/> whan he had conquered þat lond &amp; putte it into cristene mennes hondes for to kepe the contree; And for þat cause was it clept the Mownt riaƚƚ.  And vnder it þere is a town þat hight SOBACH And þere aƚƚ abowte dwellen cristene men vnder trybute.  Fro þens gon men to NAZARETH of the whicℏe oure lord beretℏ the surname, And fro þens þere is .iij. iourneyes<PTR TARGET="P70.L15"/> to Ierusalem &amp; men gon be the prouynce of GALYLEE, be RAMATHA, be Sothym &amp; be the higℏ hiƚƚ of EFFRAIM, where Elchana &amp; ANNE the moder of Samueƚƚ the prophete dwelleden.  Þere was born this propℏete And after his detℏ he was buryed at mountjoye as I haue seyd ȝou before.  And þan gon men to Sylo where the Arke of god with the relikes weren kept longe tyme vnder Ely the prophete; þere made the peple of Ebron sacrifice to oure lord &amp; þei ȝolden vp here avowes And þere spak god first to SAMUEƚƚ and schewed him the mutacioun of ordre of presthode &amp; the misterie of the sacrement And rigℏt nygℏ on the left syde <MILESTONE N="48a" UNIT="folio"/> is GABAON &amp; RAMA &amp; BENIAMYN of the whiche holy writt speketh offe.  And after men gon to Sychem sumtyme clept Sychar &amp; þat is in the prouynce of Samaritanes &amp; þere is a fuƚƚ fair vale &amp; a fructuouse &amp; þere is a fair cytee &amp; a gode þat men clepen Neople.  And from þens is a iorneye to Ierusalem And þere is the welle where oure lord spak to the womman of Samaritan<PTR TARGET="P70.L33"/> And þer was wont to ben a chirche but it is beten doun.  Besyde þat welle kyng Roboas<PTR TARGET="P70.L35"/> let make .IJ. CALUEREN of gold &amp; made hem to ben worschipt &amp; put þat on at Dan &amp; þat oþer at BETEƚƚ. And a myle from SYCHAR is the cytee of Deluze<PTR TARGET="P70.L37"/> And in<PB REF="" N="1:71"/>
 þat cytee dwelte ABRAHAM a certeyn tyme.  SYCHEM is a .x. myle fro Ierusalem &amp; it is clept Neople, þat is for to seyne the newe cytee.  And nygℏ besyde is the tombe of Iosepℏ the sone of Iacob þat gouerned Egypt, For the Iewes baren his bones from Egypt &amp; buryed hem þere, And þider gon the Iewes often tyme in pilgrimage with gret deuocioun.  In þat cytee was Dyne<PTR TARGET="P71.L7"/> Iacobes doughter rauysscℏt for whom hire bretℏeren slowen many persones &amp; diden many harmes to the cytee.  And þere besyde is the hiƚƚ of GARASOUN<PTR TARGET="P71.L10"/> where the Samaritanes maken here sacrifise; In þat hiƚƚ wolde Abraham haue sacrificed his sone ysaac.  And þere besyde is the vale of DOTAYM &amp; þere is the cisterne where Iosepℏ was cast in of his breþeren whicℏ þei solden &amp; þat is a .ij. myle fro SYCHAR. From þens gon men to SAMARYE þat men clepen now SEBAST And þat is the chief cytee of þat contree And it sytt betwene the hiƚƚ of AYGUES<PTR TARGET="P71.L17"/> as Ierusalem doth.  In that cytee was the sittynges of the .xij. tribes<PTR TARGET="P71.L18"/> of Israel but the cytee is not now so gret as it was wont to be. Þere was <MILESTONE N="48b" UNIT="folio"/> buryed seynt IOHN THE BAPTIST<PTR TARGET="P71.L20"/> betwene .ij. propℏetes; helyseus and ABDYAN,<PTR TARGET="P71.L21"/> but he was beheded in the casteƚƚ of Macharyme<PTR TARGET="P71.L22"/> besyde the dede see And after he was translated of his disciples &amp; buryed at SAMARIE And þere let IULIANUS APOSTATA dyggen him vp &amp; let brennen his bones, for he was þat tyme Emperour, &amp; let wyndwe the askes in the wynd;<PTR TARGET="P71.L26"/> But the fynger þat schewed oure lord seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ECCE AGNUS DEI,</Q> þat is to seyne: lo the lomb of god, þat nolde neuere brenne but is aƚƚ hol, þat fynger leet seynte Tecle the holy virgyne be born in to the hiƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P71.L30"/> of Sebast &amp; þere maken men gret feste.  In þat place was wont to ben a fair chirche &amp; manye oþere þere weren but þei ben aƚƚ beten doun.  Þere was wont to ben the heed of seynt IOHN BAPTIST enclosed in the waƚƚ,<PTR TARGET="P71.L34"/> but the Emperour THEODOSIE let drawe it out &amp; fond it wrapped in a litiƚƚ cloth aƚƚ blody<PTR TARGET="P71.L35"/> And so he leet it to be born to COSTANTYNOBLE, And ȝit at Costantynoble is the hynder partye of the heed.<PB REF="" N="1:72"/>
 And the forpartie of the heed til vnder the chyn is at Rome in the chirche of seynt SILUESTRE, where ben Nonnes of an hundred ordres<PTR TARGET="P72.L3"/> &amp; it is ȝit aƚƚ broylly<PTR TARGET="P72.L3b"/> as þougℏ it were half brent, For the Emperour IULIANUS aboueseyd of his cursedness &amp; malice let brennen þat partie with the oþer bones &amp; ȝit it schewetℏ.  And this thing hatℏ ben preued botℏe be Popes<PTR TARGET="P72.L7"/> &amp; by Emperours.
And the jowes benetℏe þat holden to the chyn &amp; a partie of the assches &amp; the platere þat the hed was leyd in whan it was smyten of is at GENE,<PTR TARGET="P72.L10"/> And the Geneweyes maken of it gret feste, And so don the Sarazynes also.<PTR TARGET="P72.L11"/>  And summen seyn þat the heed of seynt Ioℏn is at AMYAS in Picardye And oþer men seyn þat it is the heed of seynt Ioℏn the bysschop; I wot nere, but god knowetℏ.  <MILESTONE N="49a" UNIT="folio"/> But in what wyse þat men worschipen it the blessed seynt Ioℏn holt him apayd.<PTR TARGET="P72.L16"/> Fro this cytee of SEBAST vnto IERUSALEM is .xij. myle And betwene the hilles of þat contree þere is a welle þat .iiij. sithes in the ȝeer chaungeth his colour,<PTR TARGET="P72.L19"/> somtyme grene somtyme reed somtyme cleer &amp; somtyme trouble, And men clepen þat welle IOB And the folk of þat contree þat men clepen SAMARITANES<PTR TARGET="P72.L21"/> weren conuerted &amp; baptized by the Apostles, but þei holden not wel here doctryne, And aƚƚ weys þei holden lawes by hem self, varyenge from cristene men, from Sarrazines, Iewes &amp; paynemes.  &amp; the samaritanes leeven wel in o god And þei seyn wel þat þer is but only o god þat aƚƚ formed &amp; aƚƚ schaƚƚ deme And þei holden the bible after the lettre And þei vsen the psawtere as the Iewes don And þei seyn þat þei ben the rigℏt sones of god, And among aƚƚ oþer folk þei seyn þat þei ben best beloued of god, And þat to hem belongetℏ the heritage þat god behigℏte to hise beloued children.  And þei han also dyuerse clothinge &amp; schapp to loken on þan oþer folk han, for þei wrappen here hedes in red lynnene clotℏ, in difference from oþere.  And the Sarazines wrappen here hedes in white lynneue clotℏ, And the<PB REF="" N="1:73"/>
 cristene men þat duellen in the contree wrappen hem in blew of ynde, And the Iewes in ȝelow clotℏ.  In þat contree dwellen manye of the Iewes payenge trybute as cristene men don And ȝif ȝee wil knowe the lettres þat the Iewes vsen þei ben suche And the names ben As þei clepen hem writen abouen in manere of here. A. B. C.</P>
<P>[Another alphabet.] <MILESTONE N="49b" UNIT="folio"/> </P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.14"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.13.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XIV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">GALILEE.  CHRISTIAN SECTS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE PROUINCE OF GALILEE &amp; WHERE ANTECRIST SCHAƚƚ BEN BORN; OF NAZARETH; OF THE AGE OF OURE LADY; OF THE DAY OF DOOM, &amp; OF THE CUSTOMES OF IACOBITES, SURRYENES &amp; OF THE VSAGES OF GEORGYENES.</HEAD>
<P>FROM this contree<PTR TARGET="P73.L7"/> of the samaritanes þat I haue spoken of before gon men to the playnes of GALILEE And men leuen the hilles on þat o partye. And GALILEE is on of the prouynces of the holy lond, And in þat prouynce is the cytee of NAYM &amp; CAPHARNAUM &amp; CHOROSAYM and BETHSAYDA.  In this BETHSAYDA was seynt Peter &amp; seint Andrew born And þens a .iiij. myle is CHOROSAYM &amp; .v. myle fro CHOROSAYM is the cytee of CEDAR whereof the psauter speketℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ET HABITAUI CUM HABITANTIBUS CEDAR,</Q><PTR TARGET="P73.L16"/> þat is for to seye: And I haue dwelled with the dwellynge men in Cedar. In CHOROSAYM schaƚƚ ANTECRIST<PTR TARGET="P73.L18"/> be born, as summen seyn, And oþer men seyn he schaƚƚ be born in Babyloyne.<PTR TARGET="P73.L19"/>  For the propℏete seyth:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DE BABILONIA COLUBER EXIET, QUI TOTUM MUNDUM DEUORABIT,</Q> þat is to seyne: Out of Babiloyne schal come a worm<PTR TARGET="P73.L22"/> þat schal deuouren aƚƚ the world.  This ANTECRIST schaƚƚ be norysscℏt<PTR TARGET="P73.L23"/> in BETHSAYDA &amp; he schaƚƚ regnen in CAPHARNAUM And þerfore seyth holy writt:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">VE TIBI CHOROSAYM, VE TIBI BETHSAYDA, VE TIBI CAPHARNAUM!</Q> Þat is to seye: Wo be<PB REF="" N="1:74"/>
 to þe CHOROSAYM, Wo to þe BETHSAYDA, Wo to þe CAPHARNAUM!  And aƚƚ theise townes ben in the lond of GALILEE And also the CANE of GALILEE is .iiij. myle fro NAZARETH.  Of þat cytee was SYMON CHANANEUS &amp; his wif Canee<PTR TARGET="P74.L5"/> of the whicℏ the holy Euuangelist
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">speketh offe</CORR><SIC>speketh offe//speketh offe</SIC></CHOICE>. <MILESTONE N="50a" UNIT="folio"/> Þere dide oure lord the firste myracle at the weddyng of Architriclyn<PTR TARGET="P74.L7"/> whan he turned water in to wyn.  And in the ende of Galilee at the hilles was the Arke of god taken &amp; on þat oþer syde is the mownt hendor or hermon<PTR TARGET="P74.L9"/> And þere aboute gotℏ the broke of Torrens Cison<PTR TARGET="P74.L11"/> þat somtyme was clept<PTR TARGET="P74.L11b"/> the broke Radumu.  And þere besyde Barach þat was Abymelecℏ<PTR TARGET="P74.L12"/> sone with sone of Delbore<PTR TARGET="P74.L13"/> the prophetisse ouercam the oost of ydumea whan Cysara the kyng was slayn of Gebeƚƚ the wif of Aber &amp; chaced beȝonde the flom Iordan be strengthe of swerd, zeb and zebee &amp; Salmana<PTR TARGET="P74.L16"/> &amp; þere he slowgℏ hem.  Also a .v. myle fro Naym is the cytee of Iezrael, þat somtyme was clept zarym, of the whiche cytee Iexabel the cursed queen was lady &amp; queen þat toke awey the vyne of Nabaotℏ be hire strengthe. Faste by þat cytee is the feld MAGEDE in the whiche the kyng Ioras was slayn of the kyng of Samarie And after was translated &amp; buryed in the mount Syon.  And a myle fro Iezrael ben the hilles of Gelboe, where Saul &amp; Ionathas þat weren so faire dyeden, wherfore Dauid cursed hem as holy writt seytℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">MONTES GKLBOE NEC ROS NEC PLUUIA</Q> &amp; CETERA, þat is to seye: ȝee hilles of gelboe nouþer dew ne reyn<PTR TARGET="P74.L28"/> com vpon ȝou.  And a myle fro the hilles of Gelboe toward the est is the cytee of Cytople þat was clept before Bethsayn And vpon the walles of þat cytee was the hed of Saul honged.
Afte gon men be the hiƚƚ besyde the pleynes of Galylee vnto Nazareth<PTR TARGET="P74.L33"/> where was wont to ben a gret cytee and a fair, but now þere is not but a lytill village &amp; houses a brood here &amp; þere.  And it is not walled &amp; it sytt in a litiƚƚ valeye &amp; þere ben hilles aƚƚ aboute.  Þere was<PB REF="" N="1:75"/><MILESTONE N="50b" UNIT="folio"/>
 oure lady born, but sche was goten at Ierusalem.  And because þat oure lady<PTR TARGET="P75.L2"/> was born at Nazareth þerfore bare oure lord his surname of þat town. Þere toke Iosepℏ oure lady to wyf whan sche was .xiiij. ȝeere of age And þere Gabrieƚƚ grette oure lady seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">Aue gracia plena dominus tecum,</Q> þat is to seyne: Heyl fuƚƚ of grace oure lord is with þe.  And this salutacioun was don in a place of a gret awteer of a faire chirche þat was wont to be somtyme, but it is now aƚƚ downe.  &amp; men han made a lityƚƚ resceyt<PTR TARGET="P75.L10"/> besyde a pylere of þat chirche for to resceyue the offrynges of pilgrymes And the sarrazines kepen þat place fuƚƚ derely for the profyte þat þei han þereoffe And þei ben fuƚƚ wykked sarrazines &amp; crueƚƚ &amp; more dispytous þan in ony oþer place &amp; han destroyed aƚƚ the chirches.  Þere nygℏ is Gabrielles welle where oure lord was wont to batℏe him whan he was ȝong And fro þat welle bare he water oftentyme to his moder And in þat welle sche wosscℏ oftentyme the clowtes of hire sone Ihesu crist, And fro Ierusalem vnto thider is .iij. iourneyes.  At Nazaretℏ was oure lord norisscℏt, Nazaretℏ is als meche to seye as flour of the gardyn And be gode skyƚƚ may it ben clept flour, for þere was norisscℏt the flour of lyf, þat was crist Ihesu.  And .ij. myle fro Nazaretℏ is þe cytee of Sephor<PTR TARGET="P75.L24"/> be the weye þat gotℏ fro Nazaretℏ to Acon.  And an half myle fro Nazaretℏ is the lepe of oure <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">lord</CORR><SIC>lady</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P75.L26"/> for the Iewes ladden
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">him</CORR><SIC>hire</SIC></CHOICE> vpon an higℏ roche for to make <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">him</CORR><SIC>hire</SIC></CHOICE> lepe doun &amp; haue slayn <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">him</CORR><SIC>hire</SIC></CHOICE> but Ihesu passed amonges hem &amp; lepte vpon anotℏer roche &amp; ȝit ben the steppes of his feet sene<PTR TARGET="P75.L29"/> in the roche where he allyghte.  And þerfore seyn summen whan þei dreden hem of thefes in ony weye or of ene<MILESTONE N="51a" UNIT="folio"/>myes:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">IHESUS AUTEM TRANSIENS PER MEDIUM ILLORUM IBAT,</Q> þat is to seyne: Ihesus forsothe passynge be the myddes of hem he wente, In tokene &amp; mynde þat oure lord passed þorgℏout the Iewes crueltee &amp; scaped safly fro hem, so surely mowe men passen the<PB REF="" N="1:76"/>
 perile of thefes.  And þan sey men .ij. vers of the psauter .iij. sithes:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">IRRUAT SUPER EOS FORMIDO &amp; PAUOR IN MAGNITUDINE BRACHIJ TUI DOMINE.  FIANT IMMOBILES QUASI LAPIS DONEC PERTRANSEAT POPULUS TUUS DOMINE DONEC PERTRANSEAT POPULUS TUUS ISTE QUEM POSSEDISTI.</Q> And þanne may men passe with outen perile.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat oure lady hadde child whan sche was .xv. ȝeere old<PTR TARGET="P76.L8"/> and sche was conuersant with hire sone .xxxiij. ȝeer &amp; .iij. monethes And after the passioun of oure lord sche lyuede .xxiiij. ȝeer. Also fro Nazaretℏ men gon to the mount Thabor &amp; þat is a .iiij. myle &amp; it is a fuƚƚ faire hiƚƚ &amp; wel higℏ, where was wont to ben a toun &amp; many chirches but þei ben aƚƚ destroyed, but ȝit þere is a place þat men clepen the scole of god,<PTR TARGET="P76.L14"/> where he was wont to techen his disciples &amp; tolde hem the priuytees of heuene.  At the foot of þat hiƚƚ Melchisedecℏ þat was kyng of Salem in the turninge of þat hiƚƚ mette Abraham in comynge aȝen from the bataylle whan he had slayn Abymelecℏ<PTR TARGET="P76.L19"/> &amp; þis Melchisedech was bothe kyng &amp; prest of Salem þat now is cleped Ierusalem.  In þat hiƚƚ Thabor oure lord transfigured him before seynt Peter seynt Ioℏn and seynt Iame And þere þei sawgℏ gostly Moyses &amp; Elye the prophetes beside hem And þerfore seyde seynt Peter:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DOMINE BONUM EST NOS HIC ESSE, FACIAMUS HIC TRIA TABERNACULA,</Q> þat is to seye: Lord it is gode<PTR TARGET="P76.L26"/> for vs to ben here, make wee here .iij. dwellyng places.  And þere herd þei a voys of the fadir <MILESTONE N="51b" UNIT="folio"/> þat seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">HIC EST FILIUS MEUS DILECTUS IN QUO MIHI BENE COMPLACUI.</Q><PTR TARGET="P76.L28"/>  And oure lord defended hem þat þei scholde not teƚƚ þat avisioun til þat he were rysen from deth to lyf. In þat hiƚƚ &amp; in þat same place at the day of doom<PTR TARGET="P76.L31"/> .iiij. Aungeles with .iiij. trompes schuƚƚ blowen &amp; reysen aƚƚ men þat hadden suffred detℏ sith that the world was formed from detℏ to lyue.  And schuƚƚ comen in body
<SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">and</SUPPLIED> soule to juggement before the face of oure lord in the vale of Iosaphatℏ And the doom schaƚƚ ben on Estre<PB REF="" N="1:77"/>
 day, sucℏ tyme as oure lord aroos, And the dom schal begynne sucℏ houre as oure <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">lord</SUPPLIED> descended to heƚƚ &amp; dispoyled it.  For at sucℏ houre schal he despoyle the world &amp; lede his chosene to blisse &amp; the oþere schaƚƚ he condempne to perpetueƚƚ peynes. And þanne schaƚƚ euery man haue after his dissert ouþer gode or euyƚƚ but ȝif the mercy of god passe his rigℏtwisness. Also a myle from mount Thabor is the mount heremon<PTR TARGET="P77.L8"/> &amp; þere was the cytee of Naym.  Before the ȝate of þat cytee reysed oure lord the wydewes sone þat had no mo children.  Also .iij. myle fro Nazaretℏ is the casteƚƚ Saffra of the whiche the sones of zebedee &amp; the sones<PTR TARGET="P77.L12"/> of Alphee weren.  Also a .vij. myle fro Nazaretℏ is the mount kayn &amp; vnder þat is a welle And besyde þat welle lamech Noees fader slougℏ kaym with an arwe. For this kaym wente þorgℏ breres &amp; busshes as a wylde best &amp; he had lyued fro the tyme of Adam his fadir vnto the tyme of Noe &amp; so he lyuede nygℏ to .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>.M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. ȝeer, And this Lamecℏ was aƚƚ blynd for elde. Fro Saffra me gotℏ to the see of Galylee &amp; to the cytee of Tyberye þat sytt vpon the same see And aƚƚ be it þat men clepen it a see ȝit is it nouþer see ne arm of the see, for it is but <MILESTONE N="52a" UNIT="folio"/> a stank of frescℏ water þat is in lengtℏe .c. furlonges &amp; of brede .xl. furlonges &amp; hatℏ within him gret plentee of gode fisscℏ &amp; rennetℏ<PTR TARGET="P77.L24"/> into flom Iordan. The cytee is not fuƚƚ gret but it hatℏ gode bathes within him And þere as the flom Iordan parteth fro the see of Galilee is a gret brigge<PTR TARGET="P77.L27"/> where men passen from the lond of promyssioun to the lond of kyng Baazan &amp; the lond of Gerrasentz þat ben aboute the flom Iordan And the begynnynge of the see of Tyberie. And fro þens may men go to Damask in .iij. dayes be the kyngdom of Traconye,<PTR TARGET="P77.L31"/> the whiche kyngdom lastetℏ fro mount heremon to the see of Galilee or to the see of Tyberie or to the see of Ienazaretℏ<PTR TARGET="P77.L34"/> &amp; aƚƚ is o see, And this <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> the stank þat I haue told ȝou, But it chaungetℏ þus the name for the names of the cytees þat sytten besyde hem.  Vpon þat see wente<PB REF="" N="1:78"/>
 oure lord drye fect And þere he toke vp seynt Peter whan he began<PTR TARGET="P78.L1"/> to drenche within þat see &amp; seyde to him:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">MODICE FIDEI, QUARE DUBITASTI?</Q><PTR TARGET="P78.L3"/>  And after his resurrexioun oure lord appered on þat see to his disciples &amp; bad hem fysschen &amp; filled aƚƚ the nett fuƚƚ of gret fissℏes.  In þat see rowed<PTR TARGET="P78.L6"/> oure lord often tyme &amp; þere he called to him seynt Peter, seynt Andrew, seynt Iames &amp; seynt Ioℏn the sones of zebedee.  In þat cytee of Tyberie is the table<PTR TARGET="P78.L9"/> vpon the whiche oure lord eete vpon with his disciples after his resurrexioun &amp; þei knewen him in brekynge of bred as the gospeƚƚ seytℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ET COGNOUERUNT EUM IN FRACTIONE PANIS.</Q><PTR TARGET="P78.L11"/>  And nygh þat cytee of Tyberie is the hiƚƚ where oure lord fedde .v. Miƚ persones with .v. barly loues &amp; .ij. fissℏes.  In þat cytee a man cast an brennynge dart<PTR TARGET="P78.L15"/> in wrattℏe after oure lord &amp; the hed smot in to the erthe &amp; wax grene &amp; it growed to a gret tree &amp; <MILESTONE N="52b" UNIT="folio"/> ȝit it growetℏ &amp; the bark þere of is aƚƚ lyk coles.  Also in the hed of þat see of Galylee toward the Septemtryon is a strong castel &amp; an higℏ þat higℏt Saphor<PTR TARGET="P78.L20"/> &amp; fast beside it is CAPHARNAUM; with in the lond of promyssioun is not so strong a casteƚƚ &amp; þere is a gode toun benetℏe þat is clept also Saphor. In þat castel seynt Anne oure ladyes moder was born And þere benetℏe was Centurioes hous.<PTR TARGET="P78.L24"/>  Þat contree is clept the Galilee of folk þat weren taken to tribute<PTR TARGET="P78.L25"/> of Sabulon &amp; of Neptalym.  And in aȝen comynge fro þat casteƚƚ a .xxx. myle is the cytee of Dan þat somtyme was clept Belynas or Cesaire Philippon, þat sytt at the foot of the mount of lyban, where the flom Iordan begynneth.  Þere begynneth the lond of promyssioun &amp; duretℏ vnto Bersabee in lengtℏe in goynge toward the north into the South<PTR TARGET="P78.L31"/> &amp; it conteyneth wel a .ix<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. myles. &amp; of lengthe,<PTR TARGET="P78.L32"/> þat is to seye fro Iericho vnto Iaffe, &amp; þat conteyneth a .xl. myle of lombardye<PTR TARGET="P78.L34"/> or of oure contree þat ben also lytyƚƚ myles; þeise be not myles of Gascoyne ne of the prouynce of Almayne,<PTR TARGET="P78.L36"/> where ben grete myles. And wite ȝe weƚƚ þat the lond of promyssioun is in Sirye For<PB REF="" N="1:79"/>
 the Reme of Syrye duretℏ fro the desertes of Arabye vnto Cecyle<PTR TARGET="P79.L2"/> And þat is Ermonye the grete, þat is to seyne fro the soutℏ to the nortℏ.  &amp; fro the est to the west it duretℏ fro the grete desertes of Arabye vnto the west see.<PTR TARGET="P79.L5"/>  But in þat Reme of Syrie is the kyngdom of Iudee &amp; many oþer prouynces as Palestyne, Galilee, lityƚƚ Cilicye &amp; many othere.  In þat contree &amp; oþer contrees beȝonde þei han a custom whan þei schuƚƚ vsen werre &amp; whan men holden sege abouten cytee or casteƚƚ &amp; þei withjnnen dur not senden out messagers <MILESTONE N="53a" UNIT="folio"/> with lettres from lord to lord for to aske sokour þei maken here lettres &amp; bynden hem to the nekke of a coluer &amp; leten the coluer flee &amp; the colueren ben so taugℏte þat þei fleen with þo lettres to the verry place þat men wolde sende hem to.  For the colueres ben norysscℏt in þo places where þei ben sent to &amp; þei senden hem þus<PTR TARGET="P79.L16"/> for to beren here lettres.  And the colueres retournen aȝen whereas þei ben norisscℏt &amp; so þei don comounly. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat amonges the sarazines o part &amp; other, duellen many cristene men of many maneres &amp; dyuerse names &amp; aƚƚ ben baptized &amp; han dyuerse lawes &amp; dyuerse customes.  But aƚƚ beleuen in god the fader &amp; the sone &amp; the holy gost, But aƚƚ weys fayle þei in somme articƚes of oure feytℏ.  Somme of þeise ben clept Iacobytes for seynt Iame conuerted hem<PTR TARGET="P79.L25"/> &amp; seynt Ioℏn baptized hem; þei seyn þat a man schal maken his confessioun only to god &amp; not to a man, for only to him<PTR TARGET="P79.L27"/> scholde man ȝelden him gylty of aƚƚ þat he hatℏ mysdon.  Ne god ordeyned not ne neuer deuysed ne the propℏete noutℏer þat a man scholde schryuen him to another, as þei seyn but only to god, as Moyses writetℏ in the Bible &amp; as Dauid seytℏ in the psawter boke:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">CONFITEBOR TIBI DOMINE IN TOTO CORDE MEO,</Q><PTR TARGET="P79.L32"/> And:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DELICTUM MEUM TIBI COGNITUM FECI</Q><PTR TARGET="P79.L33"/> t:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DEUS MEUS ES TU &amp; CONFITEBOR TIBI,</Q><PTR TARGET="P79.L34"/> And:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUONIAM COGITACIO HOMINIS CONFITEBITUR TIBI</Q><PTR TARGET="P79.L35"/> &amp; CETERA.  For þei knowen aƚƚ the bible &amp; the psautere &amp; þerfore allegge þei so the lettre but þei alleggen not the<PB REF="" N="1:80"/>
 Auctoritees þus in latyn but in here langage fuƚƚ appertely &amp; seyn wel þat Dauid &amp; oþere prophetes seyn it.  Natheles seynt Austyn<PTR TARGET="P80.L2"/> &amp; seynt Gregory seyn þus, AUGUSTINUS:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUI SCELERA SUA COGITAT &amp; CONUERSUS FUERIT VENIAM SIBI CREDAT.</Q><PTR TARGET="P80.L4"/>  <MILESTONE N="53b" UNIT="folio"/>  Gregorius:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DOMINUS POCIUS MENTEM QUAM VERBA RESPICIT.</Q><PTR TARGET="P80.L5"/>  And seynt Hillary seyth:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">LONGORUM TEMPORUM CRIMINA IN ICTU OCULI PEREUNT SI CORDIS NATA FUERIT CONPUNCTIO.</Q><PTR TARGET="P80.L6"/>  And for sucℏe auctoritees þei seyn þat only to god schaƚƚ a man knouleehe his defautes, ȝeldynge him self gylty &amp; cryenge him mercy &amp; behotynge to him to amende himself.  And þerfore whan þei wil schryuen hem þei taken fyre &amp; sette it besyde hem &amp; casten þer in poudre of frankencens &amp; in the smoke þerof þei schryuen hem to god &amp; cryen him mercy.  But sotℏ it is þat this confessioun̛ was first<PTR TARGET="P80.L15"/> &amp; kyndely, but seynt peter<PTR TARGET="P80.L16"/> the apostle &amp; þei þat camen after him han ordeynd to make here confessioun to man &amp; be gode resoun.  For þei perceyueden wel þat no sykness was curable, gode medycyne to leye þerto but ȝif men knewen the nature of the maladye.  And also no man may ȝeuen couenable medicyne<PTR TARGET="P80.L21"/> but ȝif he knowe the qualitee of the dede.  For o synne may ben gretter in o man þan in anotℏer &amp; in o place &amp; in o tyme þan in anotℏer &amp; þerfore it behovetℏ him þat he knowe the kynde of the dede &amp; þerevpon to ȝeuen him penance.
Þere ben oþere þat ben clept SURIENES<PTR TARGET="P80.L26"/> and þei holden the beleeve amonges vs &amp; of hem of Grece And þei vsen aƚƚ berdes as men of Grece don &amp; þei maken the sacrement of therf bred<PTR TARGET="P80.L29"/> &amp; in here langage þei vsen lettres of Sarazines, but after the misterie of holy chirche thei vsen lettres of Grece &amp; þei maken here confessioun right as the Iacobytes don. Þere ben oþere þat men clepen GEORGYENES<PTR TARGET="P80.L32"/> þat seynt George conuerted &amp; him þei worschipen more þan ony other seynt &amp; to him þei crien for help &amp; þei camen out of the Reme of George; þeise folk vsen crounes schauen.  <MILESTONE N="54a" UNIT="folio"/> The clerkes han rounde crounes &amp; the lewed men han crownes aƚƚ square &amp; þei holden cristene lawe<PB REF="" N="1:81"/>
 as don þei of Grece of whom I haue spoken of before. Othere þere ben þat men clepen cristene men of gyrdynge for þei ben aƚƚ gyrt abouen.<PTR TARGET="P81.L3"/>  And þer ben oþere þat men clepen Nestoryenes, And summe Arryenes,<PTR TARGET="P81.L4"/> Summe Nubyenes, Summe of Grees, summe of Ynde &amp; summe<PTR TARGET="P81.L5"/> of Prestre Ioℏnes lond.  And aƚƚ þeise han manye articƚes of oure feytℏ &amp; to othere þei ben varyaunt<PTR TARGET="P81.L7"/> &amp; of here variance were to longe to telle &amp; so I wil leue as for the tyme withouten more spekynge of hem.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.15"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.14.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">VARIOUS ROUTES TO JERUSALEM</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CYTEE OF DAMASCE; OF .IIJ. WEYES TO IERUSALEM: ON BE LONDE &amp; BE SEE, ANOTHER MORE BE LONDE ÞAN BE SEE, AND THE THRIDDE WEYE TO IERUSALEM: Aƚƚ BE LONDE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW after þat I haue told ȝou sum partye of folk in the contrees before <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">said</SUPPLIED> now wil I turnen aȝen to my weye for to turnen aȝen on this half.  Þanne whoso wil go fro the lond of GALILEE of þat þat I haue spoke for to come aȝen on this half, men comen aȝen be Damasce þat is a fuƚƚ fayr cytee &amp; fuƚƚ noble &amp; fuƚƚ of aƚƚ marchandises And a .iij. iorneyes long fro the see &amp; a .v. iorneyes fro Ierusalem.  But vpon Camaylles / mules / hors / dromedaries &amp; oþer bestes men caryen here marchandise thider, And thider comen the marchauntes with marchandise be see from ynde, persee, Caldee Ermonye &amp; of manye oþere kyngdomes.  This cytee founded Helizeus Damascus<PTR TARGET="P81.L21"/> þat was ȝoman &amp; despenser of Abraham before þat ysaac was born, for he thoughte for to haue ben Abrahames heir &amp; he named the toun after his surname Damasce.  And in þat place where Damasc was <MILESTONE N="fol 54 b" UNIT="folio"/> founded kaym slougℏ Abel his broþer And besyde damasc is the mount Seyr. In þat cytee of Damasce þer is gret plentee of welles And within the cytee &amp; withoute ben many fayre gardynes &amp; of dyuerse frutes.  Non oþer cytee is not lyche in<PB REF="" N="1:82"/>
 comparisoun to it of faire gardynes &amp; of faire desportes. The cytee is gret &amp; fuƚƚ of peple &amp; wel walled with double walles.  And þere ben manye Phisicyens And seint Poul himself was þere a phisicyen for to kepen mennes bodyes in hele before he was conuerted &amp; after þat he was phisicien of soules.  And seynt luk the Euuangelist was disciple of seynt Poul for to lerne phisik &amp; many oþere. For seint Poul held þanne scole of phisik.  And neere beside damasce was he conuerted &amp; after his conuersioun he duelte in þat cytee .iij. dayes withouten sigℏt &amp; withouten mete or drinke And in þo .iij. dayes he was ravisscℏt to heuene &amp; þere he saugℏ many preuytees of oure lord.  And faste beside damasce is the casteƚƚ of Arkes þat is bothe fair &amp; strong.  From Damasce men comen aȝen be oure lady of Sardenak,<PTR TARGET="P82.L15"/> þat is a .v. myle on this half damasce &amp; it sytt vpon a roche &amp; it is a fuƚƚ faire place &amp; it semetℏ a casteƚƚ for þere was wont to ben a casteƚƚ, but it is now a fuƚƚ faire chircℏe.  And þere withinne ben monkes &amp; nonnes cristene And þer is a vowt<PTR TARGET="P82.L20"/> vnder the chirche where þat cristene men duellen also &amp; þei han many gode vynes.  And in the chirche behynde the higℏ awtere in the waƚƚ is a table of blak wode on the whiche somtyme was depeynted an ymage of oure lady þat turnetℏ into flescℏ,<PTR TARGET="P82.L24"/> but now the ymage schewetℏ but litiƚƚ.  But aƚƚ weys be the grace of god þe …<PTR TARGET="P82.L25"/></P>
<P><SUPPLIED REASON="missing leaves" RESP="PH" SOURCE="Eg">
<P><PB REF="" N="1:212"/> <MILESTONE N="50b" UNIT="folio"/> Neuerþeles þat table euermare dreppez oel as it ware of oliue, And þar es a vesseƚƚ of marble vnder þe table to ressayue þe oel.  þaroff þai giffe to pilgrimes for it heles of many sekeness.  And men saise þat if it be keped wele seuen ȝere efterwardes it turnes in to flescℏ<PTR TARGET="P212.L5"/> and blud. Fra Sardenak men comez thurgℏ þe vale of Bochar<PTR TARGET="P212.L6"/> þe whilk es a faire vale and a plentifous of aƚƚ maner of fruyte and it es amanges hilles and þer er þarin fair ryuers and grete medews and noble pasture for bestez. And men gas by þe mountes of libane whilk lastez fra Ermony þe mare to wardes þe north vnto Dan þe whilk es þe end of þe <MILESTONE N="51a" UNIT="folio"/> land of repromissioun to ward þe nortℏ as I said before.  þir hilles er riȝt fruytfuƚƚ And þare er many faire welles and cedres and cipressez and many oþer treesse of diuerse kyndes; Þare er also many gude tounes to ward þe heued of þir hilles fuƚƚ of folk.</P>
<P>Betwene þe citee of arkez<PTR TARGET="P212.L17"/> and þe citee of Raphane<PTR TARGET="P212.L17b"/> es a riuer þat es called Sabatory<PTR TARGET="P212.L18"/> for on þe seterday it rynnez fast and aƚƚ þe woke elles it standes stiƚƚ and rynnez noȝt or elles bot fairely.  Betwene þe forsaid hilles also es anoþer water þat on nyghtes fresez<PTR TARGET="P212.L21"/> hard and on days es na frost sene þeron.  And as men comez agayne fra þase hilles es a hiƚƚ hier þan any of þe oþer and þai caƚƚ it þare þe hegℏ hiƚƚ þare es a grete citee and a faire þe whilk es called Tryple In þe whilk er many gude cristen men ȝemand þe same rytes and customes þat we vse.  Fra þeine men comez by a citee þat es called Beruch whare sayne george slew þe dragoun and it es a gude<PB REF="" N="1:213"/>
 toune and a faire casteƚƚ þerin And it es .iij. iournez fra þe forsaid citee of Sardenak.  At þe ta syde of Beruch .xvj. myle to come hiderward es þe citee of Sydon.  At Berucℏ entres pilgrimes in to þe see þat wiƚƚ com to Cipre and þai aryfe at þe porte of Surry or of Tyere and so þai com to Cipre in a lytiƚƚ space Or men may com fra þe porte of Tyre and com noȝt at Cipre and aryfe at sum hauen of grece and so come to þise partyse as I said before.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="51b" UNIT="folio"/> I hafe talde ȝow now of þe ways by whilk men gase ferrest and langest to ierusalem as by babilon and mount synay and many oþer placez whilk ȝe herd me teƚƚ off and also by whilk ways men schaƚƚ turne agayne to þe land of repromissioun, now wiƚƚ I teƚƚ ȝow þe rightest way and þe schortest to ierusalem.  For sum men wiƚƚ noȝt ga þe toþer, sum for þai hafe noȝt spending ynogℏ, sum for þai hafe na gude cumpany and sum for þai may noȝt endure þe lang trauail, sum for þai drede þam of many perils of desertes sum for þai wiƚƚ haste þam hameward desirand to see þare wifes and þare childer or for sum oþer resonable cause þat þai hafe to turne sone hame. And þerfore I wiƚƚ schew how men may passe tittest and in schortest tyme make þaire pilgrimage to ierusalem. A man þat comes fra þe landes of þe west he gas thurgℏ fraunce burgoyne and lumbardy and so to venice or geen or sum oþer hauen and schippes þare and wendez by see to þe Ile of greff þe whilk pertenez to þe Ianuenes, And seyne he aryuez in grece at porte Mirrok or at Valon or at Duras or at sum oþer hauen of þat cuntree and ristez him þare and byez him vitailes and schippez agayne and sailez to Cipre and aryuez þare at Famagost and comez noȝt at þe Ile of Rodes.  Famagost es þe chieff hauen of Cipre And þare he refreschez him and puruays him of vitailes and þan he gase to schippe and comez na mare on land <MILESTONE N="52a" UNIT="folio"/> if he wiƚƚ before he come at porte Iaffe þat es þe next hauen to ierusalem for it es bot a day iournee<PB REF="" N="1:214"/>
 and a half fra ierusalem þat es to say .xxxvj. myle.  Fra þe porte Iaffe men gase to þe citee of Rames þe whilk es bot a lytill þeine and it es a faire citee and a gude and mykiƚƚ folk þerin.  And withouten þat citee toward þe soutℏ is a kirk of oure lady whare oure lord schewed him tiƚƚ hir in three cloudes þe whilk betakned þe trinitee And a lytiƚƚ þeine es ane oþer citee þat men callez Dispolis bot it hight sum tyme Lidda<PTR TARGET="P214.L8"/> a faire citee and a wele inhabited.  Þare es a kirk of sayne george whare he was heuedid.  Fra þeine men gase to þe casteƚƚ of Emaus And so to þe mount ioy Þare may pilgrimes first see to ierusalem At mount ioy liggez Samuel þe prophete.  Fra þeine men gase to ierusalem.  Beside þir ways es þe citee of Ramatha and þe mount Modyn<PTR TARGET="P214.L14"/> And þeroff was Matathias Iudas Machabeus fader And þare er þe graues of þe Machabeez.  Beȝond Ramatha es þe towne of Techue<PTR TARGET="P214.L17"/> wharoff Amos þe prophete was And þare es his grafe.</P>
<P>I hafe talde ȝow before of þe haly placez þat er at ierusalem and aboute it and þerfore I wiƚƚ speke namare of þam at þis tyme, Bot I wiƚƚ turne agayne and schewe ȝow oþer ways a man may passe mare by land and namely for þaim þat may noȝt suffer þe sauour of þe see<PTR TARGET="P214.L23"/> bot es leuer to ga by land if aƚƚ it be þe mare payne. Fra a man be entred in to þe see he schaƚƚ passe tiƚƚ ane of þe hauens of lumbardy For þare þare es þe best making of purueaunce <MILESTONE N="52b" UNIT="folio"/> of vitailes or he may passe to Ieen or Venice or sum oþer And he saƚƚ passe by see into grece to þe porte Mirrok or to Valon or to Duras or sum oþer hauen of þat cuntree And fra þeine he saƚƚ ga by land to Constantinople And he saƚƚ passe þe water þat es called Brace sayne george þe whilk es ane arme of þe see.  And fra þeine he saƚƚ by land ga to Ruffyneƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P214.L33"/> whare a gude casteƚƚ es and a strang And fra þeine he saƚƚ ga to Pulueral<PTR TARGET="P214.L35"/> and seyne to þe casteƚƚ of Synople and fra þeine<PB REF="" N="1:215"/>
 to Capadoce þat es a grete cuntree whare er many grete hilles And he saƚƚ ga thurgℏ Turky to þe porte of Chiutok and to þe citee of Nyke whilk es bot .vij. myle þeine.  Þat citee wanne þe Turkes fra þe emperour of Constantinople and it es a faire citee and wele walled on þe ta syde And on þe toþer syde es a grete lake and a grete riuer þe whilk es called Lay.<PTR TARGET="P215.L7"/>  Fra þeine men gase by þe hilles of Nairmont and by þe vales of Mailbrins<PTR TARGET="P215.L8"/> and straite felles And by þe toune of Ormanx<PTR TARGET="P215.L9"/> or by þe tounes þat er on Riclay and Scanton<PTR TARGET="P215.L10"/> þe whilk er grete waters and noble And so to Antioche þe lesse<PTR TARGET="P215.L11"/> whilk es sett on þe ryuer of Riclay and þare aboutes er many gude hilles and faire and many faire wodes and grete plentee of wylde bestes forto hunt at.</P>
<P>And he þat wiƚƚ ga anoþer way he schaƚƚ ga by þe playnes of Romany<PTR TARGET="P215.L16"/> costayand þe romayn see. On þat coste es a faire casteƚƚ þat men callez Florach<PTR TARGET="P215.L17"/> and it es right a strang place And vppermare amang þe mountaynes es a faire citee þat es called Toursout <MILESTONE N="53a" UNIT="folio"/> and þe citee of Longemaatℏ and þe citee of Assere and þe cite of Marmistre.  And when a man es passed þase mountaynes and þase felles he gase by þe citee of Marioch and by Artoise<PTR TARGET="P215.L23"/> whare es a grete brigg apon þe riuer of ferne þat es called Farfar and it es a grete riuer berand schippes and it rynnes riȝt fast oute of þe mountaines to þe cite of Damasc<PTR TARGET="P215.L25"/> And besyde þe citee of Damasc es anoþer grete riuer þat comes fra þe hilles of liban whilk men callez Abbana.  At þe passing of þis riuer saynt Eustace<PTR TARGET="P215.L29"/> þat sum tyme was called Placidas lost his wyf and his twa childer.  Þis riuer rynnes thurgℏ þe playne of Archades and so to þe reed see.<PTR TARGET="P215.L31"/>  Fra þeine men gase to þe cite of Phenice<PTR TARGET="P215.L32"/> whare er hate welles and hate bathez And þan men gase to þe cite of Ferne and betwene Phenice and Ferne er .x. myle.  And þare er many faire woddes.  And þan men comez til Anthioche whilk es<PB REF="" N="1:216"/>
 .x. myle þeine And it es a faire citee and wele walled aboute with many faire toures And it es a grete cite bot it was sum tyme gretter þan it esn owe For it was sum tyme twa myle on lentℏ and on brede oþer half myle And thurgℏ þe myddes of þat citee ranne þe water<PTR TARGET="P216.L5"/> of Farphar and a grete brigg ower it and þare ware sum tyme in þe walles aboute þis citee .ccc. and fyfty toures<PTR TARGET="P216.L7"/> and at ilk a piler of þe brigg was a toure.  Þis es þe cheeffe cite of þe kyngdom of Surry And ten myle fra þis cite es þe porte of Saynt Symeon and þare gase þe water off Farphar in to þe see.  Fra Antioche men gase to a cite þat es called Lacuth and þan to Gebel and þan to Tortouse and þare nere es þe land of Channel<PTR TARGET="P216.L13"/> <MILESTONE N="53b" UNIT="folio"/> and þare es a strang casteƚƚ þat es called Maubek.  Fra tortouse passez men to Tryple by see or elles by land thurgℏ þe strayt of mountaynes and felles and þare es a citee þat es called Gibilet.<PTR TARGET="P216.L17"/> Fra Triple gase men til Acres And fra þeine er twa ways to ierusalem þe tane on þe left half and þe toþer on þe riȝt half.  By þe left way men gase by damasc and by þe flum Iordan, By þe riȝt way men gase by Maryn<PTR TARGET="P216.L21"/> and by þe land of Flagramy.<PTR TARGET="P216.L21b"/>  And nere þe mountaynes vnto þe cite of Cayphas þat sum men callez þe casteƚƚ of Pilgrimes And fra þeine to ierusalem er .iij. day iournez In þe whilk men schaƚƚ ga thurgℏ Cesaria Philippi and so to Iaffe and Rames and þe casteƚƚ of Emaus and so to ierusalem.  Now hafe I talde ȝow sum ways by land and by water þat men may ga by to þe haly land after þe cuntreez þat þay com fra neuerþeles þai com aƚƚ til ane ende.</P>
<P>Ȝyt es þare<PTR TARGET="P216.L30"/> anoþer way<PTR TARGET="P216.L30b"/> to ierusalem aƚƚ by land and passe noȝt þe see fra fraunce or flaundres bot þat way es fuƚƚ lang and perlious and of grete trauaile and þerfore few gase þat way.  He þat schaƚƚ ga þat way he schaƚƚ ga thurgℏ Almayne and Pruyss and so to Tartary. Þis tartary es halden of þe grete Caan of Cathay of<PB REF="" N="1:217"/>
 wham I think to speke efterward.  Þis es a fuƚƚ iƚƚ land and sandy and lytiƚƚ fruyt berand For þare growes na corne ne wyne ne beenes ne peese ne nanoþer fruyt conable to man forto liffe with, Bot þare er bestez in grete plentee And þerfore þai<PTR TARGET="P82.L26"/> ete bot flescℏ withouten breed and soupez þe broo And þai drink mylke of aƚƚ maner of bestez.</P></SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P82.L26a"/></P>
<P><MILESTONE N="55a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; þei eten houndes,<PTR TARGET="P82.L26b"/> cattes, ratouns &amp; aƚƚ oþere wylde bestes.  And þei haue no wode or eƚƚ lytyƚƚ And þerfore þei warmen &amp; sethen here mete with hors dong &amp; cow dong &amp; of oþer bestes dryed aȝenst the sonne.  And princes &amp; oþere eten not but ones in the day &amp; þat but<PB REF="" N="1:83"/>
 lytiƚƚ &amp; þei ben rigℏt foule folk &amp; of euyl kynde.  And in somer be aƚƚ þo contrees fallen many tempestes &amp; many hidouse thondres &amp; leytes And slen meche peple &amp; bestes also fuƚƚ oftentyme.  And sodeynly is þere passynge hete &amp; sodeynly also passynge cold And it is the foulest contree &amp; the most cursed and the porest þat men knowen.  And here prince þat gouerneth þat contree þat þei clepen BATℏO,<PTR TARGET="P83.L8"/> duelletℏ at the cytee of Orda.  And treuly no gode man scholde not duellen in þat contre, For the lond &amp; the contree is not worthi houndes to dueƚƚ jnne; It were a gode contree to sowen jnne<PTR TARGET="P83.L11"/> thristeƚƚ &amp; breres &amp; broom &amp; thornes &amp; breres, &amp; for non oþer þing is it not good.  Natheles þere is gode lond in sum place but it is pure litiƚƚ as men seyn.  I haue not ben in þat contre ne be þo weyes but I haue ben at oþer londes þat marcℏen to þo contreyes As in the lond of Russye &amp; in the lond of Nyflan &amp; in the reme of Crako &amp; of lette &amp; in the reme of Daresten<PTR TARGET="P83.L18"/> &amp; in manye oþer places þat marchen to þo costes, but I wente neuer be þat weye to Ierusalem, Wherfore I may not wel teƚƚ ȝou the manere. But ȝif this matiere plese to ony wortℏi man þat hath gon be þat weye he may telle it ȝif him lyke to þat entent þat þo þat wolen go by þat weye and maken here viage be þo costes mowen knowen what weye is þere. For noman may passe be þat weye godely but in <MILESTONE N="55b" UNIT="folio"/> tyme of wynter for the perilous watres &amp; wykkede mareys þat ben in þo contrees, þat noman may passe but ȝif it be strong frost &amp; snowe abouen, for ȝif the snow ne were men mygℏt not gon vp on the yse ne hors ne carre nouþer &amp; it is wel a .iij. iourneyes of sucℏe weye to passe from Prusse to the lond of sarazin habitable.  And it behouetℏ to the cristene men þat schuƚƚ werre aȝen hem euery ȝeer to bere here vitaylles with hem, for þei schuƚƚ fynde þere no good, And þan most þei let carye here vitaylle vpon the yse with carres þat haue no wheeles þat þei clepen Scleyes,<PTR TARGET="P83.L35"/> And als longe as here vitailles lasten þei may abyde þere but no longer, For þere schuƚƚ þei fynde no wigℏt þat wil selle<PB REF="" N="1:84"/>
 hem ony vitaille or ony thing.  And whan the spyes seen ony cristene men comen vpon hem þei rennen to the townes &amp; cryen with a lowd voys KERRA KERRA KERRA &amp; þan anon þei armen hem &amp; assembƚe hem togydere. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat it fresetℏ more strongly in þo contrees þan on this half &amp; þerfore hatℏ euery man stewes in his hous &amp; in þo stewes þei eten &amp; don here occupaciouns aƚƚ þat þei may.  For þat is at the nortℏ parties þat men clepen the septentrioneƚƚ where it is aƚƚ only cold, For the sonne is but lytiƚƚ or non toward þo contreyes &amp; þerfore in the Septemtryon þat is verry nortℏ is the lond so cold þat noman may dueƚƚ þere &amp; in the contrarye toward the soutℏ it is so hoot þat noman ne may dueƚƚ þere, be cause þat the sonne whan he is vpon the Soutℏ castetℏ his bemes aƚƚ stregℏt vpon þat partye.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.16"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.15.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XVI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">MAHOMET AND HIS LAW</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CUSTOMES OF SARASINES, &amp; OF HIRE LAWE, &amp; HOW THE SOUDAN ARRESOND ME AUTOUR OF THIS BOOK, AND OF THE BE GYNNYNGE OF MACHOMETE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW because þat I haue spoken of sarazines &amp; of here contre now ȝif ȝee wil knowe a partye of here lawe<PTR TARGET="P84.L18"/> &amp; of here <MILESTONE N="56a" UNIT="folio"/> beleue I schaƚƚ teƚƚ ȝou after þat here book þat is clept ALKARON telletℏ, And summen clepen þat book MESHAF<PTR TARGET="P84.L21"/> &amp; summe clepen it HARME after the dyuerse langages of the contree, The whiche book Machamete toke hem. in the whiche boke among oþer thinges is writen, as I haue often tyme seen &amp; radd, þat the gode schuƚƚ gon to paradys &amp; the euele to helle &amp; þat beleeuen aƚƚ sarazines. And ȝif a man aske hem what paradys þei menen þei seyn to paradys þat is a place of delytes<PTR TARGET="P84.L27"/> where men schuƚƚ fynde aƚƚ maner of frutes in aƚƚ cesouns &amp; ryueres rennynge of mylk &amp; hony &amp; of wyn &amp; of swete water &amp; þat þei schuƚƚ haue faire houses &amp; noble euery man after his dissert made of precyous stones &amp; of gold &amp; of syluer.  And þat euery<PB REF="" N="1:85"/>
 man schaƚƚ haue .iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. wyfes aƚƚ maydenes &amp; he schaƚƚ haue ado euery day with hem &amp; ȝit he schaƚƚ fynden hem aƚƚ weys maydenes.  Also þei beleeuen &amp; speken gladly of the virgine Marie &amp; of the Incarnacioun And þei seyn þat Marie was taugℏt of the Angel &amp; þat Gabrieƚƚ seyde to hire þat sche was forchosen from the begynnynge of the world &amp; þat he schewed to hire the Incarnacioun of Ihesu crist &amp; þat sche conceyued &amp; bare child mayden &amp; þat wytnessetℏ here boke.  &amp; þei seyn also þat Ihesu crist spak als sone as he was born<PTR TARGET="P85.L9"/> &amp; þat he was an holy prophete &amp; a trewe in woord &amp; dede &amp; meke &amp; pytous &amp; rightfuƚƚ &amp; with outen ony vyce.  And þei seyn also þat whan the Angel<PTR TARGET="P85.L13"/> schewed the Incarnacioun of crist vnto Marie sche was ȝong &amp; had gret drede.  For þere was þanne an enchauntour in the contree þat deled with wycchecraft þat men clepten Taknia þat be his enchauntementes cowde make him in lykness of an Angel &amp; wente often tymes &amp; lay with maydenes <MILESTONE N="56b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; þerfore Marie dredde lest it hadde ben Taknia þat cam for to desceyue the maydenes.  And þerfore sche coniured the Angel þat he scholde teƚƚ hire ȝif it were he or nō And the angel answerde &amp; seyde þat sche scholde haue no drede of him for he was verry messager of Ihesu crist.  Also here book seytℏ þat whan þat sche had childed vnder a palme tre<PTR TARGET="P85.L24"/> sche had gret schame þat sche hadde a child &amp; sche grette &amp; seyde þat sche wolde þat sche hadde ben ded; And anon the child spak to hire &amp; comforted hire &amp; seyde: Moder ne dysmaye þe nougℏt, for god hatℏ hidd in þe his preuytees for the saluacioun of the world.  And in othere many places seytℏ here ALKARON þat Ihesu crist spak als sone as he was born.  And þat book seytℏ also þat Ihesu was sent from god aƚƚ mygℏty for to ben myrour &amp; ensample &amp; tokne to alle men.  And the Alkaron seytℏ also of the day of doom, how god schal come to deme aƚƚ maner of folk &amp; the gode he schaƚƚ drawen on his syde &amp; putte hem into blisse, And the wykkede he schal condempne to the peynes of heƚƚ.  And amonges aƚƚ<PB REF="" N="1:86"/>
 propℏetes Ihesu was the most excellent &amp; the moste wortℏi next god, And þat he made the gospelles in the whicℏe is gode doctryne &amp; helefuƚƚ, fuƚƚ of claritee<PTR TARGET="P86.L3"/> &amp; sotℏfastness &amp; trewe prechinge to hem þat beleeuen in god And þat he was a verry prophete &amp; more þan a prophete &amp; lyued withouten synne &amp; ȝaf sygℏt to þe blynde &amp; helede the lepres &amp; reysede dede men &amp; steigℏ to heuene.  And whan þei mowe holden the boke of the gospelles of oure lord writen &amp; namely <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">MISSUS EST ANGELUS GABRIEL,</SEG></TITLE><PTR TARGET="P86.L9"/> þat gospeƚƚ þei seyn þo þat ben lettred often tymes in here orisouns &amp; þei kissen it &amp; worschipen it with gret deuocioun.  Þei fasten an hool monetℏ in the ȝeer &amp; eten nougℏt but be nygℏte <MILESTONE N="57a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; þei kepen hem from here wyfes aƚƚ þat monetℏ.  But the seke men be not constreyned to þat fast. Also this book spektℏ of Iewes &amp; seytℏ þat þei ben cursed for þei wolde not beleuen þat Ihesu crist was comen of god &amp; þat þei lyeden falsely on Marie &amp; on hire sone Ihesu crist seyenge þat þei hadden crucyfyed Ihesu the sone of Marie.  For he was neuere crucyfyed<PTR TARGET="P86.L19"/> as þei seyn, but þat god made him to stye vp to him withouten detℏ &amp; withouten anoye, But he transfigured his lykness into IUDAS SCARIOTℏ &amp; him crucifyeden the Iewes &amp; wenden þat it had ben Ihesus But Ihesu steygℏ to heuenes aƚƚ quyk &amp; þerfore þei seyn þat the cristene men erren &amp; han no gode knouleche of this &amp; þat þei beleeuen folyly &amp; falsly þat Ihesu crist was crucyfyed.  And þei seyn ȝit þat, &amp; he had ben crucyfyed, þat god had don aȝen his rightwisness for to suffre Ihesu crist þat was Innocent to ben put vpon the cros withouten gylt.  And in this article þei seyn þat wee faylen &amp; þat the gret rigℏtwisness of god ne myℏte not suffre so gret a wrong.  And in this fayletℏ here feytℏ, For þei knoulechen wel þat the werkes of Ihesu crist ben gode &amp; his wordes &amp; his dedes &amp; his doctryne be his gospelles weren trewe &amp; his meracles also trewe &amp; the blessede virgine Marie is good &amp; holy mayden before &amp; after the birtℏe of Ihesu crist, And þat aƚƚ þo þat<PB REF="" N="1:87"/>
 beleuen perfectely in god schul ben saued.  And be cause þat þei gon so ny oure feytℏ<PTR TARGET="P87.L2"/> þei ben lyghtly conuerted to cristene lawe whan men preche hem And schewen hem distynctly the lawe of Ihesu crist &amp; whan <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">men</SUPPLIED> tellen hem of the prophecyes.  And also þei seyn þat þei knowen wel be the prophecyes þat the lawe of Machomete schaƚƚ fayƚe<PTR TARGET="P87.L6"/> as <MILESTONE N="57b" UNIT="folio"/> the lawe of the Iewes dide And þat the lawe of cristene peple schaƚƚ laste to the day of doom.  And ȝif ony man aske<PTR TARGET="P87.L8"/> hem what is here beleeue, þei answeren þus &amp; in this forme: Wee beleuen god formyour of heuene &amp; of ertℏe &amp; of aƚƚ oþere thinges þat he made &amp; withouten him is no thing made.  And we beleuen of <CHOICE><CORR RESP="DR">the day</CORR><SIC>thay</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P87.L12"/> of doom &amp; þat euery man schaƚƚ haue his meryte after he hatℏ disserued And we beleue it for sotℏ aƚƚ þat god hatℏ seyd be the moutℏes of his prophetes.  Also Machomet commanded in his ALKARON þat euery man scholde haue .ij. wyfes<PTR TARGET="P87.L16"/> or .iij. or .iiij. but now þei taken vnto .ix. &amp; of lemmannes als manye as he may susteyne.  And ȝif ony of here wifes mys beren hem aȝenst hire husbonde he may caste hire out of his hous &amp; departe fro <CHOICE><CORR RESP="DR">hir</CORR><SIC>him</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P87.L20"/> &amp; take anoþer, But he schaƚƚ departe with hire of his godes.  Also whan men speken to hem of the fader &amp; of the sone &amp; of the holy gost þei seyn þat þei ben .iij. persones,<PTR TARGET="P87.L23"/> but not o god, For here Alkaron speketℏ not of the trynyte.  But þei seyn wel þat god hatℏ specℏe &amp; eƚƚ were he dowmb &amp; god hatℏ also a spirit þei knowen wel for eƚƚ þei seyn he were not on lyue.  And whan men speken to hem of the Incarnacioun how þat be the word of the Angel god sente his wysdom in to erthe &amp; envmbred him in the virgyne Marie &amp; be the woord of god schuƚƚ þe dede ben reysed at the day of doom, þei seyn þat it is sotℏ &amp; þat the woord of god hatℏ gret strengtℏe, And þei seyn þat whoso knew not þe woord of god he scholde not knowe god.  And þei seyn also þat Ihesu crist is the woord of god &amp; so seytℏ hire ALKARON, where it seytℏ þat the Angel spak to Marie<PB REF="" N="1:88"/>
 and seyde: Marie, god schaƚƚ preche þe the <MILESTONE N="58a" UNIT="folio"/> gospeƚƚ be the woord of his mowtℏ &amp; his name schaƚƚ be clept Ihesu crist.  And þei seyn also þat Abraham was frend to god And þat Moyses<PTR TARGET="P88.L4"/> was familier spekere with god &amp; Ihesu crist was the woord &amp; the spirit of god &amp; þat Machomete was right messager of god. And þei seyn þat of theise .iiij. Ihesu was the most worthi &amp; the most excellent &amp; the most gret so þat þei han many gode articƚes of oure feytℏ, aƚƚ be it þat þei haue no parfite lawe &amp; feytℏ as cristene men han.<PTR TARGET="P88.L9"/>  &amp; þerfore ben þei lightly conuerted &amp; namely þo þat vnderstonden the scriptures &amp; the prophecyes, For þei han the gospelles &amp; the prophecies &amp; the byble writen in here langage.  Wherfore þei conen meche of holy wrytt, but þei vnderstonde it not but after the lettre &amp; so don the Iewes.  For þei vndirstonde not the lettre gostly but bodyly &amp; þerfore ben þei repreued<PTR TARGET="P88.L16"/> of þe wise þat gostly vnderstonden it.  And þerfore seytℏ Seynt Poul:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">LITERA OCCIDIT, SPIRITUS AUTEM VIUIFICAT.</Q><PTR TARGET="P88.L18"/>  Also the sarazines seyn þat the Iewes ben cursed for þei han defouled the lawe<PTR TARGET="P88.L19"/> þat god sente hem be Moyses, And the cristene ben cursed also, as þei seyn, for þei kepen not the commandementes &amp; the preceptes of the gospeƚƚ þat Ihesu crist taugℏte hem. And þerfore I schaƚƚ teƚƚ ȝou what the Soudan tolde me<PTR TARGET="P88.L23"/> vpon a day in his chambre.  He leet voyden out of his chambre aƚƚ maner of men, lordes &amp; oþere, for he wolde speke with me in conseiƚƚ.  And þere he asked me how the cristene men gouerned hem in oure contree, and I seyde him right wel, thonked be god.  &amp; he seyde me treulycℏ nay, for ȝee cristene men<PTR TARGET="P88.L29"/> ne reccℏe right nogℏt how vntrewly to serue god; ȝee scholde ȝeuen ensample to the lewed peple for to do wel &amp; ȝee ȝeuen hem ensample to don euyƚƚ.  for the comownes vpon festyfuƚƚ dayes whan þei scholden gon to chirche <MILESTONE N="58b" UNIT="folio"/> to serue god, þan gon þei to tauernes &amp; ben þere in glotony aƚƚ þe day &amp; aƚƚ nygℏt &amp; eten &amp; drynken as bestes þat haue no resoun &amp; wite not whan þei haue ynow.  And also the cristene men enforcen hem in aƚƚ maneres þat þei mowen for to<PB REF="" N="1:89"/>
 fighten<PTR TARGET="P89.L1"/> &amp; for to desceyuen þat on þat other, And þerewithaƚƚ þei ben so proude þat þei knowen not how to ben clothed, now long, now schort, now streyt, now large, now swerded, now daggered<PTR TARGET="P89.L4"/> &amp; in aƚƚ manere gyses.  Þei scholden ben symple meke &amp; trewe &amp; fuƚƚ of almesdede as Ihesu was in whom þei trowe, but þei ben aƚƚ the contrarie &amp; euere enclyned to the euyƚƚ &amp; to don euyƚƚ.  And þei ben so coueytous þat for a lytyƚƚ syluer þei sellen here dougℏtres, here sustres &amp; here owne wyfes to putten hem to leccherie, And on withdrawetℏ the wif of anotℏer &amp; non of hem holdetℏ feytℏ to anotℏer, but þei defoulen here lawe þat Ihesu crist betook hem to kepe for here saluacioun.  And þus for here synnes han þei lost aƚƚ this lond þat wee holden.  For for hire synnes here god hatℏ taken hem in to oure hondes, nogℏt only be strengtℏe of oureself, but for here synnes.  For wee knowen wel in verry sotℏ þat whan ȝee seruen god god wil helpe ȝou, And whan he is with ȝou noman may ben aȝenst ȝou. And þat knowe we wel be oure prophecyes,<PTR TARGET="P89.L19"/> þat cristene men schuƚƚ wynnen aȝen this lond out of oure hondes whan þei seruen god more deuoutly.  But als longe as þei ben of foul &amp; of vnclene lyvynge as þei ben now wee haue no drede of hem in no kynde, for here god wil not helpen hem in no wise.  And þan I asked him how he knew the state of aƚƚ cristene men &amp; he answerde me þat he knew aƚƚ the state of aƚƚ contres of cristene kynges &amp; princes<PTR TARGET="P89.L26"/> &amp; the state of the comounes also be his messangeres,<PTR TARGET="P89.L27"/> þat he sente to aƚƚ londes in manere as þei weren marchauntes of precyous stones, of clothes of gold<PTR TARGET="P89.L29"/> &amp; of othere <MILESTONE N="59a" UNIT="folio"/> thinges for to knowen the manere of euery contree amonges cristenemen.  And þan he leet clepe in aƚƚ the lordes þat he made voyden first out of his chambre &amp; þere he schewed me .iiij. þat weren grete lordes in the contree þat tolden me of my contree &amp; of manye oþer cristene contrees als wel as þei had ben of the same contree &amp; þei spak frenscℏ rigℏt wel &amp; the sowdan also, whereof I had gret meruaylle. Allas, þat it is gret sclaundre to oure feitℏ &amp; to oure lawe,<PB REF="" N="1:90"/>
 whan folk þat ben withouten lawe schuƚƚ repreuen vs &amp; vndernemen vs of oure synnes, And þei þat scholden ben conuerted to crist &amp; to the lawe of Ihesu be oure gode ensamples &amp; be oure acceptable lif to god, &amp; so conuerted to the lawe of Ihesu crist, ben þorgℏ oure wykkedness &amp; euyƚƚ lyuynge fer fro vs &amp; straungeres fro the holy &amp; verry beleeve schuƚƚ þus appelen vs &amp; holden vs for wykkede lyueres &amp; cursede.  And treuly þei sey sotℏ, For the sarazines ben gode &amp; feytℏfuƚƚ, For þei kepen entierly the commandement of the holy book ALKARON þat god sente hem be his messager Machomet, to the whiche, as þei seyn, Seynt Gabrieƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P90.L12"/> the aungel often tyme tolde the wille of god. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat Machamote was born in Arabye,<PTR TARGET="P90.L14"/> þat was first a pore knaue þat kepte Cameles þat wenten with Marchantes for marchandise; &amp; so befeƚƚ þat he wente with the marchandes in to Egipt &amp; þei weren þanne cristene in þo partyes.  And at the desertes of Arabye he wente in to a chapeƚƚ where a Eremyte<PTR TARGET="P90.L19"/> duelte, And whan he entred in to the chapeƚƚ þat was but a lytiƚƚ &amp; a low thing &amp; had but a lityl dore &amp; a low, þan the entree began to wexe<PTR TARGET="P90.L21"/> so gret &amp; so large &amp; so higℏ as þougℏ it had ben of a gret mynstre or the ȝate <MILESTONE N="59b" UNIT="folio"/> of a paleys.  And this was the firste myracle the sarazins seyn þat Machomete dide in his ȝoutℏe.  After began he for to wexe wyse and riche &amp; he was a gret Astronomer &amp; after he was gouernour &amp; prince<PTR TARGET="P90.L26"/> of the lond of Corrodane &amp; he gouerned it fuƚƚ wisely in sucℏ manere þat whan the prince was ded he toke the lady to wyfe, þat higℏte Gadrige.  And Machomete feƚƚ often in the grete sikeness<PTR TARGET="P90.L30"/> þat men callen the fallynge euyƚƚ, Wherfore the lady was fuƚƚ sory þat euere sche toke him to husbonde.  But Machomete made hire to beleeue þat aƚƚ tymes whan he feƚƚ so Gabriel the angel cam for to speke with him &amp; for the gret ligℏt &amp; brigℏtness of the angeƚƚ he mygℏte not susteyne him fro fallynge; And þerfore the sarazines seyn þat Gabriel cam often to speke with him.  This Machomete regned in Arabye the ȝeer<PB REF="" N="1:91"/>
 of oure lord Ihesu crist .vj. C. &amp; .x. and was of the generacioun of ysmael<PTR TARGET="P91.L2"/> þat was Abrahames sone þat he gat vpon Agar his chamberere.  And þerfore þer ben sarazines þat ben clept Ismaelytenes,<PTR TARGET="P91.L4"/> &amp; summe Agaryenes of Agar &amp; the oþere propurly ben clept Sarrazines of Sarra &amp; summe ben clept Moabytes &amp; summe Amonytes for the .ij. sones of lotℏ, Moab &amp; Amon þat he begatt on his doughtres, þat weren aftirward grete ertℏely princes. And also Machomete loued wel a gode heremyte<PTR TARGET="P91.L9"/> þat duelled in the desertes a myle fro þat Mount Synay in the weye þat men gon fro Arabye toward Caldee &amp; toward ynde, o day iourney fro the see, where the marchauntes of Venyse comen often for marchandise.  And so often wente Machomete<PTR TARGET="P91.L14"/> to this heremyte þat aƚƚ his men weren wrotℏe for he wolde gladly here this heremyte preche &amp; make his men wake aƚƚ nygℏt, &amp; þerfore his men þougℏten to putte the heremyte to detℏ.  &amp; so befeƚƚ vpon a nygℏt þat Machomete was dronken of gode wyn <MILESTONE N="60a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; he feƚƚ on slepe &amp; his men toke Machometes swerd out of his schetℏe whils he slepte &amp; þere with þei slowgℏ this heremyte &amp; putten his swerd al blody in his schetℏe aȝen.  And at morwe whan he fond the heremyte ded he was fuƚƚ sory &amp; wrotℏ &amp; wolde haue don his men to detℏ, but þei aƚƚ with on accord <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">said</SUPPLIED> þat he himself had slayn him whan he was dronken &amp; schewed him his swerd aƚƚ blody &amp; he trowed þat þei hadden seyd sotℏ. And þan he cursed the wyn &amp; aƚƚ þo þat drynken it, And þerfore sarrazines þat ben deuout drynken neuere no wyn; but summe drynken it preuyly, For ȝif þei dronken it openly þei scholde ben repreued.  But þei drynken gode beuerage &amp; swete &amp; noryssℏynge þat is made of Galameƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P91.L32"/> &amp; þat is þat men maken sugre of, þat is of rigℏt gode sauour &amp; it is gode for the breest. Also it befalletℏ sumtyme þat cristene men becomen sarazines ouþer for pouertee or for sympleness or elles for here owne wykkedness; And þerfore the Archiflamyn<PTR TARGET="P91.L36"/><PB REF="" N="1:92"/>
 or the Flamyn, <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">as</CORR><SIC>os</SIC></CHOICE> oure <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">Erchebisshopp</CORR><SIC>Echebisshopp</SIC></CHOICE> or Bisshopp, Whan he resceyuetℏ hem seytℏ þus: <Q>LA ELLEC OLLA SYLA MACHOMET RORES ALLA,</Q><PTR TARGET="P92.L2"/> þat is to seye: þere is no god but on &amp; Machomete his messager. Now I haue told ȝou a party of here lawe &amp; of here customes I schal seye ȝou of here lettres<PTR TARGET="P92.L6"/> þat þei haue with here names &amp; the manere of hire figures, What þei ben.</P>
<P>[Another alphabet.]</P>
<P>And .iiij. lettres þei haue more þan oþere for dyuersitee of hire langage <MILESTONE N="60b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; speche, for als moche as þei speken in here throtes.  And wee in Englond haue in oure langage &amp; speche .ii. lettres mo þan þei haue in hire .A.B.C. &amp; þat is: Þ &amp; Ȝ, the whicℏe ben clept þorn &amp; ȜOGℏ.<PTR TARGET="P92.L12"/></P>
</DIV2>

</DIV1>

<DIV1 TYPE="part"><PB REF="" N="1:[93]"/>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">[PART SECOND: THE COUNTRIES BEYOND THE HOLY LAND.]</HEAD><PB REF="" N="1:[94]"/>
<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.17"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.16.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:[95]"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XVII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">ARMENIA.  THE SPARROW-HAWK TALE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE LONDES OF ALBANYE AND OF LIBYE; OF THE WISSHINGES FOR WACCHINGE OF THE SPERHAUK, &amp; OF NOES SCHIPPE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW sitℏ I haue told ȝou beforn of the holy lond &amp; of þat contree abouten &amp; of many weyes for to go to þat lond &amp; to þe mount Synay &amp; of Babyloyne the more &amp; the less<PTR TARGET="P95.L4"/> &amp; to oþer places þat I haue spoken beforn, now is tyme ȝif it lyke ȝou for to teƚƚ ȝou of the marches &amp; Iles &amp; dyuerse bestes &amp; of dyuerse folk beȝond theise marches.  For in þo contrees beȝonden ben many dyuerse contrees &amp; many grete kyngdomes þat ben departed be the .iiij. flodes<PTR TARGET="P95.L9"/> þat comen from paradys terrestre.  For Mesopotayme &amp; the kyngdom of Caldee &amp; Arabye ben betwene the .ij. ryueres of Tygre &amp; of Eufrates, And the kyngdom of Mede &amp; of Persye<PTR TARGET="P95.L12"/> ben betwene the ryueres of Nile &amp; of Tygres.  And the kyngdom of Syrie where of I haue spoken beforn &amp; Palestyne &amp; Phenicye ben betwene Eufrates &amp; the se Medyterrane.  The whiche see duretℏ in lengtℏe fro Mayrok vpon the see of Spayne vnto the grete see,<PTR TARGET="P95.L17"/> so þat it lastetℏ beȝonde Costantynople .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. &amp; .xl. myles of lombardye.  And toward the see Occyan &amp; Inde is the kyngdom of Shithie þat is aƚƚ closed with hilles And after vnder Schithie &amp; fro the see of Caspie vnto the flom of Thamy<PTR TARGET="P95.L21"/> is AMAZOYNE þat is the lond of FEMYNYE, where þat noman is <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">but</CORR><SIC>bu</SIC></CHOICE> only aƚƚ wommen.  And after is Albanye<PTR TARGET="P95.L23"/> a fuƚƚ gret reme, And it is clept Albanye be cause þat the folk ben whitere þere þan in oþer marches þere abouten; And in þat contree ben so gret houndes &amp; so stronge þat þei assaylen lyouns &amp; slen hem.  And þanne after <MILESTONE N="61a" UNIT="folio"/> is Hircanye Bactrie Hiberye &amp; many oþer kyngdomes.  And betwene the rede see &amp; the see occyan toward the soutℏ is the kyngdom of Ethiope &amp; of libye the hyere, The whiche lond of Lybye þat is to seyne libye the lowe þat begynnetℏ at<PB REF="" N="1:96"/>
 the see of Spayne fro þens where the pyleres of hercules ben And duretℏ vnto aneyntes Egipt &amp; toward Ethiope. In þat contre of libye is the see more higℏ þan the lond<PTR TARGET="P96.L3"/> &amp; it semetℏ þat it wolde couere the <DEL>lond</DEL> ertℏe &amp; natheles ȝit it passetℏ not his markes.  And men seen in þat contre a mountayne to the whicℏe noman come.  In this lond of libye whoso turnetℏ toward the Est the schadewe of himself is on the right syde And here in oure contree the schadwe is on the left syde.  In þat see of libye is no fisscℏ, for þei mowe not lyve ne dure <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">for</CORR><SIC>for/for</SIC></CHOICE> the gret hete of the sonne, because þat the water is euermore boyllynge for the gret hete.  And many <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">oþere</CORR><SIC>oþeres</SIC></CHOICE> londes þer ben, þat it were to long to teƚƚe or to nombren, But of sum parties I schaƚƚ speke more pleynly here after.
Whoso wil þanne gon toward Tartarie, toward Persie, toward Caldee &amp; toward ynde, he most entre the see at Gene or at Venyse or at sum otℏer hauene þat I haue told ȝou before; And þan passe men the see &amp; arryuen at Trapazond þat is a gode cytee &amp; it was wont to ben the hauene of POUNTZ.<PTR TARGET="P96.L20"/>  Þere is the hauene of Persanes &amp; of Medaynes &amp; of the marches þere beȝonde.  In þat cytee lytℏ seynt Athanasie þat was Bisshopp of Alisandre þat made þe psalm: <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">QUICUMQUE WŁT.</SEG></TITLE><PTR TARGET="P96.L23"/>  This ATHANASIUS was a gret doctour of dyuynytee &amp; because þat he preched &amp; spak so depely of dyuynytee &amp; of the godhede he was accused to the Pope of Rome þat he was an heretyk, Wherfore the Pope sente after ℏym <MILESTONE N="61b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; putte him in presoun.  And whils he was in presoun he made þat psalm &amp; sente it to the Pope &amp; seyde þat ȝif he were an heretyk þan was þat heresie, for þat he seyde was his beleeue.  And whan the Pope saugℏ it &amp; had examyned it, þat it was perfite &amp; gode &amp; verryly oure feytℏ &amp; oure beleeue, he made him to ben delyuered out of presoun &amp; commanded þat psalm to ben seyd euery day at pryme &amp; so he held Athanasie a gode man.  But he wolde neuere<PB REF="" N="1:97"/>
 go to his bisshopriche aȝen because þat þei accused him of heresye.  Trapozond was wont to ben holden of the Emperour of Costantynople, But a gret man þat he sente for to kepe the contree aȝenst the Turkes vsurped the lond &amp; helde it to him self &amp; cleped him Emperour of Trapazond.
And from þens men gon thorgℏ litiƚƚ Ermonye, And in þat contree is an old casteƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P97.L7"/> þat stont vpon a roche the whiche is cleped the casteƚƚ of the SPARREHAWK, þat is beȝonde the cytee of LAYAYS<PTR TARGET="P97.L9"/> beside the town of Pharsipee þat belongetℏ to the lordschipe of CRUK þat is a riche lord &amp; a gode cristene man; Where men fynden a Sparehauk vpon a perche rigℏt fair &amp; rigℏt wel made &amp; a faire lady of fayrye<PTR TARGET="P97.L13"/> þat kepetℏ it.  And who þat wil wake þat Sparhauk .vij. dayes &amp; .vij. nyghtes &amp; as summe men seyn .iij. dayes &amp; .iij. nygℏtes withouten companye &amp; withouten sleep, þat faire lady schal ȝeuen him whan he hatℏ don the first wysscℏ þat he wil wyssche of erthely thinges; &amp; þat hatℏ ben proued often tymes.  And o tyme befeƚƚ þat a kyng of Ermonye þat was a wortℏi knygℏt &amp; a dougℏty man &amp; a noble prince woke þat hauk sum tyme &amp; at the ende of .vij. dayes &amp; .vij. nyghtes the lady cam to him &amp; bad him wisscℏen: for he had wel disserued it.  And he answerde þat he was gret lord ynow &amp; wel in pees <MILESTONE N="62a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; hadde ynowgℏ of worldly richess &amp; þerfore he wolde wisshen non oþer thing but the body of þat faire lady to haue it at his wille.  And sche answerde him þat he knew not what he asked &amp; seyde þat he was a fool to desire þat he mygℏte not haue for sche seyde þat he scholde not aske but erthely thing, for sche was non erthely thing, but a gostly thing.  And the kyng seyde þat he ne wolde asken non oþer thing.  And the lady answerde: sytℏe þat I may not withdrawe ȝou fro ȝoure lewed courage I schal ȝeue ȝou withouten wysschinge &amp; to aƚƚ hem þat schuƚƚ com of ȝou.  Sire kyng ȝee schuƚƚ haue werre withouten pees &amp; aƚƚ weys to the .ix<HI REND="sup">e</HI>. degree ȝee schuƚƚ ben in subieccioun of ȝoure enemyes &amp; ȝee schuƚƚ ben nedy of aƚƚ godes.  And neuere sitℏen nouther the<PB REF="" N="1:98"/>
 kyng of Ermonye ne the contree weren neuer in pees ne þei hadden neuer sitℏen plentee of godes &amp; þei han ben sitℏen aƚƚweyes vnder tribute of the sarrazines.  Also the sone of a pore man<PTR TARGET="P98.L4"/> woke þat hauke &amp; wisshed þat he mygℏte cheue wel &amp; to ben happy to marchandise &amp; the lady graunted him And he becam the most riche &amp; the most famouse marcℏant þat mygℏte ben on see or on ertℏe.  And he becam so riche þat he knew not the .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. part of þat he hadde &amp; he was wysere in wisschinge þan was þe kyng. Also a knygℏt of the temple wooke þere &amp; wyssched a purs eueremore fuƚƚ of gold &amp; the lady graunted him.  But sche seyde him þat he had asked the destruccioun of here ordre for the trust &amp; the affiance of þat purs &amp; for the grete pryde þat þei scholde hauen &amp; so it was.  And þerfore loke he kepe him wel þat schaƚƚ wake, For ȝif he slepe he is lost þat neuere man schaƚƚ seen him more.  This is not the rigℏt weye for to go to the parties þat I haue nempned before, but for to see the merueyle þat I haue spoken of,<MILESTONE N="62b" UNIT="folio"/>
 And þerfore whoso wil go rigℏt weye, men gon from TRAPAZOND toward Ermonye the grete vnto a cytee þat is clept ARTYROUN<PTR TARGET="P98.L21"/>: Þat was wont to ben a gode cytee &amp; a plentifous, but the Turkes han gretly wasted it.  Þere aboute growetℏ no wyn ne frut but lityƚƚ or eƚƚ non.  In this lond is the ertℏe more higℏ þan in ony oþer &amp; þat maketℏ gret cold<PTR TARGET="P98.L24"/> And þere ben many gode watres &amp; gode welles þat comen vnder ertℏe fro the flom of Paradys þat is clept EUFRATES, þat is a iorneye besyde þat cytee.<PTR TARGET="P98.L27"/> And þat ryuere cometℏ towardes ynde vnder ertℏe<PTR TARGET="P98.L28"/> &amp; resortetℏ<PTR TARGET="P98.L29"/> into the lond of Altazar And so passe men be this Ermonye &amp; entren the see of Persie.  Fra þat cytee of Artyroun go men to an hiƚƚ þat is clept SABISSOCOLLE;<PTR TARGET="P98.L31"/> And þere besyde is anoþer hiƚƚ þat men clepen Araratℏ,<PTR TARGET="P98.L32"/> but þe Iewes clepen it TANEEZ,<PTR TARGET="P98.L33"/> where Noes schipp rested &amp; ȝit is vpon þat montayne, And men may seen it a ferr in cleer weder.  And þat montayne is wel a .vij. myle higℏ And summen seyn þat þei han seen &amp; touched the schipp &amp; put here fyngres in the parties where the feend<PB REF="" N="1:99"/>
 went out, Whan þat Noe seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">BENEDICITE,</Q> But þei þat seyn suche woordes seyn here wille.  For a man may not gon vp the montayne for gret plentee of snow þat is aƚƚweys on þat montayne nouþer somer ne wynter,<PTR TARGET="P99.L4"/> so þat noman may gon vp þere ne neuere man dide sithe the tyme of Noe saf a monk þat be the grace of god brougℏte on of the plankes doun, þat ȝit is in the mynstre at the foot of the montayne.<PTR TARGET="P99.L8"/> And besyde is the cytee of DAYNE<PTR TARGET="P99.L8b"/> þat Noe founded, And faste by is the cytee of Any<PTR TARGET="P99.L9"/> in the whiche were wont to ben a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. chirches. But vpon þat montayne to gon vp this monk had gret desir And so vpon a day he <MILESTONE N="63a" UNIT="folio"/> wente vp And whan he was vpward the .iij. part of the montayne he was so wery, þat he mygℏte no fertℏere and so he rested him &amp; feƚƚ oslepe.  And whan he awook he fonde him self liggynge at the foot of the montayne And þan he preyede deuoutly to god þat he wolde vouchesaf to suffre him gon vp.  And an angeƚƚ cam to him &amp; seyde þat he scholde gon vp And so he dide, And sith þat tyme neuer non; wherfore men scholde not beleeve suche woordes. Fro þat montayne go men to the cytee of THAURISO<PTR TARGET="P99.L21"/> þat was wont to ben clept FAXIS þat is a fuƚƚ fair cytee &amp; a gret &amp; on of the beste þat is in the world for marchandise.  Þider comen aƚƚ marchauntes for to byen auoir de poys and it is in the lond of the Emperour of Persie And men seyn þat the Emperour taketℏ more gode in þat cytee for custom of marchandise þan dotℏ the ricchest cristene kyng of aƚƚ his reme þat lyuetℏ; For the toƚƚ &amp; the custom of his marchantes is withouten estymacyoun to ben nombred.  Beside þat cytee is an hiƚƚ of salt And of þat salt euery man taketℏ what he wil for to salte with to his nede.  Þere duellen many cristene men vndir tribute of Sarrazines. And fro þat cytee men passen be many townes &amp; casteƚƚ in goynge toward ynde vnto þe cytee of Sadonye þat is a .x. iourneyes fro Thauriso &amp; it is a fuƚƚ noble cytee &amp; a gret.  And þere duelletℏ the Emperour of Persie in somer for the contree is cold ynow &amp; þere ben gode ryueres<PTR TARGET="P99.L37"/> berynge schippes.<PB REF="" N="1:100"/>
 After go men the weye toward ynde be many iorneyes &amp; be many contreyes vnto the cytee þat is clept CASSAK<PTR TARGET="P100.L2"/> þat is a fuƚƚ noble cytee &amp; a plentyfous of cornes &amp; wynes &amp; of aƚƚ oþer godes.  This <MILESTONE N="63b" UNIT="folio"/> is the cytee where the .iij. kynges metten togedre whan þei wenten to sechen oure lord in Bethlem to worschipe him &amp; to presente him witℏ gold, ensence &amp; myrre.  And it is from þat cytee to Bethleem .liij. iourneyes.  Fro þat cytee men gon to anoþer cytee þat is clept Getℏ<PTR TARGET="P100.L9"/> þat is a iourneye fro the see þat men clepen the gravely see.<PTR TARGET="P100.L10"/>  Þat is the beste cytee þat the Emperour of Persie hatℏ in aƚƚ his lond And þei clepen flesscℏ þere DABAGO &amp; the wyn VAPA.<PTR TARGET="P100.L12"/>  And the paynemes seyn þat no cristene man may not longe duelle ne enduren witℏ the lif in þat cytee, but dyen within schort tyme &amp; noman knowetℏ not the cause.  After gon men be many cytees &amp; townes &amp; grete contrees þat it were to longe to teƚƚ vnto the cytee of Cornaa<PTR TARGET="P100.L17"/> þat was wont to be so gret þat the walles abouten helden .xxv. myle aboute.  the walles schewen ȝit, but it is not aƚƚ enhabited. Fro CORNAA go men be many londes &amp; many cytees &amp; townes vnto the lond of IOB, And þere endetℏ the lond of the Emperour of PERSIE.  And ȝif ȝee wole knowe the lettres of Persaynes<PTR TARGET="P100.L23"/> &amp; what names þei han, þei ben suche as I last deuysed ȝou, but not in sownynge of here woordes.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.18"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.17.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XVIII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">CHALDEA.  VARIETIES OF DIAMONDS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE LOND OF IOB &amp; OF HIS AGE; OF THE ARAY OF MEN OF CALDEE; OF THE LOND WHERE WOMMEN DUELLE WITHOUTEN COMPANYE OF MEN; OF THE KNOULECHE &amp; VERTUES OF THE VERRAY DYAMAUNT.</HEAD>
<P>AFTER the departyng fro CORMAA men entren into þe lond of Iob þat is a fuƚƚ fair contree &amp; a plentyfous of aƚƚ godes, And men clepen þat lond the lond of Sweze.<PTR TARGET="P100.L29"/>  In þat lond is the cytee of THEMAN.<PTR TARGET="P100.L29b"/><PB REF="" N="1:101"/>
 Iob was a payneem &amp; he was ARE of GOSRA<PTR TARGET="P101.L1"/> is sone &amp; held þat lond as prynce of that contree &amp; he was so riche þat he knew not the hundred <MILESTONE N="64a" UNIT="folio"/> part of his godes. And aƚƚ þougℏ he were a payneem natheles he serued wel god after his lawe<PTR TARGET="P101.L5"/> And oure lord toke his seruice to his plesance.  And whan he feƚƚ in pouerte he was .lxxviij. ȝeer of age.  And after whan god had preued his pacyence &amp; it was so gret, he broughte him aȝen to richess &amp; to heere estate<PTR TARGET="P101.L9"/> þan he was before.  And after þat he was kyng of YDUMYE after kyng Esau.  And whan he was kyng he was clept IOBAB And in þat kyngdom he lyuede after .clxx. ȝer And so he was of age whan he dyed .ccxlviij. ȝeer.  In þat lond of Iob þere nys no defaute of no þing þat is nedefuƚƚ to mannes body. Þere ben hilles where men geten gret plente of Manna,<PTR TARGET="P101.L15"/> in gretter habundance þan in ony otℏer contree.  This MANNA is clept bred of aungeles &amp; it is a white þing þat is fuƚƚ swete &amp; rigℏt delicyous &amp; more swete þan hony or sugre and it cometℏ of the dew of heuene þat falletℏ vpon the herbes in þat contree And it congeletℏ<PTR TARGET="P101.L20"/> &amp; becometℏ aƚƚ white &amp; swete.  And men putten it in medicynes for ryche men to make the Wombe lax &amp; to purge euyƚƚ blode, for it clensetℏ the blood &amp; puttetℏ out malencolye. This lond of IOB marchetℏ to the kyngdom of Caldee;<PTR TARGET="P101.L25"/> This lond of CALDEE is fuƚƚ gret &amp; the langage of þat contree is more gret in sownynge<PTR TARGET="P101.L26"/> þan it is in oþer parties beȝonde þe see.  Men passen to go beȝonde be the tour of Babiloyne the grete of the whiche I haue told ȝou before, where þat aƚƚ the langages weren first chaunged; And þat is a .iiij. iorneyes fro Caldee. In þat reme<PTR TARGET="P101.L31"/> ben faire men &amp; þei gon fuƚƚ nobely arrayed in clotℏes of gold orfrayed <MILESTONE N="64b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; apparayled with grete perles &amp; precyous stones fuƚƚ nobely, &amp; the wommen ben rigℏt foule &amp; euyƚƚ arrayed &amp; þei gon aƚƚ bare fote &amp; clothed in euyƚƚ garnementes large wyde<PTR TARGET="P101.L35"/> but þei ben schorte to the knees &amp; longe sleves doun to the feet lycℏ a Monkes frokke &amp; here sleves ben hongyng doun to the<PB REF="" N="1:102"/>
 feet; And þei han gret heer &amp; long hanginge aboute here schuldres.  And þei ben blake wommen, foule &amp; hidouse; And treuly as foule as þei ben als euele þei ben.  In þat kyngdom of Caldee in a cytee þat is clept HUR<PTR TARGET="P102.L4"/> dueled Thare Abrahames fader &amp; þere was Abraham born.  And þat was in þat tyme þat Nunus was kyng of Babiloyn̛ of Arabye &amp; of Egypt.  This Nunus made the cytee of Nynyuee the whicℏe þat Noe had begonne before &amp; be cause þat Nunus performed it he cleped it Nynyuee after his owne name.  Þere lytℏ Thobye the prophete of whom holy writt speketℏ offe.  And fro þat cytee of Hur Abraham departed be the commandement of god fro þens after the detℏ of his fader &amp; ladde with him Sarra his wif &amp; Loth his brotheres sone because þat he hadde no child, And þei wenten to duelle in the lond of CHANAAN in a place þat is clept SYCHEM.  And þis lotℏ was he þat was saued whan Sodom &amp; Gomorre &amp; the oþere <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">cytees</CORR><SIC>cytees þat</SIC></CHOICE> weren brent &amp; sonken doun to helle where þat the dede see is now, as I haue told ȝou before.  In þat lond of Caldee þei han here propre langages &amp; here propre lettres, suche as ȝee may see here after.<PTR TARGET="P102.L22"/> Besyde the lond of Caldee is the lond of AMAZOYNE<PTR TARGET="P102.L23"/> þat is the lond of FEMYNYE &amp; in þat reme is aƚƚ wommen &amp; noman, Nogℏt as summe <MILESTONE N="65a" UNIT="folio"/> men seyn þat men mowe not lyue þere, but for because þat the wommen wil not suffre no men<PTR TARGET="P102.L26"/> amonges hem to ben here souereynes.  For sum tyme þer was a kyng in þat contrey &amp; men maryed as in oþer contreyes &amp; so befeƚƚ þat the kyng had werre with hem of SICHIE, the whiche kyng higℏte COLEPEUS,<PTR TARGET="P102.L30"/> þat was slayn in bataylle &amp; aƚƚ the gode blood of his reme.  And whan the queen &amp; aƚƚ the othere noble ladyes sawen þat þei weren aƚƚ wydewes &amp; þat aƚƚ the riaƚƚ blood was lost þei armed hem &amp; as creatures out of wytt<PTR TARGET="P102.L33"/> þei slowen aƚƚ the men of the contrey þat weren laft for þei wolden þat aƚƚ the wommen weren wydewes as the queen &amp; þei weren.  And fro þat tyme hiderwardes<PB REF="" N="1:103"/>
 þei neuere wolden suffren man to dweƚƚ amonges hem lenger þan .vij. dayes &amp; .vij. nyghtes, Ne þat no child þat were male scholde dueƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P103.L3"/> amonges hem lenger þan he were noryscℏt &amp; þanne sente to his fader.  And whan þei wil haue ony companye of man þan þei drawen hem<PTR TARGET="P103.L5"/> towardes the londes marchynge next to hem.  And þan þei <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">haue</SUPPLIED> here loues þat vsen hem &amp; þei duellen with hem an .viij. dayes or .x. &amp; þanne gon hom aȝen.  And ȝif þei haue ony knaue child þei kepen it a certeyn tyme &amp; þan senden it to the fadir whan he can gon allone &amp; eten be him self or eƚƚ þei sleen it; And ȝif it be a femele þei don awey þat on pappe with an hote hiren.  And ȝif it be a womman of gret lynage þei don awey the left pappe þat þei may the better beren a scheeld, And ȝif it be a womman on fote þei don awey the <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">riȝt</CORR><SIC>left</SIC></CHOICE> pappe for to scheten with bowe turkeys, For they schote wel with bowes.  In þat lond þei haue a queen þat gouernetℏ aƚƚ þat lond &amp; aƚƚ þei ben obeyssant to hire And <MILESTONE N="65b" UNIT="folio"/> alweys þei maken here queen by electioun þat is most worthy in armes.  For þei ben rigℏt gode werryoures &amp; orped &amp; wyse, noble &amp; wortℏi.  And þei gon often tyme in sowd to help of oþer kynges in here werres for gold &amp; syluer as otℏere sowdyoures don.  And þei meyntenen hemself right vygouresly.  This lond of Amazoyne is an Ile aƚƚ envirouned with the see saf in .ij. places where ben .ij. entrees, And beȝonde þat water duellen the men þat ben here paramoures &amp; hire loues, where þei gon to solacen hem whan þei wole.  Besyde amazoyne is the lond of TARMEGYTE<PTR TARGET="P103.L29"/> þat is a gret contre &amp; a fuƚƚ delectable And for the godness of the contree kyng Alisandre leet first make þere the cytee of Alisandre; And ȝit he made .xij. cytees of the same name; But þat cytee is now clept Celsite. And fro þat oþer cost of Caldee toward the south is Ethiope a gret contree þat strecchetℏ to the ende of Egypt; Ethiope is departed in .ij. parties princypaƚƚ. And þat is in the est partie &amp; in the meridionaƚƚ partie,<PTR TARGET="P103.L36"/><PB REF="" N="1:104"/>
 The whicℏe partie meridionaƚƚ is clept MORETANE.  And the folk of þat contree ben blake ynow &amp; more blake þan in the toþer partie &amp; þei ben clept mowres.  In þat partie is a weƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P104.L4"/> þat in the day it is so cold þat noman may drynke þere offe And in the nygℏt it is so hoot þat noman may suffre hys hond þere in.  And beȝonde þat partie toward the soutℏ to passe by the see Occean is a gret lond &amp; a gret contrey, but men may not dueƚƚ þere for the feruent brennynge of the sonne, so is it passynge hoot in þat contrey.  In Ethiope aƚƚ the Ryueres &amp; aƚƚ the watres ben trouble &amp; þei ben somdeƚƚ salte for the gret hete þat is þere.  And the folk of þat contree ben <MILESTONE N="66a" UNIT="folio"/> lygℏtly dronken &amp; han but litiƚƚ appetyt to mete And þei han comounly the flux of the wombe &amp; þei lyuen not longe.  In Ethiope ben many dyuerse folk And Ethiope is clept CUSIS.  In þat contree ben folk þat han but o foot<PTR TARGET="P104.L16"/> &amp; þei gon so blyue þat it is meruaylle And the foot is so large þat it schadewetℏ aƚƚ the body aȝen the sonne Whanne þei wole lye &amp; reste hem.  In Ethiope whan the children ben ȝonge &amp; lytiƚƚ þei ben aƚƚ ȝalowe<PTR TARGET="P104.L20"/> And whan þat þei wexen of age þat ȝalowness turnetℏ to ben aƚƚ blak.<PTR TARGET="P104.L21"/>  In Ethiope is the cytee of Saba &amp; the lond of the whiche on of the .iij. kynges þat presented oure lord in Bethleem was kyng offe. Fro Ethiope men gon into ynde be manye dyuerse contreyes And men clepen the higℏ ynde EMLAK.<PTR TARGET="P104.L26"/>  And ynde is devyded in .iij. princypaƚƚ parties Þat is <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">ynde</SUPPLIED> the more þat is a fuƚƚ hoot contree &amp; ynde the less þat is a fuƚƚ atempree contrey þat strecchetℏ to the londe of Mede.  And the .iij. part toward the Septentrion is fuƚƚ cold so þat for pure cold &amp; contynueƚƚ frost the water becometℏ Cristaƚƚ.<PTR TARGET="P104.L31"/>  And vpon tho roches of cristaƚƚ growen the gode dyamandes þat ben of trouble colour; Ȝalow Cristaƚƚ draweth colour lyke oylle<PTR TARGET="P104.L33"/> And þei ben so harde þat noman may pollyscℏ hem &amp; men clepen hem dyamandes in þat contree &amp; HAMESE in anoþer contree.  Othere dyamandes men<PB REF="" N="1:105"/>
 fynden in Arabye<PTR TARGET="P105.L1"/> þat ben not so gode &amp; þei ben more broun &amp; more tendre.  And oþer dyamandes also men fynden in the Ile of Cipre þat ben ȝit more tendre &amp; hem men may wel pollischen; And in the lond of Macedoyne men fynden dyamaundes also, But the beste &amp; the moste precyiouse ben in ynde. <MILESTONE N="66b" UNIT="folio"/> And men fynden many tyme harde dyamaundes in a masse þat cometℏ out of gold<PTR TARGET="P105.L7"/> whan men puren it &amp; fynen it out of the myne whan men breken þat mass in smale peces.  And sum tyme it happenetℏ þat men fynden summe as grete as a pese &amp; summe lasse &amp; þei ben als harde as þo of ynde.  And aƚƚ be it þat men fynden gode dyamandes in ynde, ȝit natℏeles men fynden hem more comounly vpon the roches in the see &amp; vpon hilles where the myne of gold is; And þei growen many to gedre on lytiƚƚ anotℏer gret And þer ben summe of the gretness of a bene &amp; summe als grete as an haseƚƚ note &amp; þei ben square &amp; poynted of here owne kynde boþe abouen &amp; benetℏen withouten worchinge of manues hond &amp; þei growen togedre male &amp; femele<PTR TARGET="P105.L19"/> And þei ben norysscℏt with the dew of heuene<PTR TARGET="P105.L20"/> And þei engendren comounly &amp; bryngen fortℏ smale children þat multiplyen &amp; growen aƚƚ the ȝeer.  I haue often tymes assayed<PTR TARGET="P105.L22"/> þat ȝif a man kepe hem with a lityƚƚ of the roche, &amp; wete hem with may dew ofte sithes þei schuƚƚ growe euerycℏe ȝeer, &amp; the smale wole wexen grete.  For rigℏt as the fyn perl congeletℏ<PTR TARGET="P105.L26"/> and wexetℏ gret of the dew of heuene rigℏt so dotℏ the verray dyamand, And rigℏt as the perl of his owne kynde taketℏ roundness rigℏt so the dyamand be vertu of god taketℏ squareness.  And men schaƚƚ bere the dyamaund on his left syde<PTR TARGET="P105.L30"/> for it is of grettere vertue þanne þan on the rigℏt syde; For the strengtℏe of here growynge<PTR TARGET="P105.L31"/> is toward the nortℏ þat is the left syde of the world, &amp; the left partie of man is whan he turnetℏ his face toward the est.<PTR TARGET="P105.L33"/> And ȝif ȝou lyke to knowe the vertues of þe dyamand <MILESTONE N="67a" UNIT="folio"/> as men may fynden in the lapidarye þat many men knowen nogℏt, I schaƚƚ telle ȝou as þei beȝonde the see seyn &amp; affermen, of whom<PB REF="" N="1:106"/>
 aƚƚ science &amp; aƚƚ philosophie cometℏ from.  He þat beretℏ the dyamand vpon him, it ȝeuetℏ him hardyness<PTR TARGET="P106.L2"/> &amp; manhode &amp; it kepetℏ the lemes of his body hole, It ȝeuetℏ him victorye of his enemyes in plee &amp; in werre ȝif his cause be rigℏtfuƚƚ, &amp; it kepetℏ him þat beretℏ it in gode wytt.  And it kepetℏ him fro strif &amp; ryot, fro euyƚƚ sweuenes, from sorwes &amp; from enchauntementes &amp; from fantasyes &amp; illusiouns of wykked spirites.  And ȝif ony cursed wycche or enchauntour wolde bewycchen him þat beretℏ the dyamand, aƚƚ þat sorwe &amp; mischance<PTR TARGET="P106.L10"/> schaƚƚ turne to himself þorgℏ vertue of þat ston And also no wylde best dar assaylle the man þat beretℏ it on him. Also the dyamand scholde ben ȝouen frely withouten coueytynge &amp; withouten byggynge &amp; þan it is of grettere vertue.  And it maketℏ a man more strong &amp; more sad aȝenst his enemyes And it heletℏ him þat is lunatyk &amp; hem þat the fend pursuetℏ or trauayletℏ.  And ȝif venym or poysoun be brougℏt in presence of the dyamand anon it begynnetℏ to wexe moyst &amp; for to swete.  Þere ben also dyamandes in ynde pat ben clept VIOLASTRES<PTR TARGET="P106.L20"/> for here colour is liche vyolet or more browne þan the violettes, þat ben fuƚƚ harde &amp; fuƚƚ precyous, But ȝit sum men loue not hem so wel as the oþere But in sotℏ to me I wolde louen hem als moche as þe oþere, For I haue seen hem assayed.  Also þere is a noþer maner of dyamandes þat ben als white as cristaƚƚ but þei ben a lityƚƚ more trouble &amp; þei ben gode &amp; of gret vertue &amp; aƚƚ þei ben square &amp; poynted of here owne kynde, And summe ben .vj. squared <MILESTONE N="67b" UNIT="folio"/> summe .iiij. squared &amp; summe .iij. as nature schapetℏ hem &amp; þerfore whan grete lordes &amp; knygℏtes gon to sechen worschipe in armes þei beren gladly the dyamaund vpon hem. I schal speke a litiƚƚ more of the dyamandes aƚƚ þougℏ I tarye my matere<PTR TARGET="P106.L33"/> for a tyme, to þat ende þat þei þat knowen hem not be not disceyued be gabberes þat gon be the contree þat sellen hem.  For whoso wil bye the dyamand, it is nedefuƚƚ to him þat he knowe hem be cause þat men<PB REF="" N="1:107"/>
 counterfeten hem often of cristaƚƚ þat is ȝalow.  &amp; of SAPHIRES of cytryne colour þat is ȝalow also, &amp; of the Saphire loupe &amp; of many oþer stones; But I teƚƚ ȝou theise contrefetes ben not so harde.  And also the poyntes wil breken ligℏtly &amp; men may esily pollisschen hem But summe werkmen for malice wil not pollisschen hem, to þat entent to maken men beleue þat þei may not ben pollisscℏt.  But men may assaye hem in this manere: First schere with hem or write witℏ hem in SAPHIRES in cristaƚƚ or in oþer precious stones.  After þat men taken the ADEMAND þat is the schipmannes ston þat drawetℏ the nedle to him And men leyn the dyamand vpon the Ademand &amp; leyn the nedle before the ademand And ȝif the dyamand be gode and vertuous, the ademand drawetℏ not the nedle<PTR TARGET="P107.L14"/> to him whils the dyamand is þere present. And þis is the preef þat þei beȝonde the see maken. Natheles it befalletℏ often tyme þat the gode dyamand lesetℏ his vertue be synne &amp; for Incontynence of him þat beretℏ it And þanne is it nedfuƚƚ to make it to recoueren his vertue aȝen or eƚƚ it is of litiƚƚ value.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.19"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.18.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XIX</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">INDIA.  ITS SUPERSTITIONS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CUSTOMS OF YLES ABOUTEN YNDE; OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWIX YDOLES &amp; SIMULACRES; OF .IIJ. MANER GROWYNGES OF PEPER VPON O TREE; OF THE WELLE ÞAT CHAUN<MILESTONE N="68a" UNIT="folio"/>GETℏ HIS ODOUR EUERY HOUR OF THE DAY, &amp; ÞAT IS MERUAYLLE.</HEAD>
<P>IN YNDE ben fuƚƚ manye dyuerse contrees And it is cleped YNDE for a flom þat rennetℏ þorgℏout the contree þat is clept ynde.  In þat flome men fynden ELES of .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. fote long<PTR TARGET="P107.L24"/> &amp; more And the folk þat duellen nygℏ þat water ben of euyƚƚ colour, grene &amp; ȝalow.  In YNDE &amp; abouten ynde ben mo þan .v. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. Iles<PTR TARGET="P107.L26"/> gode &amp; grete þat men duellen in,<PTR TARGET="P107.L27"/> withouten þo þat ben inhabitable &amp;<PB REF="" N="1:108"/>
 withouten oþere smale Iles.  In euery Ile is gret plentee of cytees &amp; of townes &amp; of folk witℏ outen nombre, For men of ynde han this condicioun of kynde, þat þei neuere gon out<PTR TARGET="P108.L3"/> of here owne contree &amp; þerfore is þer gret multitude of peple, but þei ben not sterynge ne mevable be cause þat þei ben in the firste clymat,<PTR TARGET="P108.L6"/> þat is of SATURNE &amp; SATURNE is slougℏ &amp; litiƚƚ mevynge.  For he taryetℏ to make his turn be the .xij. signes .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. ȝeer.  And the mone passetℏ þorgℏ the .xij. signes in o monetℏ.  And for because þat Saturne is of so late sterynge þerfore the folk of þat contree þat ben vnder his clymat han of kynde no wiƚƚ for to meve ne stere to seche strange places.  And in oure contrey is aƚƚ the contrarie, For wee ben in the seuentℏe clymat þat is of the mone.  And the mone is of lygℏtly mevynge &amp; the mone is planete of weye.  And for þat skyƚƚ it ȝeuetℏ vs wiƚƚ of kynde for to meve lygℏtly &amp; for to go dyuerse weyes &amp; to sechen strange thinges &amp; oþer dyuersitees of the world, For the mone envyrounetℏ the ertℏe more hastyly þan ony oþer planete. Also men gon þorgℏ ynde be many dyuerse contrees to the gret see OCCEAN And after men fynden þere an Ile þat is clept CRUES<PTR TARGET="P108.L22"/> &amp; þider comen marchantes of Venyse &amp; Gene <MILESTONE N="68b" UNIT="folio"/> and of oþer marches for to byen marchandyses.  But þere is so grete hete in þo marches &amp; namely in þat Ile, þat for the grete distress of the hete mennes ballokkes hangen doun to here knees for the gret dissolucioun of the body.  And men of þat contree þat knowen the manere lat bynde hem vp or eƚƚ mygℏte þei not lyue &amp; anoynt hem with oynementes<PTR TARGET="P108.L29"/> made þerfore to holde hem vp.  In þat contree &amp; in Ethiope &amp; in many oþer contrees the folk lyggen aƚƚ naked in ryueres<PTR TARGET="P108.L31"/> &amp; watres, men and wommen to gedre, fro vndurne of the day tiƚƚ it be passed the noon.  And þei lyen aƚƚ in the water saf the visage for the gret hete þat þere is.  And the wommen hauen no schame of the men, but lyen aƚƚ togidre, syde to syde, tiƚƚ the hete be past.  Þere may men see many foule figure assembled &amp; namely nygℏ the<PB REF="" N="1:109"/>
 gode townes.  In þat Ile ben schippes withouten nayles<PTR TARGET="P109.L1"/> of Iren or bondes for the roches of the Ademandes, for þei ben aƚƚ fuƚƚ þere aboute in þat see þat it is merueyle to speken of.  And ȝif a schipp passed be þo marches þat hadde ouþer Iren bondes or Iren nayles, anon he scholde ben perisscℏt, For the Ademand of his kynde drawetℏ the Iren to him And so wolde it drawe to him the schipp, be cause of the Iren, þat he scholde neuer departen fro it ne neuer go þens. Fro þat Ile men gon be see to a noþer Ile þat is clept CHANA,<PTR TARGET="P109.L10"/> where is gret plentee of corn &amp; wyn.  And it was wont to ben a gret Ile &amp; a gret hauene &amp; a good but the see hatℏ gretly wasted it &amp; ouercomen it.<PTR TARGET="P109.L13"/>  The kyng of þat contree was wont to ben so strong &amp; so mygℏty þat he heeld werre <MILESTONE N="69a" UNIT="folio"/> aȝenst kyng Alisandre.  The folk of þat contree han a dyuers lawe, for summe of hem worschipe the sonne,<PTR TARGET="P109.L16"/> summe the mone, summe the fuyr, summe trees, summe serpentes or the firste þing þat þei meeten at morwen, And summe worschipen symulacres &amp; summe ydoles.  But betwene symulacres &amp; ydoles<PTR TARGET="P109.L20"/> is a gret difference, For symulacres ben ymages made after lykness of men or of wommen or of the sonne or of the mone or of ony best or of ony kyndely thing, &amp; ydoles is an ymage made of lewed wiƚƚ of man þat man may not fynden among kyndely thinges As an ymage þat hatℏ .iiij. hedes, on of man, anoþer of an hors or of an ox or of sum oþer best<PTR TARGET="P109.L25"/> þat noman hatℏ seyn after kyndely disposicioun.  And þei þat worschipen symulacres þei worschipen hem for sum worthi man<PTR TARGET="P109.L28"/> þat was sumtyme, as hercules &amp; many oþere þat diden many meruayles in here tyme, For þei seyn wel þat þei be not goddes for þei knowen wel þat þere is a god of kynde<PTR TARGET="P109.L31"/> þat made aƚƚ thinges, the whiche is in heuene.  But þei knowen wel þat this may not do the meruayles þat he made but ȝif it had ben be the specyaƚƚ ȝifte of god &amp; þerfore þei seyn þat he was wel with god, And for because þat he was so wel with god þerfore þei worschipe him. And so seyn þei of the sonne be cause þat he chaungetℏ<PB REF="" N="1:110"/>
 the tyme &amp; ȝeuetℏ hete &amp; norisschetℏ aƚƚ thinges vpon ertℏe and for it is of so gret profite þei knowe wel þat þat myghte not be, but þat god louetℏ it more þan ony oþer thing And for þat skyƚƚ god hath ȝouen it more gret vertue in the world; þerfore it is gode resoun as þei seyn, to don it worschipe and reuerence.  And so seyn þei &amp; maken here resounes of <MILESTONE N="69b" UNIT="folio"/> oþere planetes &amp; of the fuyr also, be cause it is so profitable.  And of ydoles þei seyn also þat the ox is þe moste holy best<PTR TARGET="P110.L9"/> þat is in erthe &amp; most pacyent and most profitable þan ony other, For he dotℏ good ynow &amp; he dotℏ non euyƚƚ &amp; þei knowen wel þat it may not be withouten specyaƚƚ grace of god.  And þerfore maken þei here god of an ox<PTR TARGET="P110.L13"/> the on part &amp; the oþer halfondeƚƚ of a man be cause þat man is the most noble creature in ertℏe &amp; also for he hatℏ lordschipe abouen aƚƚ bestes; þerfore make þei the halfondel of ydole of a man vpwardes &amp; the toþer half of an ox dounwardes. And of serpentes &amp; of oþer bestes &amp; dyuerse þinges þat þei worschipen þat þei meten first at morwe.  And þei worschipen also specyally aƚƚ þo þat þei han gode meetynge<PTR TARGET="P110.L20"/> of, And whan þei speden wel in here iorneye after here meetynge, &amp; namely suche as þei han preued &amp; assayed be experience of longe tyme.  For þei seyn þat þilke gode meetynge ne may not come but of the grace of god And þerfore þei maken ymages lycℏ to þo thinges þat þei han beleeue jnne for to beholden hem &amp; worschipen hem first at morwe, or þei meeten ony contrarious thinges. And þere ben also sum cristene men þat seyn þat summe bestes han gode meetynge, þat is to seye for to meete with hem first at morwe &amp; summe bestes wykked meetynge &amp; þat þei han preued ofte tyme þat the hare hatℏ fuƚƚ euyƚƚ meetynge &amp; swyn &amp; many oþere bestes.  And the Sparhauk or oþer foules of raveyne<PTR TARGET="P110.L33"/> whan þei fleen after here praye &amp; take it before men of armes, it is a gode signe, And ȝif he fayle of takynge his praye it is an euyƚƚ signe.  And <MILESTONE N="70a" UNIT="folio"/> also to suche folk it is an euyƚƚ meetynge of Ravenes.  In þeise thinges &amp; in sucℏ<PB REF="" N="1:111"/>
 oþere þer ben many folk þat beleeven because it happenetℏ so oftentyme to fallen after here fantasyes; And also þere ben men ynowe þat han no beleve in hem.  And sith þat cristene men han sucℏ beleeve, þat ben enformed &amp; taugℏt<PTR TARGET="P111.L4"/> aƚƚ day be holy doctryne wherejnne þei scholde beleeve, it is no meruaylle þanne þat the paynemes þat han no gode doctryne but only of here nature beleeven more largely for here sympless.  And treuly I haue seen of paynemes &amp; sarazines þat men clepen AUGURYNES þat whan wee ryden in armes in dyuerse contrees vpon oure enemyes, be the flyenge of foules þei wolde teƚƚ vs the pronosticaciouns of thinges þat feƚƚ after And so þei diden fuƚƚ oftentymes &amp; profreden here hedes to wedde, but ȝit it wold fallen as þei seyden.  But natℏeles þerfore scholde nogℏt a man putten his beleeve in suche thinges, but alweys han fuƚƚ trust &amp; beleeve in god oure souereyn lord.  This Ile of CHANA<PTR TARGET="P111.L17"/> the sarazines han wonnen &amp; holden, In þat Ile ben many lyouns &amp; many oþer wylde bestes And þere ben rattes in þat jle als grete as houndes<PTR TARGET="P111.L19"/> here And men taken hem with grete mastyfes, for cattes may not take hem.  In this jle &amp; manye othere men berye not no dede men, for the hete is þere so gret þat in a lityƚƚ tyme the flescℏ wil consume fro the bones. Fro þens men gon be see toward ynde þe more to a cytee þat men clepen SARCHEE,<PTR TARGET="P111.L25"/> þat is a fair cytee &amp; a gode &amp; þere duellen many cristene men of gode feytℏ.  And þere ben manye religious men &amp; namely of mendynantes.  After gon men be see to the lond of lomb,<PTR TARGET="P111.L28"/> In þat lond <MILESTONE N="70b" UNIT="folio"/> growetℏ the peper in a Forest þat men clepen COMBAR<PTR TARGET="P111.L29"/> &amp; it growetℏ nowhere eƚƚ in aƚƚ the world but in þat Forest &amp; þat duretℏ wel an .xviij. iourneyes in lengtℏe.  In þat forest ben .ij. gode cytees, þat on higℏte FLADRINE &amp; þat otℏer ZINGLANTZ And in euery of hem duellen cristene men &amp; İewes gret plentee, For it is a gode contree &amp; a plentefous, but þere is ouer meche passynge hetc.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the peper growetℏ in maner as dotℏ a wylde vyne þat is planted faste by the trees of þat<PB REF="" N="1:112"/>
 wode for to susteynen it by as dotℏ the vyne, And the fruyt þerof hangetℏ in manere as reysynges And the tree is so thikke charged þat it semetℏ þat it wolde breke &amp; whan it is ripe it is aƚƚ grene as it were JUY beryes &amp; þan men kytten hem as men don the vynes &amp; þan þei putten it vpon an owven̛ &amp; þere it waxetℏ blak &amp; crisp.  And þere is .iij. maner of peper aƚƚ vpon o tree: Long peper, blak peper &amp; white peper.<PTR TARGET="P112.L7"/>  The long peper men clepen SORBOTYN<PTR TARGET="P112.L8"/> &amp; the blak peper is clept FULFUƚƚ.<PTR TARGET="P112.L9"/>  And the white peper is clept BANO.  The long peper cometℏ first whan the lef begynnetℏ to come &amp; it is lyche the chattes of haseƚƚ þat cometℏ before the lef &amp; it hangetℏ lowe; And after cometℏ the blake with the lef in manere of clustres of <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">reysinges</CORR><SIC>reysnges</SIC></CHOICE> aƚƚ grene; And whan men han gadred it þan cometℏ the white þat is somdeƚƚ lasse þan the blake And of þat men bryngen but litiƚƚ in to þis<MILESTONE N="71a" UNIT="folio"/>
 contrees for þei beȝonden withholden it for hemself because it is better and more attempree in kynde þan the blake, &amp; þerfore is þer not so gret plentee as of the blake. In þat contree ben manye manere of serpentes<PTR TARGET="P112.L20"/> &amp; of oþer vermyn for the gret hete of þe contree and of the peper.  And summe men seyn þat whan þei wil gadre the peper þei maken fuyr &amp; brennen aboute to make the serpentes and the cokedrilles to flee, But saue here grace of aƚƚ þat seyn so, For ȝif þei brenten abouten, the trees þat beren the peper scholden ben brent &amp; it wolde dryen vp aƚƚ þe vertue, as of ony oþer þing And þan þei diden hemself moche harm; And þei scholde neuere quenchen the fuyr.  But þus þei don: þei enoynten<PTR TARGET="P112.L29"/> here hondes &amp; here feet <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">with an oynement</SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P112.L30"/> mad of snayles &amp; of oþer thinges made þerfore, of the whiche the serpentes &amp; the venymous bestes haten &amp; dreden the sauour, &amp; þat maketℏ hem flee before hem be cause of the smeƚƚ &amp; þan þei gadren it seurly ynow &amp; <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">wyndwen</CORR><SIC>wyndwed</SIC></CHOICE> for þan is no drede of no vermyn to come nere hem. Also toward the heed of þat forest is the cytee of POLOMBE,<PTR TARGET="P112.L36"/> And aboue the<PB REF="" N="1:113"/>
 cytee is a grete mountayne<PTR TARGET="P113.L1"/> þat also is clept POLOMBE And of þat mount the cytee hatℏ his name, And at the foot of that mount is a fair welle &amp; a gret þat hatℏ odour &amp; sauour of alle spices, And at euery hour of the day he chaungetℏ his odour &amp; his sauour dyuersely And whoso drynketℏ .iij. tymes fasting of þat water of þat welle he is hool of aƚƚ maner sykeness þat he hatℏ And þei þat duellen þere &amp; drynken often of þat weƚƚ þei neuere han sekeness &amp; þei semen aƚƚ weys ȝonge.  I haue dronken þere of .iij. or .iiij. sitℏes &amp; ȝit me thinketℏ I fare the better.  Sum men clepen it the weƚƚ of ȝoutℏe for þei þat often drynken þere of semen aƚƚweys ȝongly &amp; lyuen witℏ <MILESTONE N="71b" UNIT="folio"/> outen sykeness, And men seyn þat that welle cometℏ out of paradys &amp; þerfore it is so vertuous.  Be aƚƚ þat contree growetℏ gode gyngeuere And þerfore thider gon the marchauntes for spicerye. In þat lond<PTR TARGET="P113.L16"/> men worschipen the Ox for his sympleness &amp; for his mekeness &amp; for the profite þat cometℏ of him And þei seyn þat he is the holyest best in ertℏe, For hem semetℏ þat whosoeuere be meke &amp; pacyent he is holy &amp; profitable, for þanne þei seyn he hatℏ aƚƚ vertues in him.  Þei maken the ox to laboure .vj. ȝeer or .vij. &amp; þan þei ete him.  And the kyng of þat contree hatℏ aƚƚwey an ox with him And he þat kepetℏ him hatℏ cuery day grete fees &amp; kepetℏ euery day his dong &amp; his vryne in .ij. vesseƚƚ of gold &amp; bryngen it before here prelate þat þei clepen ARCHIPROTHEPAPATON.<PTR TARGET="P113.L26"/> And he beretℏ it before the kyng &amp; maketℏ þero ouer a gret blessyng &amp; þan the kyng wetetℏ his hondes þere in þat þei clepen Gaul &amp; anoyntetℏ his front &amp; his brest and after he frotetℏ him with the dong and with the vryne with gret reuerence for to ben fulfilt of vertues of the ox &amp; made holy be the vertue of þat holy þing þat nougℏt is wortℏ.  And whan the kyng hath don þanne don the lordes And after hem here mynystres &amp; oþer men, ȝif þei may haue ony remenant.  In þat contree þei maken ydoles half man half ox And in þo ydoles euyƚƚ spirites speken &amp; ȝeuen answere to men of what is asked hem.<PB REF="" N="1:114"/>
 Before þeise ydoles men sleen here children many tymes &amp; spryngen the blood vpon the ydoles &amp; so þei maken here sacrifise.  And whan ony man dyetℏ in the contree þei brennen his body<PTR TARGET="P114.L4"/> in name of penance to þat entent þat he suffre no peyne in ertℏe to ben eten of wormes.  And ȝif<MILESTONE N="72a" UNIT="folio"/>
 his wif haue no child þei brenne hire<PTR TARGET="P114.L6"/> with him &amp; seyn þat it is resoun þat sche make him companye in þat oþer world as sche did in this.  But &amp; sche haue children with him þei leten hire lyue with hem to brynge hem vp ȝif sche wole.  And ȝif þat sche loue more to lyue with here children þan for to dye with hire husbonde, men holden hire for fals &amp; cursed ne schee schaƚƚ neuer ben loued ne trusted of the peple.  And ȝif the womman dye before the husbonde men brennen him with hire ȝif þat he wole And ȝif he wil not, noman constreynetℏ him þere to, but he may wedde anoþer tyme withouten blame or repreef.  In þat contree growen many stronge vynes &amp; the wommen drynken<PTR TARGET="P114.L18"/> wyn &amp; men not And the wommen schauen hire berdes &amp; men not.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.20"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.19.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XX</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">ST. THOMAS.  THE JUGGERNAUT CAR</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE DOMES MADE BE SEYNT THOMAS HOND; OF DEUOCIOUN &amp; SACRIFICE MADE TO YDOLES ÞERE, IN THE CYTEE OF CALAMYE; AND OF THE PROCESSIOUN IN GOYNGE ABOUTE THE CYTEE.</HEAD>
<P>FROM þat contree men passen be many marches toward a contree a .x. iourneyes þens þat is clept MABARON<PTR TARGET="P114.L22"/> &amp; it is a gret kyngdom &amp; it hatℏ many faire cytees &amp; townes.  In þat kyngdom litℏ the body of seynt Thomas the Apostle in flescℏ &amp; bon in a faire tombe in the cytee of CALAMYE, for þere he was martyred &amp; buryed.  But men of Assirie beeren his body in to MESOPATAYME in to the cytee of EDISSE And after he was brought þider aȝen, And the arm &amp; the hond þat he putte in oure lordes syde whan he appered to him after his<PB REF="" N="1:115"/>
 resurrexioun and seyde to him:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">NOLI ESSE INCREDULUS SED FIDELIS,</Q> is ȝit lyggynge in a vesseƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P115.L2"/> withouten the tombe.  And be þat hond þei maken aƚƚ here Iuggementes in the contree, whoso hatℏ rigℏt or wrong, For whan þer is ony dissencioun betwene <MILESTONE N="72b" UNIT="folio"/> .ij. partyes &amp; euery of hem meyntenetℏ his cause &amp; seytℏ þat his cause is rigℏtfuƚƚ And þat oþer seytℏ the contrarye, þanne botℏe partyes writen here causes in .ij. billes And putten hem in the hond of seynt Thomas And anon he castetℏ a wey the bille of the wrong cause &amp; holdetℏ stille the bille with the right cause.  And þerfore men comen fro fer contrees to haue juggement of doutable causes, And oþer juggement vse þei non þere.  Also the chirche where seynt Thomas lytℏ is bothe gret &amp; fair &amp; aƚƚ fuƚƚ of grete SUMULACRÉS &amp; þo ben grete ymages þat þei clepen here goddes, of the whiche the leste is als gret as .ij. men.
And amonges þeise oþere þere is a gret ymage more þan ony of the oþere þat is aƚƚ couered with fyn gold &amp; precious stones &amp; riche perles And þat ydole is the god of false cristene þat han reneyed hire feytℏ And it syttetℏ in a chayere of gold fuƚƚ nobely arrayed &amp; he hatℏ aboute his necke large gyrdles wrougℏt of gold &amp; precious stones &amp; perles; &amp; this chirche is fuƚƚ richely wrougℏt &amp; aƚƚ ouer gylt withjnne.  And to þat ydole gon men on pilgrimage als comounly &amp; with als gret deuocioun as cristene men gon to seynt Iames<PTR TARGET="P115.L26"/> or oþer holy pilgrimages.  And many folk þat comen fro fer londes to secℏe þat ydole, for the gret deuocyoun þat þei han, þei loken neuere vpward but euermore down to the ertℏe, for drede to see ony thing aboute hem þat scholde lette hem of here deuocioun.  And summe þer ben þat gon on pilgrimage to this ydole þat beren knyfes in hire hondes þat ben made fuƚƚ kene &amp; scharpe &amp; aƚƚ weyes as þei gon þei smyten hem self in here armes &amp; in here legges <MILESTONE N="73a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; in here thyes with many hidouse woundes &amp; so þei scheden here blood for loue of þat ydole.  And þei seyn þat he is blessed &amp; holy þat dyeth so for loue of his god.  And oþere þere ben<PB REF="" N="1:116"/>
 þat leden hire children for to sle to make sacrifise to þat ydole &amp; after þei han slayn hem þei spryngen the blood vpon the ydole.  And summe þer ben þat comen fro ferr &amp; in goynge toward this ydole at euery thrydde pas þat þei gon fro here hows, þei knelen &amp; so contynuen tiƚƚ þei come thider.  And whan þei comen þere þei taken ensence &amp; oþer aromatyk thinges of noble smeƚƚ and sensen the ydole as we wolde don here goddes preciouse body.  And so comen folk to worschipe this ydole sum from an hundred myle &amp; summe fro many mo.  And before the mynstre of this ydole is a VYUERE in maner of a gret lake fuƚƚ of water And þere in pilgrymes casten gold &amp; syluer, perles &amp; precious stones withouten nombre in stede of offrynges And whan the mynystres of þat chirche neden to maken ony reparacioun of the chirche or of ony of the ydoles, þei taken gold &amp; siluer, perles or precious stones out of the vyuere, to quyten the costages of sucℏ þing as þei maken or reparen; so þat no thing is fawty, but anon it schaƚƚ ben amended.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat whan <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">ben</SUPPLIED> grete festes &amp; solempnytees of þat ydole, as the dedicacioun of the chirche &amp; the thronynge of the ydole aƚƚ the contree aboute meten þere to gidere.  And þei setten this ydole vpon a chare with gret reuerence, wel arrayed with clothes of gold, of riche clothes of TARTARYE, of CAMACAA &amp; oþer precyous clotℏes, &amp; þei leden him aboute the cytee with gret solemp <MILESTONE N="73b" UNIT="folio"/> nytee.  And before the chare gon first in processioun aƚƚ the maydenes of the contree .ij. &amp; .ij. togydere fuƚƚ ordynatly, And after the maydenes gon the pilgrymes And summe of hem fallen doun vnder the wheles of the chare &amp; lat the chare gon ouer hem, so þat þei ben dede anon.  And summe han here armes or here lymes aƚƚ tobroken &amp; somme the sydes, &amp; aƚƚ this don þei for loue of hire god in gret devocioun. And hem thinketℏ þat the more peyne &amp; the more tribulacioun þat þei suffren for loue of here god, the<PB REF="" N="1:117"/>
 more ioye þei schuƚƚ haue in another world And schortly to seye ȝou, þei suffren so grete peynes &amp; so harde martyrdomes for loue of here ydole þat a cristene man I trowe durst not taken vpon him the tentℏe part the peyne for loue of oure lord Ihesu crist. And after I seye ȝou before the chare gon aƚƚ the mynstrelles of the contrey withouten nombre with dyuerse instrumentes &amp; þei maken aƚƚ the melodye þat þei cone.  And whan þei han gon aƚƚ aboute the cytee þanne þei returnen aȝen to the mynstre &amp; putten the ydole aȝen into his place And þanne for the loue &amp; in worschipe of þat ydole and for the reuerence of the feste þei slen hem self a .cc. or .ccc. persones<PTR TARGET="P117.L12"/> with scharpe knyfes, of the whiche þei bryngen the bodyes before the ydole &amp; þan þei seyn pat þo ben seyntes because þat þei slowen hem self of here owne gode wille for loue of here ydole.  And as men here þat hadde an holy seynt of his kyn wolde thinke þat it were to hem an higℏ worschipe, rigℏt so hem thinketℏ þere, And as men here deuoutly wolde writen holy seyntes lyfes &amp; here myracles &amp; sewen for here canonyzaciouns, rigℏt so don þei þere for hem þat sleen hemself wilfully for loue of here ydole &amp; seyn þat þei ben <MILESTONE N="74a" UNIT="folio"/> gloriouse martyres &amp; seyntes &amp; putten hem in here wrytynges &amp; in here letanyes &amp; avaunten hem gretly on to a notℏer of here holy kynnesmen þat so becomen seyntes &amp; seyn: I haue mo holy seyntes in my kynrede þan þou in þin.  And the custome also þere is this, þat whan þei þat han sucℏ deuocioun &amp; entent for to sle himself for loue of his god, þei senden for aƚƚ here frendes &amp; han gret plentee of mynstreƚƚ &amp; þei gon before the ydole ledynge him<PTR TARGET="P117.L31"/> þat wil sle himself for sucℏ deuocioun betwene hem with gret reuerence.  And he aƚƚ naked hatℏ a ful scharp knyf in his hond &amp; he cuttetℏ a gret pece of his flescℏ &amp; castetℏ it in the face of his ydole seyenge his orysounes, recommendynge him to his god.  And þan he smytetℏ himself &amp; maketℏ grete woundes &amp; depe here &amp; þere tiƚƚ he falle doun ded.  And<PB REF="" N="1:118"/>
 þan his frendes presenten his body to the ydole &amp; þan þei seyn syngynge: holy god behold what thi trewe seruant hatℏ don for þe, he hatℏ forsaken his wif &amp; his children &amp; his ricchess &amp; aƚƚ the godes of the world &amp; his owne lyf for the loue of þe &amp; to make þe sacrifise of his flescℏ &amp; of his blode, wherfore holy god putte him among thi beste belouede seyntes in thi blisse of paradys, for he hatℏ wel disserued it.  And þan þei maken a gret fuyre &amp; brennen the body &amp; þanne euerycℏ of his frendes taken a quantyte of the assches &amp; kepen hem in stede of relykes &amp; seyn þat it is holy thing.  And þei haue no drede of no perile whils þei han þo holy assℏes vpon hem, And putten his name in here letanyes as a seynt.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.21"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.20.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE EARTH IS A SPHERE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE EUYƚƚ CUSTOMS VSED IN THE YLE OF LAMARY, &amp; HOW THE ERTℏE AND THE SEE BEN OF ROWND FORME AND SCHAp̄p̄, BE PREF OF THE STERRE THAT IS CLEPT ANTARTYK, ÞAT IS FIX IN THE SOUTℏ.</HEAD>
<P><MILESTONE N="74b" UNIT="folio"/> FRO þat contree go men be the see OCCEAN &amp; be many dyuerse yles &amp; be many contrees þat were to longe for to teƚƚ of.  And a .lij. iorneyes fro this lond þat I haue spoken of þere is anotℏer lond þat is fuƚƚ gret þat men clepen LAMARY.<PTR TARGET="P118.L18"/>  In þat lond is fuƚƚ gret hete &amp; the custom þere is sucℏ þat men &amp; wommen gon aƚƚ naked.  And þei scornen<PTR TARGET="P118.L20"/> whan thei seen ony strange folk goynge clothed And þei seyn þat god made ADAM &amp; EUE aƚƚ naked And þat noman scholde schame him to schewen him sucℏ as god made him, For no thing is foul þat is of kyndely nature.  And þei seyn þat þei þat ben clotℏed ben folk of anotℏer world or þei ben folk þat trowen not in god. And þei seyn þat þei beleeuen in god<PTR TARGET="P118.L26"/> þat formed the world &amp; þat made ADAM &amp; EUE &amp; aƚƚ oþer þinges.  &amp; þei wedden þere no wyfes, for aƚƚ the wommen þere ben comoun &amp; þei forsake noman And þei seyn þei synnen<PTR TARGET="P118.L29"/> ȝif þei refusen ony man, And so god commanded to ADAM<PB REF="" N="1:119"/>
 &amp; EUE &amp; to aƚƚ þat comen of him, whan he seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">CRESCITE ET MULTIPLICAMINI ET REPLETE TERRAM.</Q>  And þerfore may noman in þat contree seyn: this is my wyf, ne no womman may seye: this is myn husbonde.  And whan þei han children þei may ȝeuen hem to what man þei wole þat hatℏ companyed with hem.  And also aƚƚ the lond is comoun, for aƚƚ þat a man holdeth o ȝeer another man hatℏ it anoþer ȝeer, And euery man taketℏ what part þat him lyketℏ.  And also aƚƚ the godes of the lond ben comoun, cornes &amp; aƚƚ oþer þinges, for noþing þere is kept in clos ne noþing þere is vndur lok &amp; euery man þere taketh what he wole withouten ony contradiccioun &amp; als riche is o man þere as is another. <MILESTONE N="75a" UNIT="folio"/> But in þat contree þere is a cursed custom,<PTR TARGET="P119.L14"/> for þei eten more gladly mannes flescℏ þan ony oþer flescℏ And ȝit is þat contree habundant of flescℏ, of fisscℏ, of cornes, of gold &amp; syluer &amp; of aƚƚ oþer godes.  Þider gon marchauntes &amp; bryngen with hem children to selle to hem of the contree &amp; þei byȝen hem And ȝif þei ben fatte þei eten hem anon, And ȝif þei ben lene þei feden hem tiƚƚ þei ben fatte &amp; þanne þei eten hem.  And þei seyn þat it is the best flescℏ &amp; the swettest of aƚƚ the world. In þat lond ne in many otℏere beȝonde þat noman may see the sterre TRANSMONTANE þat is clept the sterre of the see, þat is vnmevable &amp; þat is toward the nortℏ, þat wee clepen the lodesterre.  But men seen anoþer sterre the contrarie to him, þat is toward the soutℏ, þat is clept ANTARTYK.<PTR TARGET="P119.L27"/>  And rigℏt as the schipmen taken here avys here &amp; gouerne hem be the lodesterre, rigℏt so don schipmen beȝonde þo parties be the sterre of the soutℏ, the whiche sterre apperetℏ not to vs.  And this sterre þat is toward the nortℏ þat we clepen the lodesterre ne apperetℏ not<PTR TARGET="P119.L31"/> to hem.  For whiche cause men may wel parceyue þat the lond &amp; the see ben of rownde schapp &amp; forme, For the partie of the firmament schewetℏ in o contree þat schewetℏ not in anotℏer contree.  And men may wel preuen be experience &amp; sotyle compassement of wytt þat ȝif a man fond passages be schippes þat wolde go<PB REF="" N="1:120"/>
 to serchen the world, men myghte go be schippe aƚƚ aboute the world &amp; abouen &amp; benetℏen, The whiche thing I proue þus, after þat I haue seyn.<PTR TARGET="P120.L3"/>  For I haue ben toward the partes of Braban &amp; beholden <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">in</SUPPLIED> the ASTROLABRE þat the sterre þat is clept the transmontayne is .liij. degrees higℏ, And more forþere in ALMAYNE &amp; BEWME it hatℏ .lviij. degrees, And more forth toward the <MILESTONE N="75b" UNIT="folio"/> parties SEPTEMTRIONELES it is .lxij. degrees of hegℏte &amp; certeyn mynutes, for I self haue mesured it be the Astrolabre.  Now schuƚƚ ȝe knowe þat aȝen þat TRANSMONTAYNE is the toþer sterre þat is clept ANTARTYKE as I haue seyd before.  And þo .ij. sterres ne meeven neuere, And be hem turnetℏ aƚƚ the firmament rigℏt as dotℏ a wheel þat turnetℏ be his axiƚƚ tree, So þat þo sterres beren the firmament in .ij. egaƚƚ parties, so þat it hatℏ als mochel abouen as it hatℏ benethen.  After this I haue gon<PTR TARGET="P120.L16"/> toward the parties MERIDIONALES, þat is toward the soutℏ And I haue founden þat in lybye men seen first the sterre ANTARTYK.  And so fer I haue gon more fortℏ in þo contrees þat I haue founde þat sterre more higℏ, so þat toward the higℏ lybye it is .xviij. degrees of hegℏte &amp; certeyn mynutes, of the whiche .lx. mynutes maken a degree.  After goynge be see &amp; be londe toward this contree of þat I haue spoke &amp; to oþer yles &amp; londes beȝonde þat contree I haue founden the sterre ANTARTYK of .xxxiij. degrees of hegℏte &amp; mo mynutes.  And ȝif I hadde had companye &amp; schippynge for to go more beȝonde I trowe wel in certeyn þat wee scholde haue com aƚƚ the roundness of the firmament aƚƚ aboute.  For as I haue seyd ȝou beforn the half of the firmament is betwene þo .ij. sterres, The whiche halfondeƚƚ I haue seyn.  And of the toþer halfondeƚƚ I haue seyn toward the nortℏ vnder the TRANSMONTANE .lxij. degrees &amp; .x. mynutes, And toward the partie MERIDIONAƚƚ I haue
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">seyn</CORR><SIC>been</SIC></CHOICE> vnder the antartyk .xxxiij. degrees &amp; .xvj. mynutes, And þanne the halfondeƚƚ of the firmament in aƚƚ ne holdetℏ not but .ix<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. degrees.  And of þo .ix<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. I haue seen<PB REF="" N="1:121"/>
 .lxij. on þat o part <MILESTONE N="76a" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; .xxxiij. on þat oþer part þat ben .iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. &amp; .xv. degrees &amp; nygℏ the halfondeƚƚ of a degree.  And so þere ne fayletℏ but þat I haue seen aƚƚ the firmament saf .iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. &amp; .iiij. degrees &amp; þe halfondeƚƚ of a degree And þat is not the fourtℏe partie of the firmament, For the .iiij. partie of the roundness of the firmament holt .iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. &amp; .x. degrees, So þere fayletℏ but .v. degrees &amp; an half of the fourtℏe partie.  And also I haue seen the .iij. parties of aƚƚ the roundeness of the firmament &amp; more ȝit .v. degrees &amp; an half, Be the whiche I seye ȝou certeynly, þat men may envirowne aƚƚ the ertℏe of aƚƚ þe world as wel vnder as abouen &amp; turnen aȝen to his contre þat hadde companye &amp; schippynge &amp; conduyt.  And aƚƚweys he scholde fynde men londes &amp; yles as wel as in this contree, For ȝee wyten weƚƚ þat þei þat ben toward the antartyk þei ben stregℏt feet aȝen feet<PTR TARGET="P121.L16"/> of hem þat dwellen vnder the TRANSMONTANE also wel as wee &amp; þei þat dwellyn vnder vs ben feet aȝenst feet.  For aƚƚ the parties of see &amp; of lond han here appositees habitables or trepassables &amp; <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">yles</CORR><SIC>þei</SIC></CHOICE> of þis half &amp; beȝondhalf.  And wytetℏ wel þat after þat þat I may parceyue &amp; comprehende the londes of PRESTRE IOHN Emperour of Ynde ben vnder vs.  For in goynge from Scotlond or from Englond toward Ierusalem men gon vpward alweys, For oure lond is in the lowe partie of the ertℏe toward the west And the lond of PRESTRE IOℏN is the lowe partie of the ertℏe toward the Est and han there the day whan wee haue the nygℏt; And also higℏ to the contrarie þei han the nygℏt whan wee han the day.  For the erthe &amp; the see ben of round forme and schapp as I haue seyd beforn And þat þat men gon vpward <MILESTONE N="76b" UNIT="folio"/> to o cost, men gon dounward to anotℏer cost.  Also ȝee haue herd me seye þat IERUSALEM is in the myddes of the world &amp; þat may men preuen &amp; schewen þere be a spere þat is rigℏt into the ertℏe vpon the hour of mydday whan it is EQUENOXIUM, þat schewetℏ no schadwe<PTR TARGET="P121.L35"/> on no syde.  And þat it scholde ben in the myddes of<PB REF="" N="1:122"/>
 the world Dauid wytnessetℏ it in the psauter where he seytℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DEUS OPERATUS EST SALUTEM IN MEDIO TERRE.</Q> Þanne þei þat parten fro þo parties of the west for to go toward IERUSALEM, als many iorneyes as þei gon vpward for to go thider, in als many iourneyes may þei gon fro IERUSALEM vnto oþer confynyes of the superficialtee of tℏe ertℏe beȝonde.  And whan men gon beȝonde þo iourneys toward ynde &amp; to the foreyn yles, aƚƚ is envyronynge the roundnesse of the ertℏe &amp; of the see vnder oure contrees on this half.  And þerfore hatℏ it befallen<PTR TARGET="P122.L11"/> many tymes of o þing þat I haue herd cownted whan I was ȝong, how a wortℏi man departed somtyme from oure contrees for to go serche the world, And so he passed ynde &amp; the yles beȝonde ynde where ben mo þan .v. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. yles.  And so longe he wente be see &amp; lond &amp; so enviround the world be many seisons, þat he fond an yle<PTR TARGET="P122.L16"/> where he herde speke his owne langage, callynge on oxen<PTR TARGET="P122.L17"/> in the plowgℏ suche wordes as men speken to bestes in his owne contree, Where of he hadde gret meruayle, for he knew not how it mygℏte be.  But I seye þat he had gon so longe be londe &amp; be see, þat he had envyround aƚƚ the ertℏe, þat he was comen aȝen envirounynge þat is to seye goynge aboute vnto his owne marches.  &amp; ȝif he wolde haue passed <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">forth,</CORR><SIC>forth til</SIC></CHOICE> he had founden his contre <MILESTONE N="77a" UNIT="folio"/> and his owne knouleche.  But he turned aȝen from þens fro whens he was come fro &amp; so he loste moche peynefuƚƚ labour, as himself seyde a gret while after þat he was comen hom.  For it befeƚƚ after þat he wente in to Norweye and þere tempest of the see toke him and he arryued in an yle And whan he was in þat yle he knew wel þat it was the yle where he had herd speke his owne langage before, &amp; the callynge of oxen at the plowgℏ, &amp; þat was possible þinge.  But how it semetℏ to symple men vnlerned þat men ne mowe not go vnder the ertℏe &amp; also þat men scholde falle toward the heuene from vnder.  But þat may not be vpon less<PB REF="" N="1:123"/>
 þan wee mowe falle toward heuene fro the ertℏe where wee ben.  For fro what partie of the ertℏe þat man dueƚƚ ouþer abouen or benethen it semetℏ alweys to hem þat duellen þat þei gon more rigℏt þan ony oþer folk And rigℏt as it semetℏ to vs þat þei ben vnder vs, rigℏt so it semetℏ hem þat wee ben vnder hem.  For ȝif a man mygℏte falle fro the ertℏe vnto the firmament, be grettere resoun the ertℏe &amp; the see þat ben so grete &amp; so heuy scholde fallen to the firmament, but þat may not be And þerfore seitℏ oure lord god:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">NON TIMEAS ME QUI SUSPENDI TERRAM EX NICHILO.</Q><PTR TARGET="P123.L10"/> And aƚƚ be it þat it be possible þing þat men may so envyroune aƚƚ the world, natheles of a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. persones on ne mygℏte not happen to returnen in to his contree.  For, for the gretness of the ertℏe<PTR TARGET="P123.L14"/> &amp; of the see men may go be a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. and a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. other weyes, þat noman cowde redye him perfitely toward the parties þat he cam fro, but ȝif it were be aventure &amp; happ or be the grace of god.  For the ertℏe <MILESTONE N="77b" UNIT="folio"/> is fuƚƚ large &amp; fuƚƚ gret &amp; holt in roundness &amp; aboute envyroun be abouen &amp; be benetℏen .xx. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>.CCCC. &amp; .xxv. myles, after the opynyoun of olde wise astronomeres.  And here seyenges I repreue nought, But after my lytyƚƚ wytt it semetℏ me, sauynge here reuerence, þat it is more.  And for to haue better vndirstondynge I seye þus: Be þer ymagyned a figure þat hath a gret compas &amp; aboute the poynt of the gret compas þat is clept the centre be made anotℏer litiƚƚ compas.  Þan after be the gret compas devised be lynes in manye parties And þat aƚƚ the lynes meeten at the centre, so þat in as many parties as the grete compas schal be departed, in als manye schaƚƚ be departed the litiƚƚ þat is aboute the centre, aƚƚ be it þat the spaces ben lesse.  Now þanne, be the gret compas represented for the firmament And the litiƚƚ compas represented for the ertℏe.  Now þanne, the firmament is deuysed be Astronomeres in .xij. signes and euery signe is deuysed in .xxx. degrees, þat is .CCC. &amp; .lx. degrees þat the firmament hatℏ a bouen.  Also be the ertℏe<PB REF="" N="1:124"/>
 deuysed in als many parties as the firmament &amp; lat euery partye answere to a degree of the firmament.  And wytetℏ it wel þat after the Auctoures of Astronomye .DC. furlonges<PTR TARGET="P124.L4"/> of ertℏe answeren to a degree of the firmament And þo ben .iiij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. .vij. Miƚ. &amp; .iiij. furlonges. Now be þat here multiplyed be .CCC. sitℏes &amp; .lx. &amp; þan þei ben .xxxj. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. &amp; .DC. myles, euery of .viij. furlonges, after myles of oure contree.  So moche hatℏ the erthe in roundness &amp; of heghte enviroun after myn opynyoun &amp; myn vndirstondynge.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde<PTR TARGET="P124.L10"/> þat after the opynyoun of olde wise <MILESTONE N="78a" UNIT="folio"/> Philosophres &amp; Astronomeres oure contree ne Irelond ne Wales ne Scotlond ne Norweye ne the oþer yles costynge to hem ne ben not in the superficyalte cownted abouen the ertℏe, as it scheweþ be aƚƚ the bokes of Astronomye.  For the superficialtee of the ertℏe is departed in .vij. parties for the .vij. planetes And þo parties ben clept clymates.  And oure parties be not of the .vij. clymates,<PTR TARGET="P124.L18"/> for þei ben descendynge toward the west betwene higℏ<PTR TARGET="P124.L19"/> toward the roundness of the world, &amp; þere ben the yles of ynde, And þei ben aȝenst vs þat ben in the lowe contree,<PTR TARGET="P124.L21"/> &amp; the .vij. clymates strecchen hem envirounynge the world.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.22"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.21.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">STRANGE SPICES, STONES AND PEOPLE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE PALAYS OF THE KYNG OF THE YLE OF IAUA; OF THE TREES ÞAT BEREN MELE, HONY, WYN &amp; VENYM, &amp; OF OTℏERE MERUAYLLES &amp; CUSTOMS VSED IN THE YLES MARCHINGE ÞERE ABOUTEN.</HEAD>
<P>BESYDE þat yle þat I haue spoken of þere is anotℏer yle þat is clept SUMOBOR<PTR TARGET="P124.L25"/> þat is a gret yle &amp; the kyng þereof is rigℏt mygℏty.  The folk of þat yle maken hem alweys to ben marked in the visage with an hote yren botℏe men and wommen for gret nobless, for to ben<PB REF="" N="1:125"/>
 knowen from oþer folk, for þei holden hemself most noble &amp; most wortℏi of aƚƚ the world.  And þei han werre aƚƚweys with the folk þat gon aƚƚ naked.  And faste besyde is anotℏer yle þat is clept BETEMGA<PTR TARGET="P125.L4"/> þat is a gode yle &amp; a plentyfous.  And many oþer yles ben þere aboute where þere ben many of dyuerse folk of the whiche it were to longe to speke of aƚƚ. But fast besyde þat yle for to passe be see is a gret yle &amp; a gret contree þat men clepen IAUA &amp; it is nygℏ .ij. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. myle in circuyt.  And the kyng of þat contree is a fuƚƚ gret lord &amp; a riche &amp; a mygℏty And hatℏ vnder him .vij. oþer kynges of .vij. oþer yles abouten hym. <MILESTONE N="78b" UNIT="folio"/> This yle is fuƚƚ wel enhabyted &amp; fuƚƚ wel manned, þere growen aƚƚ maner of spicerie more plentyfouslicℏ þan in ony oþer contree, As of gyngeuere, clowegylofres, caneƚƚ, zedewaƚƚ, notemuges &amp; maces.  And wytetℏ wel þat the notemuge beretℏ the maces,<PTR TARGET="P125.L16"/> For rigℏt as the note of the haseƚƚ hatℏ an husk withouten, þat the note is closed in til it be ripe &amp; after falletℏ out, rigℏt so it is of the notemuge &amp; of the maces.  Manye oþer spices &amp; many oþer godes growen in þat yle, For of aƚƚ þing is þere plentee saf only of wyn.  But þere is gold &amp; siluer gret plentee.  And the kyng of þat contre hatℏ a paleys fuƚƚ noble &amp; fuƚƚ merueyllous &amp; more riche þan ony in the world, For aƚƚ the degrez to gon vp in to halles &amp; chambres ben on of gold, anoþer of syluer.  And also the paumentes of halles &amp; chambres ben aƚƚ square<PTR TARGET="P125.L26"/> on of gold &amp; anoþer of syluer &amp; alle the walles withinne ben couered with gold &amp; syluer in fyn plates.  And in þo plates ben stories &amp; batayles of knygℏtes enleved<PTR TARGET="P125.L29"/> &amp; the crounes &amp; the cercles abouten here hedes ben made of precious stones &amp; riche perles &amp; grete.  And the halles &amp; the chambres of the palays ben aƚƚ couered withinne with gold &amp; syluer, so þat noman wolde trowe the richess of þat palays but he had seen it.  And witetℏ wel þat the kyng of þat yle is so mygℏty þat he hatℏ many tymes ouercomen the grete CANE of CATHAY in bataylle, þat is the most gret Emperour þat is vnder the firmament ouþer beȝonde the<PB REF="" N="1:126"/>
 see or on this half.  For þei han had oftentyme werre betwene hem, because þat the grete CANE wolde constrey <MILESTONE N="79a" UNIT="folio"/> nen him to holden his lond of him, but þat otℏer at aƚƚ tymes defendetℏ him wel aȝenst him. After þat yle in goynge be see men fynden anotℏer yle gode &amp; gret þat men clepen PATℏEN,<PTR TARGET="P126.L6"/> þat is a gret kyngdom fuƚƚ of faire cytees &amp; fuƚƚ of townes.  In þat lond growen trees þat beren mele<PTR TARGET="P126.L8"/> wherof men maken gode bred &amp; white &amp; of gode sauour And it semetℏ as it were of whete, but it is not allynges of sucℏ sauour.  And þere ben oþer trees þat beren hony<PTR TARGET="P126.L11"/> gode &amp; swete And oþer trees þat beren venym<PTR TARGET="P126.L11b"/> aȝenst the whiche þere is no medicyne but <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">on</SUPPLIED> And þat is to taken here propre leves<PTR TARGET="P126.L13"/> &amp; stampe hem &amp; tempere him with water &amp; þan drynke it And eƚƚ he schaƚƚ dye, for triacle wil not avaylle ne non oþer medicyne. Of this venym the Iewes<PTR TARGET="P126.L16"/> had let sechen of on of here frendes for to enpoysone aƚƚ cristiantee as I haue herd hem seye in here confessioun before here dyenge.  But thanked be aƚƚ mygℏty god þei fayleden of hire purpos but aƚƚweys þei maken gret mortalitee of poeple.  And oþer trees þer ben also þat beren wyn<PTR TARGET="P126.L21"/> of noble sentement. And ȝif ȝou lyke to here how the mele cometℏ<PTR TARGET="P126.L22"/> out of the trees I schaƚƚ seye ȝou.  Men hewen the trees with an hachet aƚƚ aboute the fote of the tree tiƚƚ þat the bark be perced in many parties &amp; þan cometℏ out þerof a thikke lykour, the whiche þei resceyuen in vesselles &amp; dryen it at the hete of the sonne.  And þan þei han it to a mylle to grynde And it <MILESTONE N="79b" UNIT="folio"/> becometℏ faire mele &amp; white. And the hony &amp; the wyn &amp; the venym ben drawen out of oþer trees in the same manere &amp; put in vesselles for to kepe.  In þat yle is a ded see þat is a lake þat hatℏ no ground And ȝif ony thing falle in to þat lake it schaƚƚ neuere comen vp aȝen.<PTR TARGET="P126.L32"/>  In þat lake growen reedes þat ben cannes þat þei clepen THABY þat ben .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. fadme long And of þeise cannes<PTR TARGET="P126.L34"/> men maken faire houses.  And þer ben oþer canes þat ben not so longe þat growen nere the lond &amp; han so longe rotes þat duren wel a .iiij. quarteres of<PB REF="" N="1:127"/>
 a furlong<PTR TARGET="P126.L37"/> ore more.  And at the knottes of þo rotes men fynden precious stones<PTR TARGET="P127.L2"/> þat han gret vertues And he þat beretℏ ony of hem vpon him, yren ne steel ne may not hurt him ne drawe no blod vpon him And þerfore þei þat han þo stones vpon hem figℏten fuƚƚ hardyly botℏe on see &amp; lond For men may not harmen <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">hem</SUPPLIED> on no partye.<PTR TARGET="P127.L6"/>  And þerfore þei þat knowen the manere &amp; schuƚƚ figℏte with hem þei schoten to hem arwes &amp; quarelles withouten yren or steel &amp; so þei hurten hem &amp; sleen hem.  And also of þo cannes þei maken houses and schippes &amp; oþer thinges as wee han here makynge houses and schippes of oke or of ony oþer trees.  And deme noman þat I seye it but for a truffuƚƚ, for I haue seen of þo cannes with myn owne eyȝen fuƚƚ many tymes lyggynge vpon the Ryuere of þat lake, of the whiche .xx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. of oure felowes ne myghten not liften vp ne beren on to the ertℏe.<PTR TARGET="P127.L16"/> After this <MILESTONE N="80a" UNIT="folio"/> yle men gon be see to anoþer yle þat is clept CALONAK<PTR TARGET="P127.L17"/> &amp; it is a fair lond &amp; a plentifous of godes.  And the kyng of þat contrey hatℏ als many wyfes<PTR TARGET="P127.L19"/> as he wole For he maktℏ serche aƚƚ the contree to geten him the fairest maydens þat may ben founde &amp; maketℏ hem to ben brougℏt before him And he taketℏ on o nygℏt &amp; anoþer a noþer nygℏt &amp; so fortℏ contynuelly sewyng, so þat he hatℏ a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. wyfes or mo.  And he liggetℏ neuer but o nygℏt with on of hem &amp; anoþer nygℏt with a noþer, but ȝif þat on happene to ben more lusty to his plesance þan anotℏer.  And þerfore the kyng getetℏ fuƚƚ many children, sumtyme an .C. sumtyme an .CC. &amp; sumtyme mo.  And he hatℏ also into a .xiiij. Miƚ Olifauntz<PTR TARGET="P127.L29"/> or mo, þat he maketℏ for to ben brougℏt vp amonges his vileynes be aƚƚ his townes. For in cas <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">þat</CORR><SIC>þat/þat</SIC></CHOICE> he had ony werre aȝenst ony oþer kyng aboute him þanne <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">he</SUPPLIED> maketℏ certeyn men of armes for to gon vp in to the castelles of tree made for the werre þat craftylly ben sett vpon the Olifantes bakkes, for to fyghten aȝen hire enemyes, &amp; so don oþer kynges þere aboute.  For the maner of werre is not þere as it is here<PB REF="" N="1:128"/>
 or in oþer contrees, ne the ordynance of werre nouþer. And men clepen the Olifantes WARKES.<PTR TARGET="P128.L2"/> And in þat yle þere is a gret meruayle more to speke of þan in ony oþer partie of the world: For aƚƚ manere of fissches<PTR TARGET="P128.L4"/> þat ben þere in the see abouten hem comen ones in the ȝeer ecℏe<MILESTONE N="80b" UNIT="folio"/>
 manere of dyuerse fisscℏes, on maner of kynde after otℏer, &amp; þei casten hem self to the see banke of þat yle, so gret plentee &amp; multitude þat noman may vnnethe see but fisscℏ &amp; þere þei abyden .iij. dayes and euery man of the contree taketℏ of hem als many as him lyketℏ, And after þat maner of fisscℏ after the thridde day departetℏ &amp; gotℏ into the see.  And after hem comen anotℏer multitude of fysscℏ of anoþer kynde &amp; don in the same maner as the firste diden oþer .iij. dayes.  And after hem anoþer tiƚƚ aƚƚ the dyuerse maner of fisshes han ben þere &amp; þat men han taken of hem þat hem lyketℏ.  And noman knowetℏ the cause wherfore it may ben, But þei of the contree seyn þat it is for to do reuerence<PTR TARGET="P128.L18"/> to here kyng þat is the most wortℏi kyng þat is in the world as þei seyn, be cause þat he fulfilletℏ the commandement þat god bad to ADAM &amp; EUE whan god seyde:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">CRESCITE ET MULTIPLICAMINI ET REPLETE TERRAM.</Q><PTR TARGET="P128.L21"/>  And for because þat he multiplictℏ so the world with children þerfore god sendetℏ him so the fisscℏes of dyuerse kyndes of aƚƚ þat ben in the see, to taken at his wille for him &amp; aƚƚ his peple. And þerfore aƚƚ þe fisscℏes of the see comen to maken him homage as the most noble &amp; excellent kyng of the world &amp; þat is best beloued with god als þei seyn.  I knowe not the resoun whi it is but god knoweth.  But this me semetℏ <MILESTONE N="81a" UNIT="folio"/> is the moste merueylle þat euere I saugℏ, For this mervaylle is aȝenst kynde &amp; not with kynde, þat the fissℏes þat han fredom to enviroun aƚƚ the costes of the see at here owne list comen of hire owne wiƚƚ to profren hem to the detℏ withouten constreynynge of man.  And þerfore I am syker þat this may not ben withouten a gret tokene. Þere ben also in þat contree a kynde of SNAYLES<PTR TARGET="P128.L36"/> þat ben so grete þat many persones may loggen hem in<PB REF="" N="1:129"/>
 hire schelles, as men wolde don in a lityƚƚ hous, And oþer snayles þere ben þat ben fuƚƚ grete, but not so huge as the oþer.  And of þeise snayles &amp; of gret white wormes<PTR TARGET="P129.L3"/> þat han blake hedes þat ben als grete as a mannes thigℏ &amp; somme lesse as grete wormes þat men fynden þere in wodes men maken Vyaunde Riaƚƚ for the kyng &amp; for oþer grete lordes.  And ȝif a man þat is maryed dye in þat contree,<PTR TARGET="P129.L7"/> men buryen his wif with him aƚƚ quyk, For men seyn þere þat it is resoun þat sche make him companye in þat oþer world as sche did in this. From þat contree men gon be the see occean be an yle þat is clept CAFFOLOS.<PTR TARGET="P129.L12"/>  Men of þat contree whan here frendes ben seke þei hangen hem<PTR TARGET="P129.L13"/> vpon trees &amp; seyn þat it is better þat briddes þat ben Angeles of god<PTR TARGET="P129.L14"/> eten hem þan the foule wormes of the ertℏe. From þat yle men gon to anotℏer yle where the folk ben of fuƚƚ cursed kynde for þei norysschen<MILESTONE N="81b" UNIT="folio"/>
 grete dogges &amp; techen hem to strangle ℏere frendes whan þei ben syke, for þei wil nougℏt þat þei dyen of kyndely detℏ, for þei seyn þat þei scholde suffren to gret peyne ȝif þei abyden to dyen be hemself as nature wolde.  &amp; whan þei ben þus enstrangled þei eten here flescℏ in stede of venysoun. Afterward men gon be many yles be see vnto an yle þat men clepen MILKE<PTR TARGET="P129.L23"/> &amp; þere is a fuƚƚ cursed peple for þei delyten in nothing more þan for to figℏten and to sle men And þei drynken gladlyest mannes blood the whiche þei clepen DIEU,<PTR TARGET="P129.L26"/> And the mo men þat a man may slee, the more worschipe he hatℏ amonges hem.  And ȝif .ij. persones ben at debate &amp; perauenture ben accorded be here frendes or be sum of here alliance, it behouetℏ þat euery of hem þat schuƚƚ ben accorded drynke of oþeres blood,<PTR TARGET="P129.L30"/> And eƚƚ the accord ne the alliance is nogℏt wortℏ ne it schaƚƚ not be no repref to him to breke the alliance &amp; the acord, but ȝif euery of hem drynke of oþeres blood. &amp; from þat yle men gon be see from yle to yle vnto an yle þat is clept TRACODA,<PTR TARGET="P129.L36"/> where the folk of þat contree ben as bestes &amp; vnresonable &amp; duellen in caves þat þei maken<PB REF="" N="1:130"/>
 in the ertℏe for þei haue no wytt to maken hem houses. And whan þei seen ony men passynge þorgℏ here contrees þei hyden hem in here caves.  And þei eten flessch of serpentes &amp; þei eten but litiƚƚ &amp; þei speken nougℏt <MILESTONE N="82a" UNIT="folio"/> but þei hissen as serpentes don And þei sette no prys be non aveer ne ricchess, but only of a precyous ston þat is amonges hem þat is of .lx. coloures; And for the name of the yle þei clepen it TRACODOUN.  And þei louen more þat ston þan ony thing eƚƚ And ȝit thei knowe not the vertue þereof but þei coueyten it &amp; louen it only for the beautee.
After þat yle men gon be the see occean be many yles vnto an yle þat is clept NACUMERA<PTR TARGET="P130.L12"/> þat is a gret yle &amp; good &amp; fayr.  And it is in kompas aboute more þan a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. myle &amp; aƚl the men &amp; wommen of þat yle han houndes hedes and þei ben clept CANOPHOLOS<PTR TARGET="P130.L15"/> &amp; þei ben fuƚƚ resonable &amp; of gode vnderstondynge, saf þat þei worschipen an ox for here god.  And also euerycℏ of hem beretℏ an ox of gold or of syluer in his forhed in tokene þat þei louen wel here god.  And þei gon aƚƚ naked saf a lityƚƚ clout þat þei coueren with here knees &amp; hire membres.  Þei ben grete folk &amp; wel fygℏtynge &amp; þei han a gret targe þat coueretℏ aƚƚ the body &amp; a spere in here hond to figℏte with.  And ȝif þei taken ony man in bataylle anon þei eten him.  The kyng of þat yle is fuƚƚ riche &amp; fuƚƚ mygℏty &amp; rigℏt deuout after his lawe And he hatℏ abouten his nekke .ccc. perles oryent gode &amp; grete &amp; knotted as PATER NOSTRES here of Amber. <MILESTONE N="82b" UNIT="folio"/> And in maner as wee seyn oure <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">PATER NOSTRE</SEG></TITLE> &amp; oure <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">AUE MARIA,</SEG></TITLE> cowntynge the PATER NOSTRES, rigℏt so this kyng seytℏ euery day deuoutly .ccc. preyeres to his god or þat he ete.  And he beretℏ also aboute his nekke a RUBYE oryent noble &amp; fyn þat is a fote of lengtℏe &amp; fyve fyngres large.  And whan þei chesen<PTR TARGET="P130.L33"/> here kyng þei taken him þat rubye to beren in his hond And so þei leden him rydynge aƚƚ abouten the cytee And fro þens fromward þei ben aƚƚ obeyssant to him.  And þat rubye he schaƚƚ bere aƚƚwey aboute his nekke, For ȝif he hadde not þat<PB REF="" N="1:131"/>
 rubye vpon him men wolde not holden him for kyng. The grete CANE of CATHAY<PTR TARGET="P131.L2"/> hatℏ gretly coueyted þat RUBYE but he mygℏte neuer han it for werre ne for no maner of godes.  This kyng is so rigℏtfuƚƚ &amp; of equytee in his doomes þat men may go sykerlycℏ þorgℏout aƚƚ his contree &amp; bere with him what him list, þat noman schaƚƚ ben hardy to robben him, And ȝif he were, the kyng wolde <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">iustifyen</CORR><SIC>iustifyed</SIC></CHOICE> anon. Fro this lond men gon to anoþer yle þat is clept SILHA<PTR TARGET="P131.L9"/> &amp; it is weƚƚ a .Dccc. myles aboute. In þat lond is fuƚƚ mocheƚƚ wast, for it is fuƚƚ of serpentes of dragouns &amp; of COKADRILLES þat noman dar duelle þere.  Þeise COCODRILLES ben serpentes ȝalowe &amp; rayed abouen &amp; han .iiij. feet &amp; schorte thyes &amp; grete nayles as clees or talouns. <MILESTONE N="83a" UNIT="folio"/> And þere ben somme þat han .v. fadme in lengtℏe &amp; summe of .vj. &amp; of .viij. &amp; of .x. And whan þei gon be places þat ben grauelly, it semetℏ as þougℏ men hadde drawen a gret tree þorgℏ the grauelly place.  And þere ben also many wylde bestes &amp; namelycℏ of OLYFAUNTES.  In þat yle is a gret mountayne &amp; in mydd place of the mount is a gret lake in a fuƚƚ faire pleyn &amp; þere is gret plentee of water.  And þei of the contree seyn þat ADAM &amp; EUE wepten vpon þat mount an .c. ȝeer whan þei weren dryuen out of paradys And þat water þei seyn is of here teres, For so moche water þei wepten þat made the forseyd lake.  And in the botme of þat lake men fynden many precious stones &amp; grete perles.  In þat lake growen many reedes &amp; grete cannes And þere withjnne ben many COCODRILLES &amp; serpentes &amp; grete waterleches.  And the kyng of þat contree ones euery ȝeer ȝeuetℏ leve to pore men to gon in to the lake to gadre hem precyous stones &amp; perles be weye of almess for the loue of god þat made ADAM.  And aƚƚ the ȝeer men fynde ynowe.  And for the vermyn<PTR TARGET="P131.L33"/> þat is withjnne þei anoynte here armes &amp; here thyes &amp; legges with an oynement made of a þing þat is clept LYMONS þat is a manere of fruyt lycℏ smale pesen, And þanne haue þei<PB REF="" N="1:132"/>
 no drede of no COCODRILLES ne of non oþer venymous vermyn.  This water <MILESTONE N="83b" UNIT="folio"/> rennetℏ flowynge &amp; ebbynge be a syde of the moūntayne &amp; in þat ryuer men fynden precious stones &amp; perles gret plentee.  And men of þat yle seyn comounly þat the serpentes &amp; the wilde bestes of þat contree ne wil not don non harm ne touchen with euyƚƚ no strange man þat entretℏ in to þat contree, but only to men þat ben born of the same contree.  In þat contree &amp; oþere þere abouten þere ben wylde gees þat han .ij. hedes<PTR TARGET="P132.L9"/> And þere ben lyouns aƚƚ white<PTR TARGET="P132.L10"/> &amp; als grete as oxen &amp; many otℏere dyuerse bestes &amp; foules also þat be not seyn amonges vs.  And witetℏ wel þat in þat contree &amp; in oþer yles þere abouten the see is so higℏ<PTR TARGET="P132.L13"/> þat it semetℏ as þougℏ it henge at the clowdes &amp; þat it wolde coueren aƚƚ the world; And þat is gret meruaylle þat it mygℏte be so, saf only the wiƚƚ of god, þat the eyr susteynetℏ it.  And þerfore seytℏ Dauid in the psautere:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">MIRABILES ELACIONES MARIS.</Q></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.23"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.22.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXIII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">IDOLATRY.  TRANSMIGRATION OF SOULS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">HOW MEN KNOWEN BE THE YDOLE, ȝIF THE SIKE SCHALL DYE OR NON; OF FOLK OF DYUERSE SCHAP AND MERUEYLOUSLY DISFIGURED, AND OF THE MONKES ÞAT ȜEUEN HIRE RELEEF TO BABEWYNES, APES &amp; MARMESETTES &amp; TO OÞER BESTES.</HEAD>
<P>FROM þat yle in goynge be see toward the soutℏ is anoþer gret yle þat is clept DONDUN.<PTR TARGET="P132.L20"/>  In þat yle ben folk of dyuerse kyndes so þat the fader etetℏ the sone, the sone the fader,<PTR TARGET="P132.L22"/> the husbonde the wif &amp; the wif the husbonde.  And ȝif it so befalle þat the fader or moder <MILESTONE N="84a" UNIT="folio"/> or ony of here frendes ben seke anon the sone gotℏ to the prest of here lawe &amp; preyetℏ him to aske the ydole ȝif his fader or moder or frend schaƚƚ dye on þat euyƚƚ or non.  And þan the prest &amp; the sone gon togydere<PB REF="" N="1:133"/>
 before the ydole &amp; knelen fuƚƚ deuoutly &amp; asken of the ydole here demande.  And ȝif the deuyƚƚ þat is withinne answere þat he schaƚƚ lyue þei kepen him wel, And ȝif he seye þat he schaƚƚ dye þan the prest gotℏ with the sone with the wif of him þat is seek &amp; þei putten here hondes vpon his moutℏ<PTR TARGET="P133.L6"/> &amp; stoppen his bretℏ &amp; so þei sleen him.  And after þat þei choppen aƚƚ the body in smale peces &amp; preyen aƚƚ his frendes to comen &amp; eten of him þat is ded &amp; þei senden for aƚƚ the mynstraƚƚ of the contree &amp; maken a solempne feste.  And whan þei han eten the flescℏ þei taken the bones &amp; buryen hem &amp; syngen &amp; maken gret melodye.  And alle þo þat ben of his kyn<PTR TARGET="P133.L12"/> or pretenden hem to ben his frendes, &amp; þei come not to þat feste þei ben repreued for euere more &amp; schamed &amp; maken gret doel, for neuere after schuƚƚ þei ben holden as frendes.  And þei seyn also þat men eten here flescℏ for to delyueren hem out of peyne, For ȝif the wormes of the ertℏe eten hem the soule scholde suffre gret peyne as þei seyn &amp; namely whan the flescℏ is tendre<PTR TARGET="P133.L19"/> &amp; megre<MILESTONE N="84b" UNIT="folio"/>
 þanne seyn here frendes þat þei don gret synne to leten hem haue so long langure to suffre so moche peyne withoute resoun.  And whan þei fynde the flesscℏ fatte þan þei seyn þat it is wel don to senden hem sone to paradys &amp; þat þei haue not suffred him to longe <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">to</CORR><SIC>te</SIC></CHOICE> endure in peyne.  The kyng of this yle is a ful gret lord &amp; a mygℏty &amp; hatℏ vnder him .liiij. grete yles þat ȝeuen tribute to him.  And in euerycℏ of theise yles is a kyng crowned &amp; aƚƚ ben obeyssant to þat kyng And he hatℏ in þo yles many dyuerse folk.  In on of þeise yles ben folk of gret stature as geauntes<PTR TARGET="P133.L30"/> &amp; þei ben hidouse for to loke vpon &amp; þei han but on eye &amp; þat is in the myddyƚƚ of the front &amp; þei eten no þing but raw flescℏ &amp; raw fysscℏ. And in anoþer yle toward the south duellen folk of foul stature &amp; of cursed kynde, þat han non hedes<PTR TARGET="P133.L34"/> &amp; here eyen ben in here scholdres And here moutℏ is croked as an hors schoo &amp; þat is in the myddes of here brest.  And in<PB REF="" N="1:134"/>
 anoþer yle also ben folk þat han non hedes &amp; here eyen &amp; here moutℏ ben behynde in here schuldres.<PTR TARGET="P134.L2"/>  And in anoþer yle ben folk þat han the face aƚƚ platt<PTR TARGET="P134.L3"/> aƚƚ pleyn withouten nese &amp; withouten moutℏ, but þei han .ij. smale holes aƚƚ rounde in stede of hire eyen &amp; hire moutℏ is platt also withouten lippes.  And in anoþer yle ben folk of foul fasceoun &amp; schapp <MILESTONE N="85a" UNIT="folio"/> þat han the lippe aboue the moutℏ<PTR TARGET="P134.L7"/> so gret þat whan þei slepen in the sonne þei keueren aƚƚ the face with þat lippe.  And in anoþer yle þer ben lityƚƚ folk as dwergℏes &amp; þei ben to so meche<PTR TARGET="P134.L10"/> as the PYGMEYES &amp; þei han no moutℏ, but in stede of hire moutℏ þei han a lytyƚƚ round hole.<PTR TARGET="P134.L12"/>  And whan þei schuƚƚ eten or drynken þei taken þorgℏ a pipe or a penne<PTR TARGET="P134.L13"/> or sucℏ a þing and sowken it in, for þei han no tonge<PTR TARGET="P134.L14"/> &amp; þerfore þei speke not, but þei maken a maner of hissynge as a nedder<PTR TARGET="P134.L15"/> dotℏ &amp; þei maken signes on to anoþer as monkes don,<PTR TARGET="P134.L17"/> be the whicℏe euery of hem vnderstondetℏ oþer.  And in anoþer yle ben folk þat han grete eres<PTR TARGET="P134.L18"/> &amp; longe, þat hangen doun to here knees.  And in anoþer yle ben folk þat han hors feet<PTR TARGET="P134.L20"/> &amp; þei ben stronge &amp; mygℏty and swift renneres for þei taken wylde bestes with rennyng &amp; eten hem.  And in anoþer yle ben folk þat gon vpon hire hondes<PTR TARGET="P134.L22"/> &amp; on hire feet as bestes &amp; þei ben aƚƚ skynned &amp; fedred &amp; þei wole lepen as ligℏtly into trces &amp; fro tree to tree as it were squyrelles or apes.  And in anoþer yle ben folk þat ben botℏe man &amp; womman<PTR TARGET="P134.L26"/> &amp; þei han kynde of þat on &amp; of þat oþer &amp; þei han but o pappe<PTR TARGET="P134.L27"/> on the o syde &amp; on þat oþer non And þei han membres of generacioun of man &amp; womman &amp; þei vsen bothe whan hem list ones þat on &amp; anoþer tyme þat oþer.  And þei geten <MILESTONE N="85b" UNIT="folio"/> children whan þei vsen the membre of man &amp; þei bere children whan þei vsen the membre of womman. And in anoþer yle ben folk þat gon aƚƚ weys vpon here knees<PTR TARGET="P134.L33"/> ful <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">merueyllously</CORR><SIC>merueyslously</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P134.L34"/> &amp; at euery pas þat þei gon it semetℏ that þei wolde falle &amp; þei han in euery foot .viij. toos.  Many oþer dyuerse folk of dyuerse natures ben þere<PB REF="" N="1:135"/>
 in oþer yles abouten, of the whiche it were to longe to teƚƚ &amp; þerfore I passe ouer schortly. From þeise yles in passynge be the see occean toward the est be many iourneyes men fynden a gret contree &amp; a gret kyngdom þat men clepen MANCY<PTR TARGET="P135.L5"/> &amp; þat is in ynde the more.  And it is the beste lond &amp; on the fairest þat may ben in aƚƚ the world &amp; the most delectable &amp; the most plentifous of aƚƚ godes þat is in power of man.  In þat lond dwellen many cristene men &amp; sarrazynes, for it is A gode contree &amp; a gret And þere ben jnne mo þan .ij. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. grete cytees &amp; riche withouten oþer grete townes.  And þere is more plentee of peple þere þan in ony oþer partie of ynde for the bountee of the contree.  In þat contree is no nedy man ne non þat gotℏ on beggynge.  And þei ben fuƚƚ faire folk, but þei ben aƚƚ pale And the men han thynne berdes<PTR TARGET="P135.L15"/> &amp; fewe heres, but þei ben longe; But vnetℏe hatℏ ony man passynge .l. heres in his berd &amp; on heer sitt here, anoþer þere, as the berd of a lyberd or of a catt. In þat lond ben many fairere wommen þan in ony oþer contree beȝonde the see And þerfore <MILESTONE N="86a" UNIT="folio"/> men clepen þat lond ALBANYE<PTR TARGET="P135.L21"/> because þat the folk ben white. And the chief cytee of that contree is clept LATORYN<PTR TARGET="P135.L22"/> &amp; it is a iourneye from the see And it is moche more þan PARYS.  In þat cytee is a gret ryuere berynge schippes þat gon to alle the costes in the see.  No cytee of the world is so wel stored of schippes as is þat And aƚƚ þo of the cytee &amp; of the contre <SUPPLIED REASON="ms damage" RESP="PH">worschipen</SUPPLIED><PTR TARGET="P135.L27"/> ydoles.  In þat contree ben double sithes more <SUPPLIED REASON="ms damage" RESP="PH">briddes þan</SUPPLIED> ben here: Þere ben white gees<PTR TARGET="P135.L28"/> rede aboute the nekke &amp; þei han a gret crest<PTR TARGET="P135.L29"/> as a cokkes comb vpon hire hedes And þei ben meche more þere þan þei ben here &amp; men byen hem þere aƚƚ quykk rigℏt gret chepe.  And þere is gret plentee of neddres of whom men maken grete festes &amp; eten hem at grete sollempnytees, And he þat maketℏ þere a feste, be it neuere so costifous &amp; he haue no neddres he hatℏ no thank for his trauaylle.<PB REF="" N="1:136"/>
Many gode cytees<PTR TARGET="P136.L1"/> þere ben in þat contree &amp; men han gret plentee &amp; gret chep of aƚƚ wynes &amp; vitailles.  In þat contree ben manye chirches of religious men &amp; of here lawe And in þo chirches ben ydoles als grete as geauntes And to theise ydoles þei ȝeuen to ete at grete festyfuƚƚ dayes in this manere: Þei bryngen before hem mete aƚƚ soden, als hoot as þei comen fro the fuyr &amp; þei leten the smoke gon vp towardes the ydoles And þan þei seyn þat the ydoles han eten &amp; þan the religious men eten the mete afterwardes.  In þat contree <MILESTONE N="86b" UNIT="folio"/> ben white HENNES withouten fetℏeres, but þei beren white wolle<PTR TARGET="P136.L11"/> as scheep don here.  In þat contree wommen þat ben vnmaryed<PTR TARGET="P136.L12"/> þei han tokenes on hire hedes lycℏ coronales to ben knowen for vnmaryed.  Also in þat contree þer ben bestes taugℏt of men to gon into watres into Ryueres &amp; into depe stankes for to take fyscℏ, the whiche best is but lytiƚƚ &amp; men clepen hem loyres.<PTR TARGET="P136.L17"/> <SUPPLIED REASON="ms damage" RESP="PH">&amp; whanne</SUPPLIED> men casten hem in to the water, anon <SUPPLIED REASON="ms damage" RESP="PH">þei bringen</SUPPLIED> gret fissℏes als manye as men wole. And ȝif men wil haue mo þei cast hem in aȝen &amp; þei bryngen vp als many as men list to haue. And fro þat cytee passynge many iourneyes is anoþer cytee on the grettest of the world þat men clepen CASSAY<PTR TARGET="P136.L23"/> þat is to seyne the cytee of heuene.  Þat cytee is wel a .l. myle aboute &amp; it is stronglicℏ enhabyted with peple in so moche þat in on hous men maken .x. housholdes.  In þat cytee ben .xij. princypaƚƚ ȝates and before euery ȝate<PTR TARGET="P136.L27"/> a .iij. myle or a .iiij. myle in lengtℏe is a gret toun or a gret cytee.  Þat cytee sytt vpon a gret lake on the see as dotℏ VENYSE. And in þat cytee ben mo þan .xij. .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. BRIGGES &amp; vpon euery brigge ben stronge toures &amp; gode in the whiche duellen the wardeynes for to kepen the cytee fro the gret CANE.  And on þat o part of the cytee rennetℏ a gret ryuere aƚƚ along the cytee And þere duellen cristene men &amp; many <MILESTONE N="87a" UNIT="folio"/> marchauntes &amp; oþer folk of dyuerse nacyouns because þat the lond is so good &amp; so plentyfous.  And<PB REF="" N="1:137"/>
 þere growetℏ fuƚƚ gode wyn þat men clepen BIGON<PTR TARGET="P137.L1"/> þat is fuƚƚ myghty &amp; gentyƚƚ in drynkynge.  This is a Cytee ryaƚƚ where the kyng of MANCY was wont to dweƚƚ &amp; þere duellen many religious men as it were of the ordre of freres, for þei ben mendyfauntes. From þat cytee men gon be watre solacynge &amp; <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">disportinge</CORR><SIC>disportine</SIC></CHOICE> hem tiƚƚ þei come to an Abbeye of monkes þat is faste by þat ben gode religious men after here feytℏ &amp; lawe.  In þat abbeye is a gret gardyn &amp; a fair where ben many trees of dyuerse manere of frutes, And in this gardyn is a lytiƚƚ hiƚƚ fuƚƚ of delectable trees; In þat hiƚƚ &amp; in þat gardyn ben many dyuerse bestes, as of Apes, Marmozettes Babewynes &amp; many oþer dyuerse bestes.  And euery day whan the Couent of this Abbeye hatℏ eten the Awmener let bere the releef to the gardyn &amp; he smytetℏ on the gardyn ȝate<PTR TARGET="P137.L15"/> with a clyket<PTR TARGET="P137.L16"/> of syluer þat he holdetℏ in his hond &amp; anon aƚƚ the bestes of þe hiƚƚ &amp; of dyuerse places of the gardyn comen out a .iij. .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. or a .iiij. Miƚ. &amp; þei comen in<PTR TARGET="P137.L19"/> gyse of pore men And men ȝeuen hem the releef in faire vesselles of syluer clene ouergylt.  And whan þei han eten the monk smytetℏ eftsones on the gardyn ȝate with the clyket &amp; þan anon aƚƚ the bestes retornen aȝen to here places þat þei come fro.  And þei seyn þat theise bestes ben soules<PTR TARGET="P137.L24"/> of wortℏi men þat resemblen<PTR TARGET="P137.L24b"/> in lykness of þo bestes þat ben faire &amp; þerfore <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">þei ȝeven</SUPPLIED> <MILESTONE N="87b" UNIT="folio"/> hem mete for the loue of god.  And the oþer bestes þat ben foule þei seyn ben soules of pore men &amp; of rude comouns; &amp; þus þei beleeuen &amp; noman may putte hem out of þis opynyoun. Þeise bestes aboueseyd þei let taken whan þei ben ȝonge &amp; norisschen hem so with almess als manye as þei may fynde.  And I asked hem ȝif it had not ben better to haue ȝouen þat releef to pore men ratℏere þan to þo bestes And þei answerde me &amp; seyde þat þei hadde no pore man amonges hem in þat contree And þougℏ it had ben so, þat pore men had ben among hem, ȝit were it gretter Almess to ȝeuen it to þo soules þat don þere<PB REF="" N="1:138"/>
 here penance.  Manye oþer merueylles ben in þat cytee &amp; in the contree þere aboute, þat were to long to teƚƚ ȝou. Fro þat cytee go men be the contree a .vj. iourneyes to anoþer cytee þat men clepen CHILENFO,<PTR TARGET="P138.L4"/> of the whiche cytee the walles ben .xx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. myle aboute.  In þat cytee ben .lx. brigges of ston so faire þat noman may see fairere.  In þat cytee was the firste sege of the kyng of MANCY for it is a fair cytee &amp; plentevous of aƚƚ godes. After passe men ouerthwart a gret ryuere þat men clepen BALAY<PTR TARGET="P138.L10"/> &amp; þat is the grettest ryuere of fresscℏ water þat is in the world, For þere as it is most narow it is more þan .iiij. myle of brede.  An þanne entren men aȝen in to the lond of the grete CHANE.  Þat ryuere gotℏ þorgℏ the lond of PIGMANS,<PTR TARGET="P138.L14"/> where þat the folk ben of lityƚƚ stature þat ben but .iij. span long and þei ben rigℏt faire &amp; gentyƚƚ after here quantytees botℏe<MILESTONE N="88a" UNIT="folio"/>
 the men &amp; the wommen.  And þei maryen hem whan they ben half ȝere of age &amp; geten children.  And þei lyuen not but .vi. ȝeer or .vij. at the moste And he þat lyuetℏ .viij. ȝeer men holden him þere rigℏt passynge old.  Þeise men ben the beste worcheres of gold, syluer,<PTR TARGET="P138.L21"/> coutoun, sylk &amp; of aƚƚ suche thinges of ony oþer þat ben in the world, And þei han often tymes werre with the bryddes<PTR TARGET="P138.L24"/> of the contree þat þei taken &amp; eten.  Þis lityƚƚ folk nouþer labouren in londes ne in vynes but þei han grete men amonges hem of oure stature þat tylen the lond &amp; labouren amonges the vynes for hem.  And of þo men of oure stature han þei als grete skorn &amp; wonder as we wolde haue among vs of geauntes ȝif þei weren amonges vs.  Þere is a gode cytee amonges oþere where þere is dwellynge gret plentee of þo lytyƚƚ folk And it is a gret cytee &amp; a fair &amp; the men ben grete þat duellen amonges hem, But whan þei geten ony children þei ben as lityƚƚ as the PYGMEYES, And þerfore þei ben aƚƚ for the moste part aƚƚ PYGMEYES, for the nature of the lond is sucℏ.  The grete CANE let kepe this cytee fuƚƚ wel, for it is his.  And aƚƚ be it þat the PYGMEYES ben<PB REF="" N="1:139"/>
 lytyƚƚ ȝit þei ben fuƚƚ resonable after here age &amp; conne botℏen wytt &amp; gode &amp; malice ynow. Fro þat cytee gon men be the contree be many cytees &amp; many townes vnto a cytee þat men clepen IANICHAY<PTR TARGET="P139.L4"/> &amp; it is a noble cytee &amp; a riche &amp; of gret profite to the lord.  And þider go men to sechen marchandise of aƚƚ manere of þing. Þat cytee <MILESTONE N="88b" UNIT="folio"/> is fuƚƚ moche wortℏ ȝerly to the lord of the contree, For he hatℏ euery ȝer to rente of þat cytee as þei of the cyte seyn .l. Miƚ.  CUMANTZ<PTR TARGET="P139.L9"/> of floreyns of gold.  For þei cownten þere aƚƚ be CUMANZ, And euery CUMANT is .x .M<HI REND="sup">l</HI>. <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">floreyns</CORR><SIC>Cumantz</SIC></CHOICE> of gold.  Now may men wel rekene how moche þat it amountetℏ.  The kyng of þat contree is fuƚƚ mygℏty &amp; ȝit he is vnder the grete CANE And the gret CANE hatℏ vnder him .xij. suche prouynces.  In þat contree in the gode towns is a gode custom, For whoso wiƚƚ make a feste to ony of his frendes þere ben certeyn jnnes in euery gode town &amp; he þat wil make the feste wil sey to the hostellere: Arraye for me to morwe a gode dyner for so many folk &amp; telletℏ him the nombre &amp; deuysetℏ him the viaundes.  And he seytℏ also: þus moche I wil dispende &amp; nomore.  And anon the hostellere arrayetℏ for him so faire &amp; so wel &amp; so honestly þat þer schaƚƚ lakke no thing.  And it schaƚƚ be don sunnere &amp; with lasse cost þan &amp; a man made it in his owne hows. And a .v. myle fro þat cytee toward the hed of the ryuere of BALAY is anoþer cytee þat men clepen MENKE.<PTR TARGET="P139.L27"/>  In þat cytee is strong navye of schippes and aƚƚ ben white as snow of the kynde of the trees þat þei ben made offe, And þei ben fuƚƚ grete schippes &amp; faire and wel ordeyned &amp; made with halles &amp; chambres &amp; oþer eysementes, as þougℏ it were on the lond. Fro þens go men be many townes &amp; many cytees þorgℏ the contree vnto a cytee þat men clepen LANTERYNE<PTR TARGET="P139.L33"/> &amp; it is an .viij. iourneyes <MILESTONE N="89a" UNIT="folio"/> fro þe cytee aboueseyd.  This cytee sitt vpon a faire ryuere gret &amp; brood þat men clepen CARAMARON.<PTR TARGET="P139.L36"/>  This ryuere passetℏ þorgℏ out CATHAY &amp;<PB REF="" N="1:140"/>
 it dotℏ often tyme harm &amp; þat fuƚƚ gret Whan it is ouer gret.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.24"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.23.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXIV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE GREAT CAN'S COURT</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE GRETE CHANE OF CHATAY; OF THE RIALTEE OF HIS PALAYS &amp; HOW HE SITT AT METE, AND OF THE GRETE NOMBRE OF OFFICERES ÞAT SERUEN HYM.</HEAD>
<P>CHATAY is a grete contree &amp; a fair, noble &amp; ricℏe &amp; fuƚƚ of marchauntes; þider gon Marchaundes aƚƚ ȝeres for to sechen spices &amp; aƚƚ manere of marchandises more comounly þan in ony oþer partye.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat Marchaundes þat comen fro GENE or fro VENYSE or fro ROMANYE or oþer parties of LOMBARDYE þei gon be see &amp; be londe .xj. monetℏes or .xij. or more sumtyme or þei may come to the yle of CATHAY, þat is the princypaƚƚ regyoun of aƚƚ partyes beȝonde &amp; it is of the grete CANE. Fro CATHAY go men toward the est be many iorneyes &amp; þan men fynden a gode cytee betwene þeise oþere þat men clepen SUGARMAGO.<PTR TARGET="P140.L14"/>  Þat cytee is on of the beste stored of sylk &amp; oþer marchandises þat is in the world. After gon men ȝit to anoþer old cytee toward the est &amp; it is in the prouynce of CATHAY, And besyde þat cytee the men of TARTARYE han let make a notℏer cytee þat is clept Caydon<PTR TARGET="P140.L19"/> &amp; it hatℏ .xij. ȝates And betwene the .ij. ȝates þere is aƚƚweys a gret myle. So þat the .ij. cytees, þat is to seyne the olde &amp; the newe han in cyrcuyt more þan .xx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. myle.  In this cytee is the sege of the grete CANE in <MILESTONE N="89b" UNIT="folio"/> a fuƚƚ gret palays &amp; the most passynge fair in aƚƚ the world, Of the whiche the walles ben in circuyt more þan .ij. myle, And within the walles it is aƚƚ fuƚƚ of oþer palays.  And in the gardyn of the grete palays þere is a gret hiƚƚ vpon the whicℏe is anoþer palays And it is the most fair &amp; the most riche þat ony man may deuyse And aƚƚ aboute the palays &amp; the hiƚƚ ben many trees berynge many dyuerse frutes.  And<PB REF="" N="1:141"/>
 aƚƚ aboute þat hiƚƚ ben dyches grete &amp; depe And besyde hem ben grete vyueres on þat o part &amp; on þat other And þere is a fuƚƚ fair brigge to passen ouer the dyches. And in þeise vyueres ben so many wylde gees &amp; gandres &amp; wylde dokes &amp; swannes &amp; heirouns þat it is withouten nombre.  And aƚƚ aboute þeise dyches &amp; vyueres is the grete gardyn fuƚƚ of wylde bestes so þat whan the gret CANE wil haue ony desport ouþer to taken ony of the wylde bestes or of the foules, he wil lete chace hem &amp; taken hem at the windowes withouten goynge out of his chambre.  This palays where his sege is is botℏe gret &amp; passynge fair And within the palays in the halle þere ben .xxiiij. pyleres of fyn gold &amp; aƚƚ the walles ben couered withjnne of rede skynnes<PTR TARGET="P141.L14"/> of bestes þat men clepen PANTERES,<PTR TARGET="P141.L15"/> þat ben faire bestes &amp; wel smellyng so þat for the swete odour of þo skynnes non euyƚƚ ayr may entre in to the palays.  Þo skynnes ben als rede as blode &amp; þei schynen so brigℏte aȝen the sonne þat vnetℏes noman may beholden hem.  And many folk <MILESTONE N="90a" UNIT="folio"/> worschipen þo bestes whan þei meeten hem first at morwe for here gret vertue &amp; for the gode smeƚƚ þat þei han, &amp; þo skynnes þei preysen more þan þougℏ þei were plate of fyn gold. And in the myddes of this palays is the mountour<PTR TARGET="P141.L23"/> for the grete CANE þat is aƚƚ wrougℏt of gold &amp; of precyous stones &amp; grete perles.  And at .iiij. corneres of the mountour ben .iiij. serpentes<PTR TARGET="P141.L26"/> of gold And aƚƚ aboute þer is ymade large nettes of sylk &amp; gold &amp; grete perles hangynge aƚƚ aboute the mountour.  And vnder the MOUNTOUR ben CONDYTES of beuerage þat þei drynken in the Emperours court And besyde þe condytes ben many vesselles of gold be the whiche þei þat ben of houshold drynken at the condyt.  And the halle of the palays is fuƚƚ nobelycℏ arrayed &amp; fuƚƚ <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">merueylleousely</CORR><SIC>merueysleousely</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P141.L33"/> atyred on aƚƚ partyes in aƚƚ thinges þat men apparayle with ony halle.  And first at the chief of the halle is the Emperoures throne<PTR TARGET="P141.L35"/> fuƚƚ higℏ where he syttetℏ at the mete &amp; þat is of fyn<PB REF="" N="1:142"/>
 precyouse stones bordured aƚƚ aboute with pured gold &amp; precyous stones &amp; grete perles, And the grees þat he gotℏ vp to the table ben of precious stones medled with gold. And at the left syde of the Emperoures sege is the sege of his firste wif o degree lowere þan the Emperour &amp; it is of jaspere bordured with gold &amp; precious stones.  And the sege of his seconde wif is also anoþer <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">degree</CORR><SIC>sege</SIC></CHOICE> more lowere þan his firste wif &amp; it is also of jaspere bordured with gold as þat oþer is.  And the sege of the thridde wif is<MILESTONE N="90b" UNIT="folio"/>
 also more lowe be a degree þan the seconde wif.  For he hatℏ alweys .iij. wifes with him where þat euere he be &amp; after his wyfes on the same syde sytten the ladyes of his lynage ȝit lowere after þat þei ben of estate.  And aƚƚ þo þat ben maryed han a countrefete made lyche a MANNES FOOT vpon here hedes cubyte long aƚƚ wrougℏt witℏ grete perles fyne &amp; oryent &amp; abouen made with pecokes fedres &amp; of oþer schynynge fedres &amp; þat stont vpon here hedes lyke a crest, in tokene þat þei ben vnder mannes fote &amp; vnder subieccioun of man, And þei þat ben vnmaryed han none sucℏe.  And after at the rigℏt syde of the Emperour first syttetℏ his oldest sone þat schaƚƚ regne after him; And he syttetℏ also o degree lowere þan the Emperour in sucℏe manere of seges as don the Emperesses. And after him sitten oþer grete lordes of his lynage, euery of hem a degree lowere þan oþer, as þei ben of estate. And the Emperour hatℏ his table allone be him self þat is of gold &amp; of precious stones or of cristaƚƚ bordured with gold &amp; fuƚƚ of precious stones or of Amatystes or of LIGNUM ALOES þat cometℏ out of paradys or of Iuory bounden &amp; bordured with gold.  And euerycℏ of his wyfes hatℏ also hire table be hireself And his eldest sone &amp; the oþer lordes also &amp; the ladyes &amp; aƚƚ þat sitten with the Emperour han tables allone be hemself fuƚƚ riche. And þere nys no table but þat it is wortℏ an huge tresour of gode.  And vnder the Emperoures table sitten .iiij. clerkes þat writen aƚƚ þat the Emperour seytℏ, be it good,<PB REF="" N="1:143"/>
 be it euyƚƚ. <MILESTONE N="91a" UNIT="folio"/> For aƚƚ þat he seytℏ moste ben holden, for he may not chaungen his woord ne revoke it. And <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">at</SUPPLIED> grete solempne festes before the Emperoures table men bryngen grete tables of gold &amp; þereon ben Pecokes<PTR TARGET="P143.L4"/> of gold &amp; many oþer maner of dyuerse foules aƚƚ of gold &amp; richely wrougℏt &amp; enameled &amp; men maken hem dauncen and syngen clappynge here wenges to gydere &amp; maken gret noyse<PTR TARGET="P143.L7"/> &amp; wheþer it be by craft or be nygromancye I wot nere, but it is a gode sigℏt to beholde &amp; a fair, And it is gret meruayle how it may be.  But I haue the lasse meruaylle because þat þei ben the moste sotyle men<PTR TARGET="P143.L11"/> in all sciences &amp; in aƚƚ craftes þat ben in the world, For of sotyltee &amp; of malice &amp; of fer castynge þei passen aƚƚ men vnder heuene. And þerfore þei seyn hem self þat þei seen with .ij. eyen &amp; the cristene men see but with on be cause þat þei ben more sotyƚƚ þan þei, For aƚƚ oþer naciouns þei seyn ben but blynde in conynge &amp; worchinge in comparisoun to hem.  I did gret besyness for to haue lerned þat craft but the maistre tolde me þat he had made avow to his god to teche it to no creature but only to his eldeste sone. Also aboue the Emperoures table &amp; the oþere tables &amp; abouen a gret partie in the halle is a VYNE<PTR TARGET="P143.L22"/> made of fyn gold &amp; it spredetℏ aƚƚ aboute the haƚƚ &amp; it hatℏ many clustres of grapes, somme white, somme grene, summe ȝalowe &amp; somme rede &amp; somme blake, aƚƚ of precious stones.  The white ben of CRISTAƚƚ &amp; of BERYLLE<PTR TARGET="P143.L26"/> &amp; of JRIS, the ȝalowe ben of TOPAZES, the rede ben of RUBIES <MILESTONE N="91b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; of GRENAZ &amp; of ALABRAUNDYNES,<PTR TARGET="P143.L28"/> The grene ben of Emeraudes of Perydos &amp; of Crisolytes, And the blake ben of Onichez &amp; Garantez.<PTR TARGET="P143.L30"/>  And þei ben aƚƚ so propurlycℏ made þat it semetℏ a verry vyne berynge kyndely grapes. And before the Emperoures table stonden grete lordes &amp; riche barouns &amp; otℏere þat seruen the Emperour at the mete.  But noman is so hardy to speke a word but ȝif the Emperour speke to him, But ȝif it be Mynstrelles þat syngen songes &amp; tellen gestes or oþer<PB REF="" N="1:144"/>
 desportes<PTR TARGET="P144.L1"/> to solace with the Emperour.  And aƚƚ the vesseƚƚ þat men ben serued with in the halle or in chambres ben of precious stones And specyally at grete tables, ouþer of jaspre or of cristaƚƚ or of Amatystez or of fyn gold.  And the cuppes ben of Emeraudez &amp; of Saphires or of Topazes, of Perydoz and of many oþer precyouse stones.  Vesseƚƚ of syluer is þere non,<PTR TARGET="P144.L7"/> for þei teƚƚ no prys þere of to make no vesseƚƚ offe, But þei maken þerof grecynges &amp; pileres &amp; pawmentes to halles &amp; chambres.  And before the halle dore stonden manye barounes &amp; knygℏtes clene armed to kepe þat noman entre, but ȝif it be the wille or the commandement of the Emperour or but ȝif þei ben seruauntes or mynstraƚƚ of the houshold; And oþer non is not so hardy to neigℏen ny the haƚƚ dore. And ȝe schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat my felawes and I<PTR TARGET="P144.L15"/> with oure ȝomen we serueden this Emperour &amp; weren his Soudyoures .xv. monetℏes aȝenst the kyng of MANCY þat held werre aȝenst him.  And the cause was for wee <MILESTONE N="92a" UNIT="folio"/> hadden gret lust to see his noblesse &amp; the estat of his court &amp; aƚƚ his gouernance, to wite ȝif it were sucℏ as we herde seye þat it was.  And treuly we fond it more noble and more excellent &amp; ricchere &amp; more merueyllous þan euer we herde speke offe.  In so moche þat we wolde neuer han leved it, had wee not a seen it, For I trowe þat noman wolde beleve the noblesse, the ricchesse ne the multytude of folk þat ben in his court, but he had seen it.  For it is not þere as it is here, For the lordes here<PTR TARGET="P144.L28"/> han folk of certeyn nombre als þei may suffise, But the grete CHANE hatℏ euery day folk at his costages &amp; expens as withouten nombre.  But the ordynance ne the expenses in mete &amp; drink ne the honestee ne the clennesse is not so arrayed þere as it is here; for aƚƚ the comouns þere eten withouten clotℏ vpon here knees &amp; þei eten aƚƚ maner of flesscℏ &amp; lityƚƚ of bred, And after mete þei wypen here hondes vpon here skyrtes &amp; þei eten not but ones a day.  But the estat of lordes is fuƚƚ gret &amp; riche &amp; noble. And aƚƚ be it þat sum men wil<PB REF="" N="1:145"/>
 not trow me, but holden it for fable to tellen hem the nobless of his persone &amp; of his estate &amp; of his court &amp; of the gret multytude of folk þat he holt, natℏeles I schaƚƚ seye ȝou A partye of him &amp; of his folk, after þat I haue seen the manere &amp; the ordynance fuƚƚ many a tyme.  And whoso þat wole may leve me ȝif he wiƚƚ, And whoso wiƚƚ not may leue also.  For I wot wel ȝif ony man hatℏ ben in þo contrees beȝonde, þougℏ he haue not ben in the place <MILESTONE N="92b" UNIT="folio"/> where the grete CHANE duelletℏ, he schaƚƚ here speke of him so meche merueylouse þing, þat he schaƚƚ not trowe it ligℏtly; And treuly no more did I myself til I saugℏ it.  And þo þat han ben in þo contrees &amp; in the gret CANES houshold knowen wel þat I seye sotℏ And þerfore I wiƚƚ not spare for hem þat knowe not ne beleue not but þat þat þei seen for to teƚƚ ȝou a partie of him &amp; of his estate þat he holt whan he gotℏ from contree to contree &amp; whan he maketℏ solempne festes.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.25"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.24.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">RISE OF JENGHIZ KHAN</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">WHERFORE HE IS CLEPT THE GRETE CHANE; OF THE STYLE OF HIS LETTRES, AND OF THE SUPERSCRIPCIOUN ABOWTEN HIS GRETE SEAƚƚ &amp; HIS PRYUEE SEAƚƚ.</HEAD>
<P>FIRST I schaƚƚ seye ȝou whi he was clept the gret CHANE.  Ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat aƚƚ the world was destroyed be Noes flood saf only Noe &amp; his wif &amp; his children.  Noe had .iij. sones SEM, CHAM &amp; IAPHETℏ. This CAM was he þat saugℏ his fadres preuy membres naked whan he slepte &amp; scorned hem &amp; schewed hem with his fynger to his bretheren in scornynge wise &amp; þerfore he was cursed of god, And IAPHETℏ turned his face awey &amp; couered hem.  Þeise .iij. bretheren had cesoun in aƚƚ the lond And this CHAM for his crueltee toke the gretter &amp; the beste partie toward the est, þat is clept ASYE And SEM toke AFFRYK<PTR TARGET="P145.L29"/> And IAPHETH toke EUROPE, And þerfore is aƚƚ the ertℏe departed in theise .iij. parties be þeise .iij. bretℏeren.  CHAM was the grettest &amp; the most<PB REF="" N="1:146"/>
 mygℏty &amp; of him camen mo generaciouns þan of the oþere And of <MILESTONE N="93a" UNIT="folio"/> his sone CHUSE was engendred MEMBROTℏ the geaunt þat was the firste kyng þat euer was in the world &amp; he began the fundacioun of the tour of BABYLOYNE. And þat tyme the fendes of helle camen many tymes &amp; leyen with the wommen of his generacioun &amp; engendred on hem dyuerse folk as MONSTRES<PTR TARGET="P146.L7"/> &amp; folk disfigured, Summe withouten hedes, summe with grete eres, summe with on eye, summe geauntes, sum with hors feet &amp; many oþer of dyuerse schapp aȝenst kynde.  And of þat generacioun of CHAM ben comen the PAYNEMES &amp; dyuerse folk þat ben in yles of the see be aƚƚ ynde.  And for als moche as he was the most mygℏty &amp; no man mygℏte withstonde him he cleped himself the sone of god &amp; souereyn of aƚƚ the world, And for this CHAM this Emperour clepetℏ him CHAM &amp; souereyn of aƚƚ the world. &amp; of the generacioun of SEM ben comen the Sarrazines, And of the generacioun of IAPHETℏ is comen the peple of Israel And <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">wee</SUPPLIED> þough þat wee duellen in EUROPE.  this is the opynyoun þat the SYRYENES &amp; the SAMARITANES han amonges hem &amp; þat þei told me before þat I wente toward ynde, But I fond it oþerwise.  Natℏeles the sotℏe is this, þat TARTARYNES &amp; þei þat duellen in the grete Asye þei camen of CHAM, But the Emperour of CHATAY clepetℏ him not CHAM, <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">but</CORR><SIC>bu</SIC></CHOICE> CAN &amp; I schaƚƚ teƚƚ ȝou how. It is but lityƚƚ more þan .viij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. ȝeer<PTR TARGET="P146.L26"/> þat aƚƚ TARTARYE was in subiectioun &amp; in seruage to otℏere nacyouns abouten, for þei weren but bestyaƚƚ folk &amp; diden noþing but kepten bestes &amp; lad hem to pastures.  But amonges <MILESTONE N="93b" UNIT="folio"/> hem þei hadden .vij. princypaƚƚ nacyouns þat weren soueraynes of hem alle, Of the whicℏe the firste nacyoun or lynage was clept TARTAR, And þat is the most noble &amp; the moste preysed. The seconde lynage is clept TANGHOT, The þridde EURACH, The .iiij. VALAIR, The .v. SEMOCℏ, The .vj. MENGLY, The .vij. COBOOGℏ.  Now befeƚƚ it so, þat of the firste lynage succeded an old wortℏi man þat was not riche, þat hadde<PB REF="" N="1:147"/>
 to name CHANGUYS.  This man lay vpon a nigℏt in his bed, &amp; he sawgℏ in avisioun þat þere cam before him a knygℏt Armed aƚƚ in white<PTR TARGET="P147.L3"/> &amp; he satt vpon a white hors &amp; seyde to him: CAN, slepest þou? the Inmortaƚƚ god hatℏ sent me to þe &amp; it is his wille þat þou go to the .vij. lynages &amp; seye to hem þat þou schalt ben here Emperour.  For þou schalt conquere the londes &amp; the contrees þat ben abouten, And þei þat marchen vpon ȝou schuƚƚ ben vnder ȝoure subieccioun, as ȝee han ben vnder hires, for þat is goddes wille Inmortaƚƚ.  And whan he cam<PTR TARGET="P147.L10"/> at morwe CHANGUYS roos &amp; wente to the .vij. lynages &amp; tolde hem how the white knygℏt had seyd, And þei scorned him &amp; seyden þat he was a fool &amp; so he departed fro hem aƚƚ aschamed.  And the nygℏt sewynge this white knygℏt cam to the .vij. lynages &amp; commaunded hem on goddes behalue Inmortaƚƚ þat þei scholde make this CHANGUYS here Emperour &amp; þei scholde ben out of subieccioun &amp; þei scholde holden aƚƚ oþer regiounes aboute hem in here seruage, as þei had ben to hem beforn.  And on the morwe <MILESTONE N="94a" UNIT="folio"/> þei chosen him to ben here Emperour And þei setten him vpon a blak fertre<PTR TARGET="P147.L21"/> &amp; after þat þei liften him vp with gret solempnytee &amp; þei setten him in a chayer of gold &amp; diden hym aƚƚ maner of reuerence &amp; þei cleped him CHAN, as the white knygℏt called him.  And whan he was þus chosen he wolde assayen ȝif he mygℏte trust in hem or non &amp; wheþer þei wolde ben obeyssant to him or non, And þanne he made many statutes &amp; ordynances, þat þei clepen YSYA CHAN.<PTR TARGET="P147.L28"/>  The firste statute was þat þei scholde beleeuen &amp; obeyen in god Inmortaƚƚ þat is aƚƚmygℏty, þat wolde casten hem out of seruage &amp; at aƚƚ tymes clepe to him for help in tyme of nede.  The toþer statute was þat aƚƚ maner of men þat mygℏte beren armes scholden ben nombred And to euery .x. scholde ben a mayster And to euery .c. a mayster And to euery .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. a mayster And to euery .x. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. a mayster.  After he commanded to the princypales of the .vij. lynages þat þei scholde leuen &amp; forsaken aƚƚ þat þei hadden in godes<PB REF="" N="1:148"/>
 &amp; heritage &amp; fro þens fortℏ to holden hem payd of þat þat he wolde ȝeue hem of his grace; And þei diden so anon. After he commaunded to the princypales of the .vij. lynages þat euery of hem scholde brynge his eldest sone before him &amp; with here owne handes smyten of here hedes withouten taryenge; And anon his commandement was performed.  And whan the CHANE sagℏ þat þei made non obstacle to performen his commandement, þanne he thougℏte wel þat he mygℏte trusten in hem <MILESTONE N="94b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; commaunded hem anon to make hem redy &amp; to sewen his banere.  And after this CHANE putt in subiectioun aƚƚ the londes aboute him. Afterward it befeƚƚ vpon a day þat the CHANE rood with a fewe meynee for to beholde the strengtℏe of the contree þat he had wonnen and so befeƚƚ þat a gret multytude of his enemyes metten with him &amp; for to ȝeuen gode ensample of hardyness to his poeple he was the firste þat faugℏt &amp; in the myddes of his <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">enemyes</CORR><SIC>ene/</SIC></CHOICE> encountred, &amp; þere he was cast from his hors &amp; his hors slayn̛.  And whan his folk saugℏ him at the ertℏe þei weren aƚƚ abasscℏt &amp; wenden he had ben ded &amp; flowen euerychone &amp; hire enemyes after &amp; chaced hem, But þei wiste not þat the Emperour was þere. And whan the enemyes weren ferr pursuynge the chace, the Emperour himself hidde him in a thikke wode.  And whan þei weren comen aȝen fro the chace þei wenten &amp; sougℏten the wodes ȝif ony of hem had ben hid in the thikke of the wodes &amp; manye þei founden &amp; slowen hem anon.  So it happend þat as þei wenten serchinge toward the place þat the Emperour was þei saugℏ an OWLE syttynge<PTR TARGET="P148.L30"/> vpon a tree abouen hym And þan þei seyden amonges hem þat þere was noman because þat þei saugℏ þat brid þere.  And so þei wenten hire wey &amp; þus escaped the Emperour from detℏ.  And þanne he wente preuylly aƚƚ be nygℏte tiƚƚ he cam to his folk þat weren fuƚƚ glad of his comynge &amp; maden grete thankynges to god Inmortaƚƚ &amp; to þat bryd be whom<PB REF="" N="1:149"/>
 here lord <MILESTONE N="95a" UNIT="folio"/> was saued.  And þerfore princypally abouen aƚƚ foules of þe world þei worschipen the Owle And whan þei han ony of here fedres þei kepen hem fuƚƚ precyously in stede of relykes &amp; beren hem vpon here hedes with gret reuerence &amp; þei holden hem self blessed &amp; saf from aƚƚ periles whil þat þei han hem vpon hem &amp; þerfore þei beren here fedres vpon here hedes.  After aƚƚ this the Chane ordeyned him &amp; assembled his peple &amp; wente vpon hem þat hadden assayled hym before &amp; destroyed hem &amp; put hem in subieccioun &amp; seruage. And whan he had wonnen &amp; putt aƚƚ the londes &amp; contrees on this half the mount BELYAN<PTR TARGET="P149.L12"/> in subieccioun, the whyte knygℏt cam to him aȝen in his sleep &amp; seyde to him: CHAN, the wille of god Inmortaƚƚ is þat þou passe the mount BELYAN &amp; þou schalt wynne the lond &amp; þou schalt putten many nacyouns in subieccioun.  And for þou schalt fynde no gode passage for to go toward þat contree, go <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">to</SUPPLIED> the mount BELYAN þat is vpon the see &amp; knele þere .ix. tymes toward the est in the worschipe of god Inmortaƚƚ &amp; he schal schewe þe weye to passe by, And the Chane dide so. And anon the see þat touched &amp; was fast to the mount began to witℏdrawe him &amp; schewed fair weye of .ix. fote brede large &amp; so he passed with his folk &amp; wan the lond of Cathay þat is the grettest kyngdom of the world.  And for the .ix. knelynges &amp; for the .ix. fote of weye the Chane &amp; alle the <MILESTONE N="95b" UNIT="folio"/> men of TARTARYE han the nombre of .ix. in gret reuerence.  And þerfore who þat wole make the CHANE ony present, be it of hors, be it of bryddes or of Arwes or bowes or of frute or of ony otℏer thing, alweys he most make it of the nombre of .ix.  And so þanne ben the presentes of grettere plesance to him &amp; more benygnely he wil resceyuen hem þan þougℏ he were presented with an .C. or .CC.  For hym semetℏ the nombre of .ix. so holy, be cause the messager of god jnmortaƚƚ devised it. Also whan the Chane of CATHAY hadde wonnen the contree of CATHAY &amp; put in subieccioun &amp; vnder fote many contrees abouten he feƚƚ seek.<PB REF="" N="1:150"/>
 And whan he felte wel þat he scholde dye, he seyde to his .xij. sones þat euerycℏ of hem scholde brynge him on of his arewes &amp; so þei diden anon And þanne he commanded þat men scholde bynden hem to gedre in .iij. places<PTR TARGET="P150.L4"/> And þan he toke hem to his eldest sone &amp; bad him breke hem aƚƚ togedre; And he enforced him with aƚƚ his mygℏt to breken hem, but he ne mygℏte not. And þan the CHANE bad his seconde sone to breke hem &amp; so schortly to alle ecℏ after otℏer, but non of hem mygℏt breke hem.  And þan he bad the ȝongest sone disseuere euerycℏ from otℏer &amp; breken euerycℏ be him self &amp; so he dide.  And þan seyde the CHANE to his eldest sone &amp; to alle the oþere: wherfore mygℏt ȝee not breke hem?  And þei answereden þat þei mygℏt not, be cause þat þei weren bounden togyder. <MILESTONE N="96a" UNIT="folio"/> And wherfore, quod he, hatℏ ȝoure lityƚƚ ȝongest broþer broken hem? Because, quod þei, þat þei weren departed ecℏ from otℏer. &amp; þanne seyde the CHANE: My sones, quod he, treuly þus wil it faren be ȝou.  For als longe as ȝee ben bounden togedere in .iij. places<PTR TARGET="P150.L20"/> þat is to seyne in loue, in troutℏe &amp; in gode accord, noman schaƚƚ ben of powere to greue ȝou.  But &amp; ȝee ben disseuered fro þeise .iij. places, þat ȝoure on helpe not ȝoure oþer, ȝee schuƚƚ be destroyed &amp; brougℏt to nougℏt.  And ȝif ecℏ of ȝou loue other &amp; helpe oþer, ȝee schuƚƚ be lordes &amp; souereynes of aƚƚ oþere.  And whan he hadde made his ordynances he dyed.  And þanne after hym regned ECCHECHA CANE his eldest sone, And his othere bretheren wenten to wynnen hem many contrees &amp; kyngdomes, vnto the lond of Pruysse &amp; of Rossye, &amp; made hem to ben cleped CHANE but þei weren aƚƚ obeyssant to hire elder brotℏer, And þerfore was he clept the grete CHANE.  After Ecchecha<PTR TARGET="P150.L32"/> regned Guyo Chane And after him MANGO CHAN þat was a gode cristene man &amp; baptyzed &amp; ȝaf lettres of perpetueƚƚ pes to aƚƚ cristene men &amp; sente his brotℏer halaon with gret multytude of folk for to wynnen the holy lond &amp; for to put it in to cristene mennes hondes &amp; for to<PB REF="" N="1:151"/>
 destroye Machametes lawe &amp; for to take the CALYPHEE of BALDAK þat was Emperour &amp; lord of aƚƚ the Sarazines. And whan this CALYPHEE was taken, men fownden him of so higℏ worschipe<PTR TARGET="P151.L4"/> þat in <MILESTONE N="96b" UNIT="folio"/> aƚƚ the remenant of the world ne mygℏte a man fynde a more reuerent man ne highere in worschipe.  And þan halaon made him come before him &amp; seyde to hym: Why, quod he, haddestow not taken with þe mo Sowdyoures &amp; men ynowe for a lytiƚƚ quantytee of thresour for to defende þe &amp; thi contree þat art so habundant of tresore &amp; so higℏ in aƚƚ worschipe? And the CALYPHEE answerd him, For he wel trowede þat he hadde ynowe of his owne propre men.  And þan seyde halaon: Þou were as a god of the sarazines &amp; it is conuenyent to a god to ete no mete þat is mortaƚƚ &amp; þerfore þou schalt not ete but precyous stones, riche perles And tresoure þat þou louest so moche.  And þan he commanded him to presoun &amp; aƚƚ his tresoure aboute him &amp; so he dyed for hunger &amp; threst.  And þan after this, HALAON wan aƚƚ the lond of promyssioun &amp; putte it in to cristene mennes hondes.  But the grete CHANE his broþer dyede &amp; þat was gret sorwe &amp; loss to aƚƚ cristene men.  After MANGO CHAN regned COBYLA CHAN þat was also a cristene man &amp; he regnede .xlij. ȝeere; he founded the grete cytee of IȜONGE in CATHAY,<PTR TARGET="P151.L24"/> þat is a gret del more þan Rome.  The tother gret CHANE þat cam after him becam a payneme<PTR TARGET="P151.L26"/> &amp; aƚƚ the oþer after him. The kyngdom of CATHAY is the grettest Reme of the world And also the gret CHAN is the most mygℏty Emperour of the world &amp; the grettest lord vnder the firmament.  &amp; so he clepetℏ him in his lettres rigℏt þus: <MILESTONE N="97a" UNIT="folio"/>
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">CHAN FILIUS DEI EXCELSI OMNIUM VNIUERSAM TERRAM COLENCIUM SUMMUS IMPERATOR ET DOMINUS OMNIUM DOMINANCIUM</Q>.<PTR TARGET="P151.L30"/>  And the lettre of his grete seel writen abouten is this:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DEUS IN CELO, CHAN SUPER TERRAM EIUS FORTITUDO OMNIUM HOMINUM IMPERATORIS SIGILLUM</Q>.<PTR TARGET="P151.L33"/>  And the superscripcioun aboute his lityƚƚ seel is this:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DEI FORTITUDO OMNIUM HOMINUM IMPERATORIS SIGILLUM</Q>.<PTR TARGET="P151.L36"/> And aƚƚ be it<PB REF="" N="1:152"/>
 þat þei be not cristned, ȝit natheles the Emperour &amp; aƚƚ the TARTARYENES beleeuen in god<PTR TARGET="P152.L2"/> Inmortaƚƚ.  And whan þei wiƚƚ manacen ony man, þanne þei seyn: God knowetℏ wel þat I schaƚƚ do þe sucℏ a thing, &amp; telletℏ his manace. And þus haue ȝee herd whi he is clept the grete CHANE.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.26"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.25.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXVI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">SPLENDOUR OF THE CAN'S HOUSEHOLD</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE GOUERNANCE OF THE GRETE CHANES COURT &amp; WHAN HE MAKETℏ SOLEMPNE FESTES; OF HIS PHILOSOPHRES, AND OF HIS ARRAY WHAN HE RIDETℏ BE ÞE CONTRE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW schaƚƚ I teƚƚ ȝou the gouernance of the court of the grete CHANE whan he maketℏ solempne festes,<PTR TARGET="P152.L8"/> &amp; þat is princypally .iiij. tymes in the ȝeer.  The firste feste is of his byrtℏe; þat oþer is of his presentacioun<PTR TARGET="P152.L10"/> in here temple, þat þei clepen here MOSEACℏ,<PTR TARGET="P152.L11"/> where þei maken a manere of circumcisioun; And the totℏer .ij. festes ben of his ydoles.  The firste feste of the ydole is whan he is first put in to hire temple &amp; throned. The toþer feste is whan the ydole begynnetℏ first to speke or to worche myracƚes.  Mo ben þere not of solempne festes, but ȝif he marye ony of his children.  Now vnderstondetℏ þat at euery of theise <MILESTONE N="97b" UNIT="folio"/> festes he hatℏ gret multytude of peple wel ordeyned and wel arrayed be thousandes,<PTR TARGET="P152.L19"/> be hundredes &amp; be tentℏes.  And euery man knowetℏ wel what seruyse he schaƚƚ do, And euery man ȝeuetℏ so gode hede &amp; so gode attendance to his seruyse, þat noman fyndetℏ no defaute.  And þere ben first ordeyned .iiij. .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. barounes mygℏty &amp; riche for to gouerne &amp; to make ordynance for the feste &amp; for to serue the Emperour. And þeise solempne festes ben made withouten in hales &amp; tentes made of clotℏes of gold &amp; of tartaries fuƚƚ nobely. And aƚƚ þo barouns han crounes of gold vpon hire hedes fuƚƚ noble &amp; riche, fuƚƚ of precious stones and grete perles oryent, And þei ben aƚƚ clotℏed in clotℏes of gold or of<PB REF="" N="1:153"/>
 tartaries or of camokas, so richely &amp; so perfytly þat noman in the world can amenden it ne better devisen it. And aƚƚ þo robes ben orfrayed aƚƚ abouten &amp; dubbed<PTR TARGET="P153.L3"/> fuƚƚ of precious stones &amp; of grete oryent perles fuƚƚ richely. And þei may wel do so, for clotℏes of gold &amp; of sylk ben gretter chep þere a gret del þan ben clotℏes of wolle <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">here</SUPPLIED>. And þeise .iiij. .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. barouns ben devised in .iiij. companyes And euery thousand is clotℏed in clothes aƚƚ of .o. colour And þat so wel arrayed &amp; so richely þat it is merueyle to beholde.  The firste thousand, þat is of Dukes, of Erles, of Marquyses &amp; of Amyralles, aƚƚ clotℏed in clotℏes of gold with tysseux of grene silk<PTR TARGET="P153.L11"/> &amp; bordured with gold, fuƚƚ of preciouse <MILESTONE N="98a" UNIT="folio"/> stones, in maner as I haue seyd before.  The secounde thousand is aƚƚ clothed in clotℏes dyapred of red selk aƚƚ wrougℏt with gold &amp; the orfrayes sett fuƚƚ of gret perl and precious stones, fuƚƚ nobely wrougℏt.  The .iij. thousand is clothed in clothes of silk of purpre or of ynde<PTR TARGET="P153.L17"/> And the .iiij. thousand is in clotℏes of ȝalow.  And aƚƚ hire clotℏes ben so nobely &amp; so richely wrougℏt with gold &amp; precious stones &amp; riche perles þat ȝif a man of this contree hadde but only on of hire robes he mygℏte wel seye þat he scholde neuere be pore.  For the gold &amp; the precious stones &amp; the grete oryent perles ben of gretter value on this half the see þan þei ben beȝond the see in þo contrees.  And whan þei ben þus apparaylled þei gon .ij. &amp; .ij. to gedre fuƚƚ ordynatly before the Emperour, with outen speche of ony woord saf only enclynynge to him. And euerycℏ of hem beretℏ a tablett of Iaspere or of Iuory or of cristaƚƚ And the mynstraƚƚ goynge before hem sownynge here jnstrumentes of dyuerse melodye.  And whan the firste thousand is þus passed &amp; hatℏ made his mostre he withdrawetℏ him on þat o syde.  And þan entretℏ þat oþer seconde thousand &amp; dotℏ rigℏt so in the same manere of array &amp; contenance as did the firste &amp; after the þridde &amp; þan the fourtℏe &amp; non of hem seytℏ not o word. And at o syde of the Emperours table sitten<PB REF="" N="1:154"/>
 many PHILOSOFRES<PTR TARGET="P154.L1"/> þat ben preued for wise men in many dyuerse sciences, as of <MILESTONE N="98b" UNIT="folio"/> ASTRONOMYE, NIGROMANCYE, GEOMANCYE, PIROMANCYE, YDROMANCYE,<PTR TARGET="P154.L2"/> of AUGURYE &amp; of many oþer sciences; And euerycℏ of hem han before hem ASTROLABRES of gold, sum SPERES, summe the Brayn paune of a ded man, summe vesseles of gold fuƚƚ of graueƚƚ or sond, Summe vcsselles of gold fuƚƚ of coles brennynge, summe vesseƚƚ of gold fuƚƚ of water &amp; of wyn &amp; of oyle, And summe Oriloges of gold mad ful nobely &amp; richely wrougℏt &amp; many oþer maner of Instrumentes after hire sciences.  And at certeyn houres whan hem thinketℏ tyme þei seyn to certeyn Officeres þat stonden before hem ordeynd for the tyme to fulfille hire commaundementes: MAKETℏ PEES, And þan seyn the Officeres: Now pees, lystenetℏ.  And after þat seytℏ anoþer of the Philosophres: Euery man do reuerence &amp; enclyne to the Emperour þat is goddes sone &amp; souerayn lord of aƚƚ the world, for now is tyme; &amp; þanne euery man bowetℏ his hed<PTR TARGET="P154.L18"/> toward the ertℏe.  And þanne commandetℏ the same Philosophre aȝen: STONDETℏ VP, &amp; þei don so.  And at anotℏer hour seytℏ anoþer Philosophre: Puttetℏ ȝoure litiƚƚ fynger in ȝoure eres, And anon þei don so.  And at anotℏer hour seytℏ anoþer Philosophre: Puttetℏ ȝoure hond before ȝoure mowtℏ, And anon þei don so.  And at anoþer hour seitℏ anoþer Philosophre: Puttetℏ ȝoure hond vpon ȝoure hede, And þei don so.  And after þat he byddetℏ hem to don here hond awey &amp; þei don so. <MILESTONE N="99a" UNIT="folio"/> And so from hour to hour þei commanden certeyn thinges, And þei seyn þat tho thinges han dyuerse significaciouns.<PTR TARGET="P154.L29"/>  And I asked hem preuyly what þo thinges betokened And on of the maistres told me þat the bowynge of the hed at þat hour betokened this: þat aƚƚ þo þat boweden here hedes scholden euere more after ben obeyssant &amp; trewe to the Emperour And neuere for ȝiftes ne for promys in no kynde to ben fals ne traytour vnto him for gode nor euyƚƚ.  And the puttynge of the lityƚƚ fynger in the ere betokenetℏ as þei seyn, þat none of hem ne schaƚƚ not here speke no contrarious<PB REF="" N="1:155"/>
 thing to the Emperour, but þat he schaƚƚ teƚƚ it anon to his conseiƚƚ or discouere it to sum man þat wiƚƚ make relacioun to the Emperour, þougℏ he were his fader or brotℏer or sone.  And so fortℏ of aƚƚ oþer thinges þat is don be the Philosophres þei tolde me the causes of many dyuerse thinges.  And trustetℏ rigℏt wel in certeyn þat noman dotℏ nothing to the Emperour þat belongetℏ vnto him, nouþer clotℏinge ne bred ne wyn ne batℏ ne non oþer thing þat longetℏ to hym, but at certeyn houres þat his Philosophres wiƚƚ deuysen.  And ȝif þere falle<PTR TARGET="P155.L10"/> werre in ony syde to the Emperour anon the Philosophres comen &amp; seyn here avys after here calculaciouns &amp; conseylen the Emperour after here avys be here sciences, so þat the Emperour dotℏ no thing withouten here conseiƚƚ. And whan the Philosophres han don &amp; perfourmed here comandementes, þanne the Mynstraƚƚ begynnen to don here mynstralcye<PTR TARGET="P155.L17"/> euerycℏ in hire Instrumentes <MILESTONE N="99b" UNIT="folio"/> ecℏ after otℏer, with aƚƚ the melodye þat þei can deuyse. And wℏan þei han don a gode while, on of the Officeres of the Emperour gotℏ vp on an higℏ stage wrougℏt fuƚƚ curyously &amp; cryetℏ &amp; seytℏ with lowde voys: Maketℏ pees, And þanne euery man is stille.  And þanne anon after aƚƚ the lordes þat ben of the Emperoures lynage nobely arrayed in riche clotℏes of gold and ryally apparayled on white stedes, als manye as may wel sewen hem at þat tyme,<PTR TARGET="P155.L25"/> ben redy to maken here presentes to the Emperour.  And þan seytℏ the Styward of the court to the lordes be name: N. of N., &amp; nempnetℏ first the moste noble &amp; the worthieste be name &amp; seytℏ: Be ȝee redy with sucℏ a nombre of white hors for to serue the Emperour ȝoure souereyn lord.  And to anoþer lord he seyth: N. of N., be ȝee redy with sucℏ a nombre to serue ȝoure souereyn lord.  And to a notℏer rigℏt so.  And to aƚƚ the lordes of the Emperoures lynage ecℏ after otℏer as þei ben of estate; And whan þei ben alle cleped þei entren ecℏ after oþer &amp; presenten the white hors to the Emperour &amp; þan gon hire wey.  And þan after aƚƚ the<PB REF="" N="1:156"/>
 oþer barouns euery of hem ȝeuen him presentes or jueƚƚ or sum oþer þing, after þat þei ben of estate.  And þan after hem aƚƚ the prelates of hire lawe &amp; religiouse men &amp; oþer &amp; euery man ȝeuetℏ him sum thing.  And whan þat aƚƚ men han þus presented the Emperour, the grettest of dignytee of the prelates ȝeuetℏ hem a blessynge seyenge an orisoun of hire lawe.  And þan begynnen the Mynst<ADD>r</ADD>eƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P156.L7"/><MILESTONE N="100a" UNIT="folio"/>
 to maken hire mynstralcie in dyuerse Instrumentes with aƚƚ the melodye þat þei can deuyse.  And whan þei han don hire craft, þan þei bryngen before the Emperour lyouns, libardes<PTR TARGET="P156.L11"/> &amp; oþer dyuerse bestes And Egles &amp; ventours &amp; oþer dyuerse foules And fissches &amp; serpentes for to don him reuerence.  And þan comen JOGULOURS and ENCHAUNTOURES, þat don many meruaylles, For þei maken to come in the ayr the sonne &amp; the mone<PTR TARGET="P156.L15"/> be semynge to euery mannes sigℏt.<PTR TARGET="P156.L16"/>  And after þei maken the nygℏt so derk þat noman may see no thing, And after þei maken the day to come aȝen fair &amp; plesant with brigℏt sonne to euery mannes sigℏt.  And þan þei bryngen in daunces<PTR TARGET="P156.L20"/> of the faireste damyselles of the world &amp; richest arrayed.  And after þei maken to comen in oþer damyselles, bryngynge coupes of gold fuƚƚ of mylk of dyuerse bestes<PTR TARGET="P156.L22"/> &amp; ȝeuen drynke to lordes &amp; to ladyes And þan þei make knygℏtes to jousten in armes fuƚƚ lustyly &amp; þei rennen togidre a gret raundoun &amp; þei frusschen togidere fuƚƚ fiercely &amp; þei breken here speres so rudely þat the tronchouns flen in sprotes &amp; peces aƚƚ aboute the halle.  And þan þei make to come in huntyng for the hert &amp; for the boor, with houndes rennynge with open moutℏ.  And many oþer thinges þei don be craft hire enchauntementes, þat it is merueyle for to see.  And sucℏ pleyes of desport þei make til the takynge vp of the boordes. This gret CHAN hatℏ fuƚƚ gret peple for to seruen him, as I haue told ȝou before, For he hatℏ of myn <MILESTONE N="100b" UNIT="folio"/> stralles the nombre of .xiij.  Cumantz<PTR TARGET="P156.L35"/> but þei abyde not aƚƚweys with hym. For aƚƚ the mynstreƚƚ þat comen before ℏym of what<PB REF="" N="1:157"/>
 nacyoun þat thei ben of, þei ben withholden with him as of his houshold, &amp; entred in his bokes as for his owne men; And after þat, where þat euere þei gon, eueremore þei cleymen for mynstraƚƚ of the grete CHANE, And vnder þat tytle alle kynges and lordes cherisschen hem the more with ȝiftes &amp; aƚƚ þing; And þerfore he hatℏ so gret multytude of hem.  And he hatℏ of certeyn men as þougℏ þei were ȝomen þat kepen bryddes as OSTRYCCHES,<PTR TARGET="P157.L8"/> GERFACOUNS, SPAREHAUKES, FAUKONS GENTYLS, LANYERES, SACRES, SACRETTES, POPYNGAYES wel spekynge and briddes syngynge.  And also of wylde bestes, as of OLIFAUNTZ tame &amp; otℏere, Babewynes, Apes, Marmesettes &amp; oþere dyuerse bestes, the mountance of .xv. CUMANTZ of ȝomen. And of Phisicyens cristene<PTR TARGET="P157.L14"/> he hatℏ .cc.  And of leches þat ben cristene he hatℏ .cc. &amp; .x.  And of leches &amp; Phisicyens þat ben sarrazines .xx.  But he trustetℏ more in the cristene leches þan in the Sarazines. And his oþer comoun houshold is withouten nombre, And þei aƚƚ han aƚƚ necessaries &amp; aƚƚ þat hem nedetℏ of the Emperoures court.  And he hatℏ in his Court many Barouns as Seruytoures þat ben cristene &amp; conuerted to gode feytℏ be the prechinge of Religiouse cristenmen þat dwellen with him; But þere ben manye mo þat wil not þat men knowen þat þei ben cristene. This Emperour may dispenden als <MILESTONE N="101a" UNIT="folio"/> moche as he wile withouten estymacioun, For he not despendetℏ ne maketℏ no money but of letℏer<PTR TARGET="P157.L26"/> emprinted or of papyre.  And of þat moneye is som of gretter prys &amp; som of lasse prys, after the dyuersitee of his statutes.<PTR TARGET="P157.L28"/>  And whan þat money hatℏ ronne so longe þat it begynnetℏ to waste; þan men beren it to the Emperoures tresorye And þan þei taken newe money for the olde.  And þat money gotℏ thorgℏ out aƚƚ the contree &amp; þorgℏ out aƚƚ his prouynces, For þere &amp; beȝonde hem þei make no money nouþer of gold nor of syluer, And þerfore he may despende ynow &amp; outrageously.  And of gold &amp; syluer þat men beren in his contree he maketℏ Cylours, Pyleres &amp; Paumentes in his palays &amp; oþer dyuerse thinges,<PB REF="" N="1:158"/>
 what him lyketℏ.  This Emperour hatℏ in his chambre in on of the pyleres of gold a RUBYE<PTR TARGET="P158.L2"/> &amp; a CHARBONCLE of half a fote long, þat in the nygℏt ȝeuetℏ so gret clartee &amp; schynynge, þat it is als ligℏt as day; And he hatℏ many oþer precyous stones &amp; many oþer RUBYES &amp; CHARBONCLES, but þo ben<PTR TARGET="P158.L6"/> the grettest &amp; the moste precyous. This Emperour duelletℏ in somer in a cytee þat is toward the nortℏ, þat is cleped Saduz<PTR TARGET="P158.L8"/> &amp; þere is cold ynow.  And in wynter he duelletℏ in a cytee þat is clept Camaalecℏ<PTR TARGET="P158.L10"/> &amp; þat is an hote contree.  But the contree where he duelletℏ in most comounly is in Gaydo<PTR TARGET="P158.L11"/> or in Jong<PTR TARGET="P158.L12"/> þat is a gode contree &amp; a tempree, after þat the contree is þere, But to men of this contree it were to passyng hoot.  And whan this Emperour wiƚƚ ryde from o contree to anotℏer <MILESTONE N="101b" UNIT="folio"/> he ordeyneth .iiij. hostes<PTR TARGET="P158.L15"/> of his folk, of the whiche the firste hoost gotℏ before him a dayes iourney, For þat hoost schaƚƚ ben logged the nygℏt where the Emperour schaƚƚ lygge vpon the morwe.  And þere schaƚƚ euery man haue aƚƚ maner of vytaylle &amp; necessaryes þat ben nedefuƚƚ of the Emperours costages.  And in this firste hoost is the nombre of poeple .l. CUMAUNTZ, what of hors what of fote, Of the whiche euery CUMANTZ amounte .x.m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. as I haue told ȝou before.  And anotℏer hoost gotℏ in the rigℏt syde of the Emperour nygℏ half a iourney fro him, And anotℏer gotℏ on the left syde of him in the same wise.  And in euery hoost is as moche multytude of peple as in the firste hoost.  And þanne after cometℏ the .iiij. hoost, þat is moche more þan ony of the oþere &amp; þat gotℏ behynden him the mountance of a bowe draugℏt.  And euery hoost hatℏ his iourneyes ordeyned in certeyn places where þei schuƚƚ be logged at nygℏt, And þere þei schuƚƚ haue aƚƚ þat hem nedetℏ.  And ȝif it befaƚƚ þat ony of the hoost dye, anon þei putten anotℏer in his place, so þat the nombre schaƚƚ eueremore ben hool. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the Emperour in his propre persone rydetℏ not as oþere gret lordes don beȝonde, but ȝif him liste to<PB REF="" N="1:159"/>
 go preuyly with fewe men for to ben vnknowen.  And eƚƚ he rytt in a charett with .iiij. wheles vpon the whiche is made a faire chambre &amp; and it is made of a certyn wode þat cometℏ out of paradys terrestre, þat men clepen LIGNUM ALOES,<PTR TARGET="P159.L5"/> þat the flodes of paradys bryngen out at dyuerse cesouns, as I haue told ȝou here beforn.  And this chambre is <MILESTONE N="102a" UNIT="folio"/> fuƚƚ wel smellynge because of the wode þat it is made offe, And aƚƚ this chambre is couered witℏ jnne of plate of fyn gold dubbed with precyous stones &amp; grete perles, And .iiij. OLIFAUNTZ and .iiij. grete destreres aƚƚ white &amp; couered with riche couertoures ledynge the chariot.  And .iiij. or .v. or .vj. of the grettest lordes ryden aboute this charyot fuƚƚ richely arrayed &amp; fuƚƚ nobely, so þat noman schaƚƚ neygℏe the charyot, but only the lordes, but ȝif þat the Emperour calle ony man to him þat him list to speke with aƚƚ.  And aboue the chambre of this chariot þat the Emperour sittetℏ jnne ben sett vpon a perche .iiij. or .v. or .vj. GERFACOUNS, to þat entent þat whan the Emperour seetℏ ony wylde foul þat he may take it at his owne list &amp; haue the desport &amp; the pley of the fligℏt, First with on &amp; after with another; And so he taketℏ his desport passynge be the contree.  And noman rydetℏ before him of his companye but alle after him.  And noman dar not come nygℏ the Chariot by a bowe draugℏt but þo lordes only þat ben aboute him, &amp; aƚƚ the hoost cometℏ fayrely after him in gret multitude.  And also sucℏ anoþer charyot with sucℏ hoostes ordeynd &amp; arrayed gon with the Emperesse vpon anotℏer syde euerycℏ be him self with .iiij. hoostes rigℏt as the Emperour dide, but not with so gret multytude of peple.  And his eldest sone gotℏ be anoþer weye in anoþer chariot in the same manere, so þat þere is betwene hem so gret multitude of folk þat it is merueyle to teƚƚ it.  And noman scholde trowe the nombre but he had seen it.  And sumtyme it happetℏ þat whan he wil not go fer &amp; þat it lyke him to haue the Emperesse &amp; <MILESTONE N="102b" UNIT="folio"/> his children with him; þan þei gon aƚƚ togydere And here folk ben aƚƚ medled in fere &amp; devyded<PB REF="" N="1:160"/>
 in .iiij. parties only.<PTR TARGET="P159.L34"/> And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the Empyre of this gret CHANE is deuyded in .xij. prouynces<PTR TARGET="P160.L2"/>
And euery prouynce hatℏ mo þan .ij. m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. cytees And of townes withouten nombre. This contree is fuƚƚ gret, For it hatℏ .xij. princypaƚƚ kynges in .xij. prouynces And euery of þo kynges han many kynges vnder hem, &amp; aƚƚ þei ben obeyssant to the gret CHANE.  And his lond &amp; his lordschipe duretℏ so ferr þat a man may not gon from on hed to anoþer, nouþer be see ne londe, the space of .vij. ȝeer.  And þorgℏ the desertes of his lordschipe þere as men may fynde no townes, þere ben jnnes ordeyned be euery iorneye to resceyue botℏe man &amp; hors, in the whiche þei schaƚƚ fynde plentee of vytaylle &amp; of aƚƚ þing þat hem nedetℏ for to go be the contree.  And þere is a merueylouse custom in þat contree, but it is profitable, þat ȝif ony contrarious thing þat scholde ben preiudice or greuance to the Emperour in ony kynde, <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">be herd in þe contree</SUPPLIED> anon the Emperour hatℏ tydynges þereof &amp; fuƚƚ knowleche in a day, þougℏ it be .iij. or .iiij. iourneys fro him or more.  For his ambessedours taken here dromedaries or hire hors &amp; þei priken in aƚƚ þat euere þei may toward on of the jnnes.  And whan þei comen þere anon þei blowen an horne, &amp; anon þei of the jn knowen wel ynow þat þere ben tydynges to warnen the Emperour of sum rebellyoun aȝenst him.  And þanne anon þei maken oþer men redy in aƚƚ haste þat þei may <MILESTONE N="103a" UNIT="folio"/> to beren lettres and pryken in aƚƚ þat euere þei may, tiƚƚ þei come to the oþer jnnes with here lettres.  And þanne þei maken fresscℏ men redy to pryke fortℏ with the lettres toward the Emperour, whiƚƚ þat the laste bryngere reste him &amp; bayte his dromedarie or his hors, And so fro jn to jn till it come to the Emperour.  And þus Anon hatℏ he hasty tydynges of ony thing þat beretℏ charge be his corrours þat rennen so hastyly thorgℏout aƚƚ the contree.  And also whan the Emperour sendetℏ his Corrours hastyly þorgℏout his lond, euerych of hem hatℏ a large thong fuƚƚ of smale belles<PB REF="" N="1:161"/>
 And whan þei neygℏen nere to the Innes of oþer Corroures, pat ben also ordeyned be the iorneyes, þei ryngen here belles And anon the oþer Corrours maken hem redy &amp; rennen here weye vnto anotℏer In &amp; þus rennetℏ on to oþer fuƚƚ spedyly &amp; swyftly, tiƚƚ the Emperours entent be serued in aƚƚ haste.  And theise Currours ben clept CHYDYDO<PTR TARGET="P161.L7"/> after here langage, þat is to seye a messagere.
Also whan the Emperour gotℏ from o contree to anotℏer as I haue told ȝou here before &amp; he passe þorgℏ cytees &amp; townes, euery man maketℏ a fuyr before his dore &amp; puttetℏ þere jnne pouder of gode gommes þat ben swete smellynge, for to make gode sauour to the Emperour. And aƚƚ the peple kneletℏ doun aȝenst him &amp; don him gret reuerence, And þere where religyouse cristene men dwellen, as þei don in many cytees in the lond, þei gon before him with processioun with cros &amp; holy water &amp; þei syngen:  <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">VENI CREATOR SPIRITUS</SEG></TITLE> with an high voys<MILESTONE N="103b" UNIT="folio"/>
 &amp; gon towardes him.  And whan he heretℏ hem he commaundeth to his lordes to ryde besyde him, þat the Religious men may come to him.<PTR TARGET="P161.L18"/>  And whan þei ben nygℏ him with the cros, þanne he doth adown his GALAOTℏ<PTR TARGET="P161.L22"/> þat syt vpon his hede in manere of a chapelet, þat is made of gold &amp; preciouse stones &amp; grete perles And it is so ryche þat men preysen it to the value of a Roialme in þat contre.  And þan he kneletℏ to the cros And þan the prelate of the Religiouse men seytℏ before him certeyn orisouns &amp; ȝeuetℏ him a blessynge with the cros, And he enclynetℏ to the blessynge fuƚƚ deuoutely. And þanne the prelate ȝeuetℏ him sum maner frute<PTR TARGET="P161.L29"/> to the nombre or .ix. in a platere of syluer with peres or Apples or oþer manere frute, And he taketh on &amp; þan men ȝeuen to the oþere lordes þat ben aboute him.  For the custom is sucℏ, þat no straungere schaƚƚ come before him but ȝif he ȝeue hym sum manere thing, after the olde lawe þat seytℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">NEMO ACCEDAT IN CONSPECTU MEO VACUUS.</Q>  And þanne the Emperour seytℏ to the Religious men þat þei withdrawe hem aȝen, þat þei ne be not hurt ne harmed of<PB REF="" N="1:162"/>
 the gret multytude of hors þat comen behynde him.  And also in the same maner don the religious men þat dwellen þere to the Emperesses þat passen by hem And to his eldest sone &amp; to euery of hem þei presenten frute. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the poeple þat he hatℏ so many hostes offe abouten hym &amp; aboute his wyfes &amp; his sone þei dwelle not contynuelly with him, but aƚƚweys whan him lyketℏ þei ben sent <MILESTONE N="104a" UNIT="folio"/> fore, And after whan þei han don þei retournen to hire owne housholdes, saf only þei þat ben dwellynge with hym in houshold for to seruen him &amp; his wyfes &amp; his sones for to gouernen his houshold.  And aƚƚ be it þat the otℏere ben departed fro him after þat þei han perfourmed hire seruyse, ȝit þere abydetℏ contynuelly with him in court .l. miƚƚ. men at horse And .CC. Miƚƚ. men a fote withouten mynstrelles &amp; þo þat kepen wylde bestes &amp; dyuerse briddes, of þe whiche I haue tolde ȝou the nombre before. Vnder the firmament is not so gret a lord ne so myghty ne so riche as is the grete CHANE, Nougℏt PRESTRE IOℏAN þat is Emperour of the higℏ Ynde ne the Sowdan of Babyloyne ne the Emperour of Persye.  Aƚƚ þeise ne ben not in comparisoun to the grete CHANE nouþer of mygℏt ne of noblesse ne of ryaltee ne of ricchesse.  For in aƚƚ þeise he passetℏ aƚƚ ertℏely princes Wherfore it is gret harm þat he beleuetℏ not feitℏfully in god.  And natℏeles he wil gladly here speke of god And he suffretℏ wel þat cristene men dweƚƚ in his lordschipe &amp; þat men of his feitℏ ben made cristene men, ȝif þei wile, þorgℏout aƚƚ his contree, For he defendetℏ noman to holde no lawe<PTR TARGET="P162.L28"/> otℏer þan him lyketℏ. In þat contree sum man hatℏ an .C. wyfes,<PTR TARGET="P162.L30"/> summe .lx., summe mo, summe lesse.  And þei taken the nexte of hire kyn to hire wyfes, saf only þat þei out taken hire modres, hire dougℏtres &amp; hire sustres of the moder syde.  But hire sustres on the fadir syde of anotℏer womman þei may wel take, And hire <MILESTONE N="104b" UNIT="folio"/> bretℏeres wyfes also after here detℏ And here Stepmodres also in the same wyse.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.27"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.26.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:163"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXVII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">MANNERS OF THE TARTARS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE LAWE &amp; THE CUSTOMS OF THE TARTARIENES, DUELLYNGE IN CHATAY, &amp; HOW ÞAT MEN DON WHAN THE EMPEROUR SCHAL DYE, &amp; HOW HE SCHAL BE CHOSEN.</HEAD>
<P>THE folk of þat contree vsen aƚƚ longe clotℏes withouten furroures.  And þei ben clotℏed with precious clotℏes<PTR TARGET="P163.L3"/> of TARTARYE<PTR TARGET="P163.L3b"/> &amp; of clotℏes of gold, And here clotℏes ben slytt at the syde<PTR TARGET="P163.L4"/> &amp; þei ben festned with laces of silk And þei clotℏen hem also with pylches &amp; the hyde with outen.<PTR TARGET="P163.L6"/>  And þei vsen nouþer cappe<PTR TARGET="P163.L6b"/> ne hood And in the same maner as the men gon the wommen gon, so þat noman may vnetℏe knowe the men fro the wommen, saf only þo wommen þat ben maryed, þat beren the tokne vpon hire hedes of a mannes foot,<PTR TARGET="P163.L10"/> in signe þat þei ben vnder mannes fote &amp; vnder subiectioun of man. And hire wyfes ne dweƚƚ not to gydre, but euery of hem be hireself And the husbonde may ligge with whom of hem þat him lyketℏ.  Euerycℏ hatℏ his hous, botℏe man &amp; womman; And here houses ben made rounde of staves &amp; it hatℏ a round wyndowe abouen þat ȝeuetℏ hem ligℏt And also þat seruetℏ for delyuerance of smoke.  And the helynge of here houses &amp; the wowes &amp; the dores ben aƚƚ of wode.<PTR TARGET="P163.L19"/>  And whan þei gon to werre þei leden hire houses with hem vpon chariottes as men don tentes or pauylliouns.  And þei maken hire fuyr in the myddes of hire houses.  And þei han gret multytude of aƚƚ maner of bestes, saf only of swyn, for þei bryngen non forth. And they <MILESTONE N="105a" UNIT="folio"/> beleeuen<PTR TARGET="P163.L24"/> wel o god þat made &amp; formede aƚƚ thinges, And natℏeles ȝit han þei ydoles of gold &amp; syluer &amp; of tree &amp; of clotℏ, And to þo ydoles þei offren aƚƚ weys hire first mylk of hire bestes &amp; also of hire metes &amp; of hire drynkes before þei eten, And þei offren often tymes hors &amp; bestes.  And þei clepen the god of kynde yroga.<PTR TARGET="P163.L29"/> And hire Emperour also what name þat euere he haue þei putten euermore þerto CHANE, And when I was þere<PTR TARGET="P163.L31"/> hire Emperour had to name THIAUT,<PTR TARGET="P163.L32"/> so þat he was clept<PB REF="" N="1:164"/>
 THIAUT CHANE, And his eldeste sone was clept TESSUE And whan he schaƚƚ ben Emperour he schaƚƚ ben clept TESSUE CHANE.  And at þat tyme the Emperour hadde .xij. sones withouten þo, þat were named CUNCY, ORDIJ, CHAHADAY, BURYN, NEGU, NOCAB, CADU, CICTEN, BALACY, BABYLAN &amp; GAREGAN &amp; of his .iij. wifes the firste &amp; the principaƚƚ þat was Prestre Joℏnes dougℏter hadde to name SERIOCH CHAN, And the totℏer BORAK CHAN &amp; the toþer KARANKE CHAN. The folk of þat contree begynnen aƚƚ hire thinges in the newe mone And þei worschipen<PTR TARGET="P164.L10"/> moche the mone &amp; the sonne &amp; often tyme kuelen aȝenst hem.  And alle the folk of the contree ryden comounly withouten spores, but þei beren aƚƚ weys a lytiƚƚ whippe in hire hondes for to chacen with hire hors.  And þei han gret conscience &amp; holden it for a gret synne to casten a knyf in the fuyre &amp; for to drawe flescℏ out of a pot with a knyf &amp; for to smyte an hors with the handiƚƚ of a whippe,<PTR TARGET="P164.L17"/> <MILESTONE N="105b" UNIT="folio"/> or to smyte an hors with a brydiƚƚ or to breke o bon<PTR TARGET="P164.L18"/> with anotℏer or for to caste mylk or ony lykour þat men may drynke vpon the ertℏe or for to take &amp; sle lytil children. And the moste synne þat ony man may do is to pissen in hire houses þat þei dwellen in And whoso þat may be founden with þat synne sykerly þei slen hym.  And of euerycℏ of þeise synnes it behouetℏ hem to ben schryuen of hire prestes &amp; to paye gret somme of siluer for hire penance.  And it behouetℏ also þat the place þat men han pissed in be halewed aȝen &amp; elles dar noman entren þerejnne. And whan þei han payed hire penance men make hem passen þorgℏ a fuyr<PTR TARGET="P164.L29"/> or þorgℏ .ij. for to clensen hem of hire synnes.  And also whan ony messangere cometℏ &amp; bryngetℏ lettres or ony present to the Emperour it behouetℏ him þat he with the thing þat he bryngetℏ passe þorgℏ .ij. brennynge fuyres for to purgen hem, þat he brynge no poysoun ne venym ne no wykked þing þat mygℏt be greuance to the lord.  And also ȝif ony man or womman be taken in avouterye or fornicacioun anon þei sleen him.  And who þat steletℏ ony thing anon þei<PB REF="" N="1:165"/>
 sle him.  Men of þat contree ben aƚƚ gode archeres &amp; schooten rigℏt weeƚƚ botℏe men &amp; wommen, als wel on hors bak prikynge as on fote rennynge.<PTR TARGET="P165.L1"/>  And the wommen maken aƚƚ þinges &amp; aƚƚ maner mysteres &amp; craftes as of clotℏes, botes &amp; oþer thinges &amp; þei dryuen cartes, plowes<PTR TARGET="P165.L5"/> &amp; waynes &amp; chariottes.  And þei maken houses &amp; aƚƚ maner mysteres, out taken bowes &amp; arwes &amp; Armures, þat men maken. <MILESTONE N="106a" UNIT="folio"/> And aƚƚ the wommen weren breecℏ as wel as men.  Aƚƚ the folk of þat contree ben fuƚƚ obeysant to hire souereynes ne þei figℏten not ne chiden not on with anotℏer.  And þere ben nouþer thefes ne robboures in þat contree &amp; euery man worschipetℏ oþer, but noman þere dotℏ no reuerence to no straungeres, but ȝif þei ben grete princes.<PTR TARGET="P165.L13"/>  And þei eten HOUNDES, LYOUNS, LYBERDES,<PTR TARGET="P165.L14"/> MARES &amp; FOLES, ASSES, RATTES &amp; MEES &amp; aƚƚ maner of bestes, grete &amp; smale, saf only swyn &amp; bestes þat weren defended by the olde lawe.<PTR TARGET="P165.L16"/>  And þei eten aƚƚ the bestes withouten &amp; withjune, withouten castynge awey of ony thing saf only the filtℏe.  And þei eten but litiƚƚ bred, but ȝif it be in courtes of grete lordes.  And þei haue not in many places nouþer pesen ne benes<PTR TARGET="P165.L21"/> ne non oþer potages, but þe brotℏ of the flesscℏ.  For litiƚƚ ete þei ony thing but flesscℏ &amp; the brotℏ.  And whan þei han eten þei wypen hire hondes vpon hire skirtes, for þei vse non naperye ne towaylles, but ȝif it be before grete lordes, but the comoun peple hatℏ none.  And whan þei han eten þei putten hire disscℏes vnwasschen into the pot or cawdroun with remenant of the flesscℏ and of the brotℏ, til þei wole eten aȝen.  And the riche men drynken mylk of MARES or of CAMAYLLES or of ASSES or of oþer bestes.  And þei wil ben ligℏtly dronken of mylk &amp; of anotℏer drynk þat is made of hony &amp; of water soden togidre, For in þat contree is nouþer wyn ne ale.  Þei lyuen fuƚƚ wrecchedlicℏ, &amp; þei eten but ones in the day &amp; þat but lytiƚƚ, noutℏer<MILESTONE N="106b" UNIT="folio"/>
 in courtes ne in otℏer places.  And in sootℏ o man allone in this contree wil ete more in a day þan on of<PB REF="" N="1:166"/>
 hem wil ete in .iij. dayes, And ȝif ony straunge messager come þere to a lord, men maken him to ete but ones a day &amp; þat fuƚƚ litiƚƚ. And whan þei werren þei werren fuƚƚ wisely &amp; aƚƚweys don here besynes to destroyen hire enemyes.<PTR TARGET="P166.L4"/>  Euery man þere beretℏ .ij. bowes or .iij. &amp; of arwes grete plentee &amp; a gret ax.<PTR TARGET="P166.L6"/>  And the gentyles han schorte speres<PTR TARGET="P166.L7"/> &amp; large &amp; fuƚƚ trenchant on þat o syde, And þei han plates &amp; helmes made of guyrboylle<PTR TARGET="P166.L8"/> &amp; hire hors couertoures of the same.  And who so fleetℏ fro the bataylle þei sle him.  And whan þei holden ony sege abouten casteƚƚ or toun þat is walled &amp; defensable þei behoten<PTR TARGET="P166.L11"/> to hem þat ben withjnne to don aƚƚ the profite and gode, þat it is merueylle to here &amp; þei graunten also to hem þat ben withjnne aƚƚ þat þei wiƚƚ asken hem.  And after þat þei ben ȝolden anon þei sleen hem alle &amp; kutten of hire eres<PTR TARGET="P166.L15"/> &amp; sowcen hem in vynegre &amp; þere of þei maken gret seruyse<PTR TARGET="P166.L16"/> for lordes.  Aƚƚ here lust &amp; aƚƚ hire ymaginacioun is for to putten aƚƚ londes vnder hire subieccioun<PTR TARGET="P166.L18"/> And þei seyn þat þei knowen wel be hire prophecyes þat þei schuƚƚ ben ouercomen by archieres &amp; be strengtℏe of hem, but þei knowe not of what nacioun ne of what lawe þei schuƚƚ ben offe þat schuƚƚ ouercomen hem.  And þerfore þei suffren þat folk of aƚƚ lawes<PTR TARGET="P166.L23"/> may peysibely dweƚƚen amonges hem.  Also whan þei wiƚƚ maken hire ydoles or an ymage of ony of hire frendes for to haue remembrance of hym <MILESTONE N="107a" UNIT="folio"/> þei maken aƚƚ weys the ymage aƚƚ naked<PTR TARGET="P166.L26"/> withouten ony maner of clotℏinge.  For þei seyn þat in gode loue scholde be no couerynge, þat man scholde not loue for the faire clotℏinge ne for the riche aray, but only for the body sucℏ as god hatℏ made it &amp; for the gode vertues þat the body is endowed with of nature, Nougℏt only for fair clotℏinge þat is not of kyndely nature.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat it is gret drede<PTR TARGET="P166.L33"/> for to pursuen the TARTARYNES ȝif þei fleen in bataylle, For in fleynge þei schooten behynden hem &amp; sleen botℏe men &amp; hors.  And whan þei wil figℏte þei wiƚƚ schokken hem to gidre in a plomp, þat ȝif þere ben .xx. Mƚ. men,<PB REF="" N="1:167"/>
 men schuƚƚ not wenen þat þere be scant .x. Miƚƚ.  And þei cone wel wynnen<PTR TARGET="P167.L2"/> lond of straungeres but þei cone not kepen it, For þei han gretter lust to lye in tentes withouten þan for to lye in casteƚƚ or in townes; And þei preysen nothing the wytt of oþer naciouns.  And amonges hem oyle of OLYUE is fuƚƚ dere, for þei holden it for fuƚƚ noble medicyne.  And aƚƚ the Tartarienes han smale eyen<PTR TARGET="P167.L7"/> &amp; litiƚƚ of berd &amp; not thikke hered, but schiere.  And þei ben false<PTR TARGET="P167.L8"/> &amp; traytoures And þei lasten nogℏt þat þei behoten. Þei ben fuƚƚ harde folk &amp; moche peyne &amp; wo mow suffren &amp; disese, more þan ony oþer folk for þei ben taugℏt þerto in hire owne contree of ȝoutℏe; And þerfore þei spenden as who seytℏ rigℏt nougℏt. And whan ony man schaƚƚ dye,<PTR TARGET="P167.L13"/> men setten a spere besyde him And whan he drawetℏ towardes the detℏ euery <MILESTONE N="107b" UNIT="folio"/> man fleetℏ out of the hous tiƚƚ he be ded &amp; after þat þei buryen him in the feldes.  And whan the Emperour dyetℏ, men setten him in a chayere in myddes the place of his tent And men setten a table before him clene couered with a clotℏ &amp; þere vpon flescℏ &amp; dyuerse vyaundes And a cuppe fuƚƚ of mares mylk.  And men putten a mare besyde him with hire fole &amp; an hors sadeled &amp; brydeled &amp; þei leyn vpon the hors gold &amp; siluer gret quantytee, And þei putten abouten him gret plentee of stree.  And þan men maken a gret pytt &amp; a large And with the tent &amp; aƚƚ þeise oþer thinges þei putten him in ertℏe.  And þei seyn þat whan he schaƚƚ come in to anoþer world he schaƚƚ not ben withouten an hows ne withouten hors ne withouten gold &amp; syluer; And the mare schaƚƚ ȝeuen him mylk &amp; bryngen him fortℏ mo hors tiƚƚ he be wel stored in the toþer world.  For þei trowen þat after hire detℏ þei schuƚƚ ben etynge &amp; drynkynge in þat oþer world &amp; solacynge hem with hire wifes as þei diden here.  And after tyme þat the Emperour is þus entered noman schaƚƚ be so hardy to speke of him before his frendes. And ȝit natheles somtyme falletℏ of manye þat thei maken hem to ben entered preuylly<PTR TARGET="P167.L37"/> be nygℏte in wylde places &amp; putten aȝen<PB REF="" N="1:168"/>
 the grass ouer the pytt for to growe, Or eƚƚ men coueren the pytt with graueƚƚ &amp; sond, þat noman schaƚƚ perceyue where ne knowe where the pytt is, to þat entent þat neuer after none of his frendes schuƚƚ han mynde ne remembrance of him.  And þanne þei seyn þat he is ravissℏt in to anoþer world, where he is a gretter lord þan he was here. <MILESTONE N="108a" UNIT="folio"/> And þanne after detℏ of the Emperour the .vij. lynages assemblen hem togidere &amp; chesen his eldest sone or the nexte after him of his blood And þus þei seye to ℏim:<PTR TARGET="P168.L10"/> Wee wolen &amp; wee preyen &amp; ordeynen þat ȝee ben oure lord &amp; oure Emperour.  And þanne he answeretℏ: Ȝif ȝee wile þat I regne ouer ȝou as lord, do cuerycℏ of ȝou þat I schaƚƚ commanden him, ouþer to abyde or to go.  And whom so euer þat I commaunde to ben slayn, þat anon he be slayn.  And þei answeren aƚƚ with o voys: What so euere ȝee commanden, it schaƚƚ be don.  Þanne seytℏ the Emperour: Now vndirstondetℏ wel þat my woord from hens fortℏ is scharp &amp; bytynge as a swerd.  After men setten him vpon a blak stede<PTR TARGET="P168.L19"/> &amp; so men bryngen him to a chayere fuƚƚ richely arrayed &amp; þere þei crownen hym.  And þanne aƚƚ the cytees &amp; gode townes senden hym riche presentes, so þat at þat iourneye he schaƚƚ haue more þan .lx. chariottes charged with gold &amp; syluer, withouten jewelles of gold &amp; precyouse stones þat lordes ȝeuen him, þat ben withouten estymacioun; And withouten hors &amp; clotℏes of gold &amp; of Camakaas &amp; tartarynes þat ben withouten nombre.<PTR TARGET="P168.L27"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.28"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.27.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:169"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXVIII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">TURKESTAN AND RUSSIA</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE ROIALME OF THARSE &amp; THE LONDES &amp; KYNGDOMS TOWARDES THE SEPTENTRIONAŁ PARTIES IN COMYNGE DOWN FROM THE LOND OF CHATHAY.</HEAD>
<P>THIS lond of CATHAY is in ASYE the depe,<PTR TARGET="P169.L1"/> And after on this half is Asye the more.  The kyngdom of CATHAY<PTR TARGET="P169.L3"/> marchetℏ toward the west vnto the kyngdom of THARSE the whiche<PTR TARGET="P169.L4"/> was on of the kynges þat cam to presente oure lord in BETℏLEEM; And þei þat ben of the lynage of þat kyng arn somme cristene.  In THARSE þei eten no flescℏ<PTR TARGET="P169.L7"/> <MILESTONE N="108b" UNIT="folio"/> ne þei drynken no wyn.  And on this half towardes the WEST is the kyngdom of TURQUESTEN þat strecchetℏ him toward the WEST to the kyngdom of PERSIE And toward the SEPTENTRIONAƚƚ to the kyngdom of CHORASME.  In the contre of Turquesten ben but fewe gode cytees But the beste cytee of þat lond higℏte OCTORAR.<PTR TARGET="P169.L13"/> Þere ben grete pastures but fewe coornes, And þerfore for the most partie þei ben aƚƚ herdemen And þei lyȝn in tentes &amp; þei drynken a maner Ale made of hony.
And after on this half is the kyngdom of CHORASME þat is a gode lond &amp; a plentevous, withouten wyn.  And it hatℏ a desert toward the EST pat lastetℏ more þan an .c. iourneyes.  And the beste cytee of þat contree is clept CHORASME And of þat cytee beretℏ the contree his name. The folk of þat contree ben hardy werryoures.  And on þis half is the kyngdom of COMANYE where of the COMAYNS þat dwelleden in GRECE<PTR TARGET="P169.L23"/> somtyme weren chaced out.  This is on of the grettest kyngdomes of the world But it is not aƚƚ enhabyted, For at on of the parties þere is so gret cold þat noman may dweƚƚ þere And in a noþer partie þere is so gret hete þat noman may endure it. And also þere ben so many flyes þat noman may knowe on what syde he may turne him.  In þat contree is but lytiƚƚ Arberye ne trees þat beren frute ne oþere.  Þei lyȝn in tentes And þei brennen the dong of bestes for defaute of wode. This kyngdom descendetℏ on this half<PB REF="" N="1:170"/>
 toward vs &amp; toward PRUYSSE &amp; toward ROSSYE.  And þorgℏ þat contree rennetℏ the Ryuere of ETHIƚƚ þat is on of the grettest ryueres of the world And it fresetℏ<MILESTONE N="109a" UNIT="folio"/>
 so strongly aƚƚ ȝeres þat many tymes men han foughten<PTR TARGET="P170.L4"/> vpon the Ise with grete hostes botℏe parties on fote &amp; hire hors voyded for the tyme.  And, what on horse &amp; on fote, mo þan .CC. .Mƚ. persones on euery syde.  And betwene þat Ryuere &amp; the grete see OCCEAN þat þei clepen the see MAURE<PTR TARGET="P170.L9"/> lyȝn aƚƚ theise roialmes.<PTR TARGET="P170.L7"/>  And toward the hede benetℏe in þat roialme is the mount <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">CHOCAZ</CORR><SIC>Chotaz</SIC></CHOICE> þat is the hiest mount of the world, And it is betwene the see MAURE &amp; the see CASPY.  Þere is fuƚƚ streyt &amp; daungerous passage<PTR TARGET="P170.L13"/> for to go toward ynde And þerfore kyng ALISANDRE leet make þere a strong cytee þat men clepen ALIZANDRE for to kepe the contree, þat noman scholde passe withouten his leue, And now men clepen þat cytee the ȝate of helle<PTR TARGET="P170.L17"/> And the princypaƚƚ cytec of COMANYE is clept SARAK.<PTR TARGET="P170.L18"/>  Þat is on of the .iij. weyes for to go in to ynde, But be þat weye ne may not passe no gret multytude of peple, but ȝif it be in wynter; And þat passage men clepen the DERBENT.  The tother weye is for to go fro the cytee of Turquesten be PERSIE And be þat weye ben manye iourneyes be desert.  And the þridde weye is þat cometℏ fro COMANYE &amp; þan to go be the grete see<PTR TARGET="P170.L25"/> &amp; be the kyngdom of ABCℏAZ.<PTR TARGET="P170.L25b"/>  And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat aƚƚ þeise kyngdomes &amp; aƚƚ þeise londes abouenseyd vnto PRUYSSE &amp; to ROSSYE ben aƚƚ obeyssant to the grete CHANE of CATHAY &amp; many oþere contrees þat marchen to oþer costes; Wherfore his powere &amp; his lordschipe is fuƚƚ gret &amp; fuƚƚ mygℏty.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.29"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.28.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:171"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXIX</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">PERSIA AND TURKEY</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE EMPEROUR OF PERSYE AND OF THE LOND OF DERKNESSE, <MILESTONE N="109b" UNIT="folio"/> AND OF OTℏER KYNGDOMES ÞAT BELONGEN TO THE GRETE CANE OF CATHAY, AND OTHER LONDES OF HIS, VNTO THE SEE OF GRECE.</HEAD>
<P>NOW sitℏ I haue deuysed ȝou the londes &amp; the kyngdoms toward the parties SEPTEMTRIONALES in comynge down from the lond of CATHAY vnto the londes of the cristene towardes PRUYSSE &amp; ROSSYE, now schaƚƚ I deuyse ȝou of oþer londes &amp; kyngdomes comynge doun be oþer costes toward the rigℏt syde vnto the see of GRECE toward the lond of cristene men.  And þerfore þat after ynde &amp; after CATHAY the Emperour of PERSIE is the gretteste lord, þerfore I schaƚƚ teƚƚ ȝou of the kyngdom of PERSIE First, where he hatℏ .ij. kyngdomes.  The firste kyngdom begynnetℏ toward the EST toward the kyngdom of TURQUESTEN And it <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">strechetℏ</CORR><SIC>strecℏ/chetℏ</SIC></CHOICE> toward the WEST vnto the ryuere of PHISON þat is on of the .iiij. ryueres þat comen out of Paradys.  And on anoþer syde it strecchetℏ toward the SEPTEMTRION vnto the see of CASPYE And also toward the SOUTH vnto the desert of ynde.  And this contree is gode &amp; pleyn &amp; fuƚƚ of peple And þere ben manye gode cytees, But the .ij. princypaƚƚ cytees ben þeise: BOYTURRA<PTR TARGET="P171.L18"/> &amp; SEORNERGANT<PTR TARGET="P171.L19"/> þat summen clepen SORMAGANT.  Þe totℏer kyngdom of PERSIE strecchetℏ toward the ryuere of PHISON &amp; the parties of the WEST vnto the kyngdom of Mede <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">And</CORR><SIC>fro</SIC></CHOICE> the grete ARMENYE &amp; toward the SEPTEMTRION to the see of CASPIE &amp; toward the SOUTℏ to the lond of ynde.  Þat is also a gode lond &amp; a plentifous and it hatℏ .iij. grete principaƚƚ cytees:  NESSABOR SAPHON &amp; SARMASSANE.<PTR TARGET="P171.L25"/> And þanne after is ARMENYE in the whiche weren wont to ben .iiij. kyngdomes.  Þat is a noble cuntree &amp; fuƚƚ of godes And <MILESTONE N="110" UNIT="folio"/> it begynnetℏ at PERSIE &amp; strecchetℏ toward the west in lengthe vnto TURKYE And in largeness it duretℏ <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">fro</CORR><SIC>to</SIC></CHOICE> the cytee of<PB REF="" N="1:172"/>
 ALIZANDRE þat now is clept the ȝate of helle þat I spak offe beforn <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">vnto</CORR><SIC>vnder</SIC></CHOICE> the kyngdom of MEDE.  In this Armenye ben fuƚƚ manye gode cytees, But TAURIZO<PTR TARGET="P172.L3"/> is most of name. After þis is the kyngdom of MEDE þat is fuƚƚ long but it is not fuƚƚ large, þat begynnetℏ toward the EST to the lond of PERSIE &amp; to ynde the lesse.  And it strecchetℏ toward the WEST toward the kyngdom of CALDEE &amp; toward the septemtrion descendynge toward the litiƚƚ ARMENYE.  In þat kyngdom of Medee þere ben many grete hilles &amp; litiƚƚ of pleyn ertℏe.  Þere dwellen Sarazines &amp; anoþer maner of folk þat men clepen CORDYNES.<PTR TARGET="P172.L11"/> The beste .ij. cytees of þat kyngdom ben SARRAS<PTR TARGET="P172.L12"/> &amp; KAREMEN.<PTR TARGET="P172.L13"/> After þat is the kyngdom of GEORGE þat begynnetℏ toward the EST to a gret mountayne þat is clept ABZOR<PTR TARGET="P172.L15"/> Where þat dwellen many dyuerse folk of dyuerse naciouns And men clepen the contree ALAMO.<PTR TARGET="P172.L16"/>  This kyngdom strecchetℏ him towardes TURKYE &amp; toward the grete see And toward the SOUTℏ it marchetℏ to the grete ARMENYE.  And þere ben .ij. kyngdomes in þat contree. Þat on is the kyngdom of GEORGIE &amp; þat oþer is the kyngdom of ABCAZ.  And aƚƚweys in þat contree ben .ij. kynges &amp; þei ben botℏe cristene, But the kyng of GEORGIE is in suƀieccioun of the grete CHANE And the kyng of ABCAZ hatℏ the more strong contree.  And he aƚƚweys vigerously defendetℏ his contree aȝenst aƚƚ þo þat assayllen him, so þat noman may make him in subieccioun to no man. In þat kyngdom of ABCHAZ is a gret meruaylle, For a <MILESTONE N="110b" UNIT="folio"/> prouynce of the contree þat hatℏ wel in circuyt .iij. iorneyes þat men clepen HAUYSON<PTR TARGET="P172.L29"/> is aƚƚ couered with derkness withouten ony brigℏtness or ligℏt, so þat noman may see ne here ne noman dar entren in to hem.  And natheles þei of the contree seyn þat somtyme men heren voys of folk &amp; hors nyȝenge &amp; cokkes crowynge And men witen wel þat men dwellen þere, but þei knowe not what men.  And þei seyn þat the derkness befeƚƚ be myracle of god, For a cursed Emperour of PERSIE þat higℏte SAURES<PTR TARGET="P172.L36"/><PB REF="" N="1:173"/>
 pursuede aƚƚ cristene men to destroye hem &amp; to compeƚƚ hem to make sacrifise to his ydoles And rood with grete host in aƚƚ þat euer he myghte for to confounde the cristene men.  And þanne in þat contree dwelleden manye gode cristene men, the whiche þat laften hire godes And wolde han fled in to GRECE.  And whan þei weren in a playn þat higℏte MEGON<PTR TARGET="P173.L7"/> And this cursed Emperour mett with hem with his hoost for to haue slayn hem &amp; an hewen hem to peces And anon the cristene men kneleden to the grounde &amp; made hire preyeres to god to sokoure hem, And anon a gret thikke clowde cam &amp; couered the Emperour &amp; aƚƚ his hoost.  And so þei enduren in þat manere þat þei ne mowe not gon out on no syde &amp; so schuƚƚ þei euermore abyden in þat derkness tiƚƚ the day of dome be the myracle of god.  And þanne the cristene men wenten where hem lykede best at hire owne plesance withouten lettynge of ony creature &amp; hire enemyes enclosed &amp; confounded in derkness<PTR TARGET="P173.L18"/> withouten ony strok. Wherfore we may <MILESTONE N="111a" UNIT="folio"/> wel seye with dauid:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">A DOMINO FACTUM EST ISTUD &amp; EST MIRABILE IN OCULIS NOSTRIS.</Q><PTR TARGET="P173.L19"/>  And þat was a gret myracle þat god made for hem.  Wherfore me thinketℏ þat cristene men scholden ben more deuoute to seruen oure lord god þan ony oþer men of ony oþer secte, For withouten ony drede ne were cursedness &amp; synne of cristen men, þei scholden ben lordes of aƚƚ the world, For the banere of Ihesu crist is aƚƚweys displayed and redy on aƚƚ sydes to the help of his trewe louynge seruauntes, In so moche þat o gode cristene man in gode beleeve scholde ouercomen &amp; outchacen a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. cursed mys beleeuynge men, As Dauid seitℏ in the <TITLE>PSAUTERE</TITLE>:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUONIAM PERSEQUEBATUR VNUS MILLE &amp; DUO FUGARENT DECEM MILIA.<PTR TARGET="P173.L30"/>  ET CADENT A LATERE TUO MILLE, DECEM MILIA A DEXTRIS TUIS.</Q><PTR TARGET="P173.L32"/>  And how þat it mygℏte be þat on scholde chacen a .M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. Dauid him self seytℏ folewynge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUIA MANUS DOMINI FECIT HEC OMNIA.</Q><PTR TARGET="P173.L34"/> And oure lord him self seytℏ be the prophetes moutℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">SI IN VIJS MEIS AMBULAUERITIS SUPER TRIBULANTES VOS MISISSEM MANUM MEAM.</Q><PTR TARGET="P173.L36"/> So þat<PB REF="" N="1:174"/>
 we may seen apertely þat ȝif wee wil be gode men non enemye ne may not enduren<PTR TARGET="P174.L2"/> aȝenst vs.  Also ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat out of þat lond of derkness gotℏ out a gret Ryuere þat schewetℏ wel þat þere ben folk dwellynge be many redy tokenes, but noman dar not entre into it. And wytetℏ wel þat in the kyngdoms of GEORGIE, of ABCHAZ &amp; of the litiƚƚ ARMENYE ben gode cristen men &amp; deuoute For þei schryuen hem &amp; howselen hem cuermore ones or twyes in the woke And þere ben manye of hem þat howselen hem euery day.  And so do wee not on this half aƚƚ be it þat seynt Poul commandetℏ it seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">OMNIBUS DIEBUS DOMINICIS AD COMMUNICANDUM HORTOR.</Q><PTR TARGET="P174.L12"/> Þei kepen þat commandement but wee ne kepen it not.
Also after on this half is TURKIE <MILESTONE N="111b" UNIT="folio"/> þat marchctℏ to the grete ARMENYE And þere ben manye prouynces as CAPADOCHE, SAURE, BRIQUE, QUESITON,<PTR TARGET="P174.L16"/> PYTAN &amp; GEMETℏ<PTR TARGET="P174.L16b"/> And in euerycℏ of þeise ben many gode cytees.  Þis TURKYE strecchetℏ vnto the cytee of SACHALA þat sittetℏ vpon the see of GRECE And so it marchetℏ to SYRIE. SYRIE is a gret contree &amp; a gode as I haue told ȝou before And also it hatℏ abouen toward ynde the kyngdom of CALDEE þat strecchetℏ fro the mountaynes of CALDE toward the Est vnto the cytee of NYNYUEE þat sittetℏ vpon the ryuere of TYGRE.  And in largeness it begynnetℏ toward the NORTℏ to the cytee of MARAGA<PTR TARGET="P174.L25"/> And it streccetℏ toward the SOUTℏ vnto the see OCCEAN.  In CALDEE is a pleyn contree &amp; fewe hilles &amp; fewe ryueres.
After is the kyngdom of MESOPOTAYME þat begynnetℏ toward the est to the flom of TYGRE vnto a cytee<PTR TARGET="P174.L29"/> þat is clept MOSEƚƚ And it strecchetℏ toward the west to the flom of EUFRATE vnto a cytee þat is clept ROIAUZ And in lengtℏe it gotℏ <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">fro</CORR><SIC>to</SIC></CHOICE> the mount of ARMENYE vnto the desert of YNDE the lesse.  Þis is a gode contree &amp; a pleyn but it hatℏ fewe ryueres; It hatℏ but .ij. mountaynes in þat contree Of the whiche on higℏte SYMAR<PTR TARGET="P174.L35"/> &amp; þat oþer LYSON;<PTR TARGET="P174.L36"/> And this lond marchetℏ to the kyngdom of<PB REF="" N="1:175"/>
 Caldee. Ȝit þere is toward the parties MERIDIONALES many contrees &amp; many regiouns As the lond of ETHIOPE þat marchetℏ toward the EST to the grete desertes, toward the WEST <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">to</CORR><SIC>&amp;</SIC></CHOICE> the kyngdom of NUBYE, toward the SOUTℏ to the kyngdom of MORETANE And toward the north to the rede see.  After is MORETANE þat duretℏ fro the mountaynes <MILESTONE N="112a" UNIT="folio"/> of ETHIOPE vnto lybie the hiȝe, And þat contree lyȝtℏ along fro the see OCCEAN toward the SOUTℏ, And toward the NORTH it marchetℏ to NUBYE &amp; to the higℏ LYBYE; Theise men of NUBYE ben cristene; And it marchetℏ <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">to</CORR><SIC>fro</SIC></CHOICE><PTR TARGET="P175.L11"/> the londes aboueseyd to the desertes of EGYPT And þat is the EGIPT þat I haue spoken of before And after LIBYE the hye &amp; LYBYE the lowe þat descendetℏ down lowe toward the grete see of Spayne, In the whiche contree ben many kyngdomes &amp; many dyuerse folk.  Now I haue deuysed ȝou many contrees on this half the kyngdom of CATHAY, of the whiche manye ben obeyssant to the grete CHANE.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.30"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.29.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXX</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE LOST TRIBES.  GOG AND MAGOG</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CONTREES &amp; YLES þAT BEN BEȝONDE THE LOND OF CATHAY &amp; OF THE FRUTES þERE &amp; OF .XXIJ. KYNGES ENCLOSED WITHJN THE MOUNTAYNES.</HEAD>
<P>NOW schaƚƚ I seye ȝou sewyngly of contrees &amp; yles þa tben beȝonde the contrees þat I haue spoken of.  wherfore I seye ȝou, in passynge be the lond of CATHAYE toward the higℏ ynde &amp; toward BACHARYE,<PTR TARGET="P175.L23"/> men passen be a kyngdom þat men clepen CALDILHE,<PTR TARGET="P175.L24"/> þat is a fuƚƚ fair contre.  And þere growetℏ a maner of fruyt as þougℏ it weren GOWRDES, And whan þei ben rype men kutten hem a to &amp; men fynden withjnne a lytyƚƚ best in flescℏ, in bon &amp; blode, as þougℏ it were a lytiƚƚ lomb withouten wolle.<PTR TARGET="P175.L28"/> And men eten botℏe the frut &amp; the best, And þat is a gret merueylle.  Of þat frute I haue eten<PTR TARGET="P175.L30"/> aƚƚ þougℏ it were wonderfuƚƚ but þat I knowe wel<PB REF="" N="1:176"/>
 þat god is merueyllous in his werkes.  And natheles I tolde hem of als gret a merueyle to hem þat is a monges vs And þat was of the BERNAKES.<PTR TARGET="P176.L3"/>  For I tolde hem þat in oure contree weren trees þat baren a fruyt þat becomen briddes fleeynge.  And þo þat fellen in <MILESTONE N="112b" UNIT="folio"/> the water lyuen, And þei þat fallen on the ertℏe dyen anon; and þei ben rigℏt gode to mannes mete.  And here of had þei als gret meruaylle þat summe of hem trowed it were an jnpossible thing to be.  In þat contre ben longe apples<PTR TARGET="P176.L9"/> of gode sauour, Where of ben mo þan an .C. in a clustre &amp; als manye in a noþer.  And þei han grete longe leves &amp; large of .ij. fote long<PTR TARGET="P176.L12"/> or more And in þat contree &amp; in oþer contrees þere abouten growen many trees þat beren clowe gylofres And notemuges &amp; grete notes of ynde &amp; of CANEƚƚ &amp; of many oþer spices.  And þere ben vynes þat beren so grete grapes þat a strong man<PTR TARGET="P176.L16"/> scholde haue ynow to done for to bere o clustre with aƚƚ the grapes.
In þat same regioun ben the mountaynes of CASPYE þat men clepen VBER<PTR TARGET="P176.L19"/> in the contree.  Betwene þo mountaynes the Iewes of .x. lynages ben enclosed þat men clepen GOTℏ &amp; MAGOTℏ<PTR TARGET="P176.L21"/> And þei mowe not gon out on no syde. Þere weren enclosed .xxij. kynges<PTR TARGET="P176.L22"/> with hire peple, þat dwelleden betwene the mountaynes of SYCHYE.  Þere kyng ALISANDRE chacede hem betwene þo mountaynes And þere he thougℏte for to enclose hem þorgℏ werk of his men.  But whan he saugℏ þat he myghte not don it ne bryng it to an ende, he preyed to god of nature þat he wolde parforme þat þat he had begonne And aƚƚ were it so þat he was a payneme &amp; not wortℏi to ben herd, ȝit god of his grace closed the mountaynes togydre, so þat þei dwellen þere<PTR TARGET="P176.L31"/> aƚƚ faste ylokked &amp; enclosed with higℏ mountaynes alle aboute, saf only on o syde, And on þat syde is the see of CASPYE.  Now may sum men asken: Sitℏ þat the see <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">is</CORR><SIC>is/is</SIC></CHOICE> on þat o syde, Wherfore go þei not out on the see syde for to go where þat hem lyketℏ? But to this questioun I schal <MILESTONE N="113a" UNIT="folio"/> answere: Þat see of CASPYE<PB REF="" N="1:177"/>
 gotℏ out be londe<PTR TARGET="P177.L1"/> vnder the mountaynes &amp; rennetℏ be the desert at o syde of the contree &amp; after it strecchetℏ vnto the endes of PERSIE And aƚƚþougℏ it be clept a see, it is no see ne it touchetℏ to non oþer see, But it is a lake,<PTR TARGET="P177.L5"/> the grettest of the world.  And þougℏ þei wolden putten hem in to þat see, þei ne wysten neuer where þat þei scholde arryuen.  And also þei conen no langage but only hire owne þat noman knowetℏ but þei, And þerfore mowe þei not gon out.  And also ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat the Iewes han no propre lond of hire owne for to dwellen jnne in aƚƚ the world, but only þat lond betwene the mountaynes, And ȝit þei ȝelden tribute for þat lond to the queen of AMAZOINE<PTR TARGET="P177.L13"/> the whiche þat maketℏ hem to ben kept in cloos fuƚƚ diligently þat þei schuƚƚ not gon out on no syde but be the cost of hire lond, For hire lond marchetℏ to þo mountaynes.  And often it hatℏ befallen
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">þat</CORR><SIC>þat/þat</SIC></CHOICE> summe of the Iewes han gon vp the mountaynes And avaled down to the valeyes, But gret nombre of folk ne may not do so For the mountaynes ben so hye &amp; so stregℏt vp, þat þei moste abyde þere maugree hire mygℏt, For þei mowe not gon out but be a litiƚƚ issue<PTR TARGET="P177.L21"/> þat was made be strengtℏe of men; And it lastetℏ wel a .iiij. grete myle.  And after is þere ȝit a lond aƚƚ desert, where men may fynde no water ne for dyggynge ne for non otℏer þing, Wherfore men may not dwellen in þat place so is it fuƚƚ of dragounes, of serpentes &amp; of oþer venymous bestes þat noman dar not passe but ȝif it be be strong wynter.  And þat streyt passage men clepen in þat contree CLYRON,<PTR TARGET="P177.L29"/> And þat is the passage þat the queen of AMAZOINE maketℏ to ben kept.  And þogℏ <MILESTONE N="113b" UNIT="folio"/> it happene sum of hem be fortune to gon out, þei conen no maner of langage but EBREW, so þat þei can not speke to the peple.  And ȝit natheles men seyn þei schuƚƚ gon out in the tyme of ANTECRIST And þat þei schuƚƚ maken gret slaughter of cristene men, And þerfore aƚƚ the Iewes þat dwellen in aƚƚ londes lernen aƚƚ weys to speken<PB REF="" N="1:178"/>
 EBREW, in hope þat whan the oþer Iewes schuƚƚ gon out, þat þei may vnderstonden hire speche &amp; to leden hem in to cristendom for to destroye the cristene peple. For the Iewes seyn þat þei knowen wel be hire prophecyes þat þei of CASPYE schuƚƚ gon out &amp; spreden þorgℏ out aƚƚ the world And þat the cristene men schuƚƚ ben vnder hire subieccioun als longe as þei han ben in subieccioun of hem.  And ȝif þat ȝee wil wyte how þat þei schuƚƚ fynden hire weye, after þat I haue herd seye I schaƚƚ teƚƚ ȝou.  In the tyme of ANTECRIST a FOX<PTR TARGET="P178.L11"/> schaƚƚ make þere his trayne<PTR TARGET="P178.L11b"/> &amp; mynen an hole where kyng ALISANDRE leet make the ȝates And so longe he schaƚƚ mynen &amp; percen the ertℏe til þat he schaƚƚ passe þorgℏ towardes þat folk.  And whan þei seen the FOX they schuƚƚ haue gret merueylle of him be cause þat þei saugℏ neuer such a best, For of aƚƚ oþere bestes þei han enclosed amonges hem, saf only the FOX.  And þanne þei schullen chacen him &amp; pursuen him so streyte, tiƚƚ þat he come to the same place þat he cam fro.  And þanne þei schullen dyggen &amp; mynen so strongly, tiƚƚ þat þei fynden the ȝates þat kyng ALISANDRE leet make of grete stones &amp; passynge huge, wel symented &amp; made stronge for the maystrie.  And þo ȝates þei schuƚƚ breken &amp; so gon out be fyndynge of þat issue.<PTR TARGET="P178.L24"/> Fro þat lond gon men to <MILESTONE N="114a" UNIT="folio"/> ward the lond of BACHARIE,<PTR TARGET="P178.L25"/> where ben fuƚƚ yuele folk &amp; fuƚƚ crueƚƚ.  In þat lond ben trees þat beren wolle<PTR TARGET="P178.L26"/> as þogℏ it were of scheep, where of men maken clothes &amp; aƚƚ þing þat may ben made of wolle: In þat contree ben many YPOTAYNES<PTR TARGET="P178.L29"/> þat dwellen somtyme in the water &amp; somtyme on the lond And þei ben half man &amp; half hors<PTR TARGET="P178.L30"/> as I haue seyd before, And þei eten men<PTR TARGET="P178.L31"/> whan þei may take hem.  And þere ben ryueres &amp; watres þat ben fuƚƚ byttere,<PTR TARGET="P178.L32"/> þree sitℏes more þan is the water of the see.  In þat contre ben many GRIFFOUNES<PTR TARGET="P178.L34"/> more plentee þan in ony otℏer contree Summen seyn þat þei han the body vpward as an EGLE And benethe as a LYOUN And treuly þei seyn sotℏ þat þei ben of þat schapp.  But o<PB REF="" N="1:179"/>
 GRIFFOUn̛ hatℏ the body more gret &amp; is more strong þanne .viij. LYOUNS, of suche lyouns as ben o this half,<PTR TARGET="P179.L2"/> And more gret &amp; strongere þan an .C. Egles suche as we han amonges vs.  For o GRIFFOUN þere wil bere fleynge to his nest a gret hors ȝif he may fynde him at the poynt or .ij. oxen ȝoked togidere as þei gon at the plowgh.  For he hatℏ his talouns so longe &amp; so large &amp; grete vpon his feet as þougℏ þei weren hornes of grete oxen or of bugles or of kyȝn, so þat men maken cuppes of hem to drynken of.  And of hire ribbes and of the pennes of hire wenges men maken bowes fuƚƚ stronge to schote with Arwes &amp; quareƚƚ. From þens gon men be many iourneyes þorgℏ the lond of Prestre Ioℏn the grete Emperour of YNDE, And men clepen his roialme the yle of PENTEXOIRE.<PTR TARGET="P179.L15"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.31"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.30.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXXI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">PRESTER JOHN.  THE ASSASSINS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE RYAƚƚ ESTATE OF PRESTRE IOℏN &amp; OF A RICHE MAN ÞAT MADE A MER <MILESTONE N="114" UNIT="folio"/> UEYLOUS CASTEƚƚ AND CLEPED IT PARADYS &amp; OF HIS SOTYLTEE.</HEAD>
<P>THIS Emperour Prestre Ioℏn holt fuƚƚ gret lond<PTR TARGET="P179.L16"/> And hatℏ many fuƚƚ noble cytees &amp; gode townes in his Royalme and many grete dyuerse yles &amp; large.  For aƚƚ the contree of ynde is deuysed in yles for the grete flodes þat comen from PARADYS þat departen aƚƚ the lond in many parties.  And also in the see he hatℏ fuƚƚ manye yles.  And the beste cytee in the yle of PENTEXOIRE is NYSE<PTR TARGET="P179.L23"/> þat is a fuƚƚ ryaƚƚ cytee &amp; a noble and fuƚƚ riche This Prestre Ioℏn hatℏ vnder him many kynges &amp; many yles &amp; many dyuerse folk of dyuerse condiciouns And this lond is fuƚƚ gode &amp; ryche, but not so riche as is the lond of the grete CHANE.  For the marchauntes comen not thider so comounly for to bye marchandises as þei don in the lond of the gret CHANE, for it is to fer to trauaylle to. And on þat otℏer partie, in the yle of CATHAY men fynden aƚƚ maner thing þat is nede to man clothes of<PB REF="" N="1:180"/>
 gold of silk of spycerye &amp; aƚƚ maner auere de poys, And þerfore, aƚƚ be it þat men han gretter chep in the yle of Prestre Ioℏn, natheless men dreden the longe weye &amp; the grete periles in the see in þo partyes.  For in many places of the see ben grete roches of stones of the ADAMANT,<PTR TARGET="P180.L6"/> þat of his propre nature drawetℏ IREN to him, And þerfore þere passen no schippes þat han ouþer bondes or nayles of IREN within hem, And ȝif þer do anon the roches of the ADAMANTES drawen hem to hem, þat neuer þei may go þens.  I myself haue seen o ferrom in þat see as þougℏ it hadde ben a gret yle fuƚƚ of trees &amp; buscayƚƚe fuƚƚ of thornes &amp; breres gret plentee, And the schipmen tolde vs þat aƚƚ þat was of schippes þat weren drawen thider be the ADAMAUNTES for the IREN <MILESTONE N="115a" UNIT="folio"/> þat was in hem. And of the roteness &amp; oþer thing<PTR TARGET="P180.L15"/> þat was within the schippes grewen sucℏ buscaylle &amp; thornes &amp; breres &amp; grene grass &amp; sucℏ maner of thing, And of the mastes &amp; the seyƚƚ ȝerdes it semed a grete wode or a groue.  And suche roches ben in many places þere abouten And þerfore dur not the marchantes passen þere but ȝif þei knowen wel the passages or eƚƚ þat þei han gode lodesmen.  And also þei dreden the longe weye &amp; þerfore thei gon to CATHAY for it is more nygℏ.  And ȝit is it not so nygℏ but þat men moste ben trauayllynge be see &amp; lond .xj. monethes or .xij. from GENE or from VENYSE or he come to CATHAY. And ȝit is the lond of Prestre Ioℏn more ferr be many dredfuƚƚ iourneyes And the marchantes passen be the kyngdom of PERSIE &amp; gon to a cytee þat is clept HERMES<PTR TARGET="P180.L28"/> for HERMES the PHILOSOPHRE founded it, And after þat þei passen an arm of the see &amp; þanne þei gon to another cytee þat is clept GOLBACℏ<PTR TARGET="P180.L31"/> &amp; þere þei fynden marchandises &amp; of POPENGAYES as gret plentee as men fynden here of gees. And ȝif þei wil passen ferthere þei may gon sykerly jnow. In þat contree is but lytyƚƚ whete or barly &amp; þerfore þei eten Ryȝs &amp; hony<PTR TARGET="P180.L35"/> &amp; mylk &amp; chese &amp; frute. This Emperour Prestre Ioℏn taketℏ aƚƚweys to his wif the dougℏter<PTR TARGET="P180.L36"/> of the grete CHANE And the grete CHANE also<PB REF="" N="1:181"/>
 in the same wise<PTR TARGET="P181.L1"/> the doughter of Prestre Ioℏn, For þeise .ij. ben the grettest lordes vndir the firmament.  In the lond of Prestre Ioℏn ben many dyuerse thinges &amp; manye precious stones so grete &amp; so large þat men maken of hem vesseƚƚ As plateres, disscℏes &amp; cuppes &amp; many oþer merueyles ben þere þat it were to combrous <MILESTONE N="115b" UNIT="folio"/> and to long to putten it in scripture of bokes. But of the principaƚƚ yles &amp; of his estate and of his lawe I schaƚƚ telle ȝou som partye.  This Emperour Prestre Ioℏn is cristene And a gret partie of his contree also,<PTR TARGET="P181.L10"/> But ȝit þei haue not aƚƚ the Articƚes of oure feytℏ as wee hauen.  Þei beleuen wel in the fader, in the sone and in the holy gost And þei ben fuƚƚ deuoute &amp; rigℏt trewe on to a notℏer And þei sette not be no barettes ne by cawteles ne of no disceytes. And he hatℏ vnder him .lxxij. prouynces<PTR TARGET="P181.L15"/> And in euery prouynce is a kyng And þeise kynges han kynges vnder hem, &amp; alle ben tributaries to Prestre Ioℏn.  And he hatℏ in his lordschipes many grete merueyles, For in his contree is the see þat men clepen the GRAUELY SEE<PTR TARGET="P181.L19"/> þat is aƚƚ graueƚƚ and sond withouten ony drope of water. And it ebbetℏ &amp; flowetℏ in grete wawes as oþer sees don. And it is neuer stille ne in pes in no maner cesoun And noman may passe þat see be navye ne be no maner of craft &amp; þerfore may no man knowe what lond is beȝond þat see.  And aƚƚ be it <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">þat</CORR><SIC>þat/þat</SIC></CHOICE> it haue no water ȝit men fynden þere in &amp; on the bankes fuƚƚ gode fisscℏ<PTR TARGET="P181.L26"/> of otℏer maner of kynde &amp; schapp þanne men fynden in ony otℏer see &amp; þei ben of right goode tast &amp; delicyous to mannes mete. And a .iij. iourneys long fro þat see ben grete mountaynes out of the whicℏe gotℏ out a gret flood<PTR TARGET="P181.L31"/> þat cometℏ out of PARADYS &amp; it is fuƚƚ of precious stones withouten ony drope of water &amp; it rennetℏ þorgℏ the desert on þat o syde, so þat it maketℏ the see grauely<PTR TARGET="P181.L33"/> And it beretℏ into þat see &amp; þere it endetℏ.  And þat flomme rennetℏ also .iij. dayes in the woke &amp; bryngetℏ with him grete stones &amp; the roches <MILESTONE N="116a" UNIT="folio"/> also<PB REF="" N="1:182"/>
 þerewith and þat gret plentee,<PTR TARGET="P182.L1"/> And anon as þei ben entred in to the grauely see þei ben seyn nomore, but lost for eueremore.  And in þo .iij. dayes þat that ryuere rennetℏ noman dar entren in to it, But in the oþer dayes men dar entren wel ynow.  Also beȝonde þat flomme, more vpward to the desertes is a gret pleyn aƚƚ grauelly betwene the mountaynes.  And in þat playn euery day at the sonne risynge begynnen to growe smale trees<PTR TARGET="P182.L8"/> &amp; þei growen til mydday berynge frute.  But noman dar taken of þat frute for it is a thing of FAYRYE.  And after MIDDAY þei discrecen &amp; entren aȝen in to the ertℏe, so þat at the goynge doun of the sonne þei apperen no more &amp; so þei don euery day &amp; þat is a gret mervaylle. In þat desert ben many wylde men þat ben hidouse to loken on for þei ben horned<PTR TARGET="P182.L15"/> And þei speken nougℏt but þei gronten as pygges.  And þere is also gret <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">plentee</CORR><SIC>plenteo</SIC></CHOICE> of wylde houndes,<PTR TARGET="P182.L16"/>
And þere ben manye POPEGAYES þat þei clepen PSITAKES<PTR TARGET="P182.L17"/> in hire langage And þei speken of hire propre nature &amp; saluen men þat gon þorgℏ the desertes &amp; speken to hem als appertely as þougℏ it were a man.  And þei þat speken wel han a large tonge &amp; han .v. toos vpon a fote.  And þere ben also of oþer manere, þat han but .iij. toos vpon a fote And þei speken not or but litiƚƚ for þei cone not but cryen. This Emperour Prestre Ioℏn whan he gotℏ into bataylle aȝenst ony otℏer lord, he hatℏ no baneres born before him But he hatℏ .iij. crosses<PTR TARGET="P182.L26"/> of gold fyn grete &amp; hye, fuƚƚ of precious stones.  And euery of þo cross ben sett in a chariot fuƚƚ richely arrayed.  And for to kepen euery cros ben ordeyned .x. Miƚƚ. <MILESTONE N="116b" UNIT="folio"/> men of armes<PTR TARGET="P182.L29"/> &amp; mo þan an .C.M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. men on fote in maner as men wolde kepe a stondard in oure contrees Whan þat wee ben in lond of werre.<PTR TARGET="P182.L31"/>  And this nombre of folk is withouten the princypaƚƚ hoost &amp; withouten wenges ordeynd for the bataylle. And whan he hatℏ no werre, but ridetℏ with a pryuy meynee þanne he hatℏ bore before him but o cros of tree withouten peynture &amp; withouten gold or siluer or<PB REF="" N="1:183"/>
 precious stones in remembrance þat Ihesu crist suffred detℏ vpon a cros of tree.  And he hatℏ born before him also a plater of gold fuƚƚ of ertℏe in tokene þat his nobless &amp; his mygℏt &amp; his flesscℏ schaƚƚ turnen to ertℏe.  And he hatℏ born before him also a vesseƚƚ of siluer fuƚƚ of noble jewelles<PTR TARGET="P183.L5"/> of gold fuƚƚ riche &amp; of precious stones in tokene of his lordschipe &amp; of his nobless &amp; of his mygℏt. He duelletℏ comounly in the cytee of SUSE<PTR TARGET="P183.L8"/> &amp; þere is his principaƚƚ palays þat is so riche &amp; so noble þat noman wil trowe it by estimacioun but he had seen it.  And abouen the chief tour of the palays ben .ij. rounde pomeles of gold And in euerycℏ of hem ben .ij. charboncles grete &amp; large þat schynen fuƚƚ brigℏte vpon the nygℏt<PTR TARGET="P183.L13"/> And the principaƚƚ ȝates of his palays ben of a precious ston þat men clepen SARDOYNE And the bordure &amp; the barres ben of IUORYE And the wyndowes of the halles &amp; chambres ben of CRISTAƚƚ And the tables whereon men eten somme ben of EMERAUDES, summe of AMATYST &amp; somme of GOLD fuƚƚ of precious stones And the pileres þat beren vp the tables ben of the same precious stones And the degrees<PTR TARGET="P183.L20"/> to gon vp to his throne where he sittetℏ at þe mete on is of ONICHE, Anoþer is of CRISTAƚƚ &amp; anoþer of IASPRE grene, Anoþer of amatyst, Anoþer of SARDYNE, Anoþer of CORNELINE.  And the .vij. þat he settetℏ onne his feet is of <MILESTONE N="117a" UNIT="folio"/> CRISOLYTE.  And aƚƚ þeise degrees ben bordured with fyn gold with the totℏere precyous stones sett with grete perles oryent.  And the sydes of the sege of his throne ben of EMERAUDES &amp; bordured with gold fuƚƚ nobely And dubbed with oþer precious stones and grete perles.  And aƚƚ the pileres in his chambre ben of fyne gold with precious stones &amp; with manye CHARBONCLES þat ȝeuen gret lygℏt vpon the nygℏt to aƚƚ peple.  And aƚƚ be it þat the CHARBONCLE ȝeue lygℏt rigℏt ynow, natheles at alle tymes brennetℏ a vesseƚƚ of CRISTAƚƚ fuƚƚ of BAWME for to ȝeuen gode smeƚƚ &amp; odour to the Emperour &amp; to voyden awey aƚƚ wykkede eyres &amp; corrupciouns.  And the forme of his bedd is of fyne saphires bended with gold for to<PB REF="" N="1:184"/>
 make him slepen wel &amp; to refreynen him from lechrye. For he wiƚƚ not lyȝe with his wyfes but .iiij. sitℏes in the ȝeer after the .iiij. cesouns, And þat is only for to engendre children.<PTR TARGET="P184.L3"/> He hatℏ also a fuƚƚ fayr palays &amp; a noble at the cytee of NYSE where þat he duelletℏ whan him best lyketℏ.  But tℏe Ayr is not so attempree as it is at the cytee of SUSE.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat in aƚƚ his contree ne in the contrees þere aƚƚ aboute men eten nogℏt but ones in the day, but ȝif þat<PTR TARGET="P184.L9"/> men maken hem in the court of the grete CHANE.  And so þei eten<PTR TARGET="P184.L10"/> euery day in his court mo þanne .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>.<HI REND="sup">Miƚƚ</HI> persones, withouten goeres &amp; comeres.  But the .xxx<HI REND="sup">t</HI>. .m<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. persones of his contree ne of the contree of the grete CHANE ne spenden nougℏt so moche gode as don .xij. .M<HI REND="sup">l</HI>. of oure contree.  This Emperour Prestre Ioℏn hatℏ eueremore .vij. kynges with him to seruen him And þei departen hire seruice be certeyn monethes And with þeise kynges seruen aƚƚ weys .lxxij. Dukes And .ccc. &amp; .lx. Erles.  And aƚƚ the dayes of the ȝeer þere eten <MILESTONE N="117b" UNIT="folio"/>  in his houshold &amp; in his Court .xij. Erchebysshoppes &amp; .xx. Bisshoppes.  And the Patriark of seynt Thomas is þere as is the POPE here And the Erchebisshoppes &amp; the Bisshoppes &amp; the abbottes in þat contree ben alle kynges.  And euerycℏ of þeise grete lordes knowen vel ynow the Attendance of hire seruyce.  The on is mayster of his houshold, Anoþer is his chambirleyn, Anoþer seruetℏ him of a dysscℏ,<PTR TARGET="P184.L26"/> Anoþer of the cuppe, Anoþer is Styward, Anoþer is Mareschaƚƚ, Anoþer is Prynce of his Armes;<PTR TARGET="P184.L27"/> And þus is he fuƚƚ nobely &amp; ryally serued.  And his lond duretℏ in verry brede .iiij. monetℏes iorneyes And in lengtℏe out of mesure, þat is to seyne Aƚƚ the yles vnder ertℏe þat wee supposen to ben vnder vs.<PTR TARGET="P184.L32"/> Besyde the yle of PENTEXOIRE þat is the lond of Prestre Ioℏn is a gret yle long &amp; brode þat men clepen MILSTORAK<PTR TARGET="P184.L34"/> &amp; it is in the lordschipe of Prestre Ioℏn.  In þat yle is gret plentee of godes.  Þere was dwellynge somtyme a riche man &amp; it is not longe sitℏe &amp; men clept him GATHOLONABES<PTR TARGET="P184.L37"/> &amp; he was fuƚƚ of cautcles &amp; of sotyƚƚ<PB REF="" N="1:185"/>
 disceytes.  And he hadde a fuƚƚ fair casteƚƚ &amp; a strong in a mountayne, so strong &amp; so noble þat noman cowde devise a fairere ne a strengere.  And he had let muren aƚƚ the mountayne aboute with a strong waƚƚ &amp; a fair And withjnne þo walles he had the fairest gardyn þat ony man mygℏte beholde &amp; þerein were trees berynge aƚƚ maner of frutes þat ony man cowde deuyse.  And þerein were also aƚƚ maner vertuous herbes of gode smeƚƚ and aƚƚ oþer herbes also þat beren faire floures.  And he had also in þat gardyn many faire welles, And beside þo welles he had lete make faire halles &amp; <MILESTONE N="118a" UNIT="folio"/> faire chambres depeynted aƚƚ with gold &amp; azure.  And þere weren jn þat place many a dyuerse thinges<PTR TARGET="P185.L13"/> And manye dyuerse storyes.  And of bestes &amp; of bryddes þat songen fuƚƚ delectabely &amp; meveden be craft, þat it semede þat þei weren quyke.  And he had also in his gardyn aƚƚ maner of foules &amp; of bestes þat ony man mygℏte thenke on for to haue pley or desport to beholde hem.  And he had also in þat place the faireste damyseles þat mygℏte ben founde vnder the age of .xv. ȝeer And the faireste ȝonge striplynges þat men mygℏte gete of þat same age; And aƚƚ þei weren clothed in clotℏes of gold fuƚƚ richely And he seyde þat þo weren aungeles.  And he had also let make .iij. welles faire &amp; noble &amp; aƚƚ envyround with ston of jaspre, of cristaƚƚ, dyapred with gold<PTR TARGET="P185.L25"/> &amp; sett with precious stones &amp; grete orient perles.  And he had made a conduyt vnder ertℏe so þat the .iij. welles at his list on scholde renne mylk, Anoþer wyn &amp; anoþer hony; And þat place he clept paradys.  And whan þat ony gode knygℏt þat was hardy &amp; noble cam to see this rialtee, he wolde lede him in to his paradys &amp; schewen him þeise wonderfuƚƚ thinges to his desport &amp; the merueyllous &amp; delicious song of dyuerse briddes &amp; the faire damyseles &amp; the faire welles of mylk of wyn &amp; of hony plentevous rennynge.  And he wolde let make dyuerse jnstrumentes of Musik to sownen in an higℏ tour so merily þat it was ioye for to here &amp; noman scholde see the craft<PTR TARGET="P185.L37"/> þere of.<PB REF="" N="1:186"/>
 And þo he seyde weren aungeles of god &amp; þat place was paradys þat god had behigℏt to his frendes seyenge:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">DABO VOBIS TERRAM FLUENTEM LACTE &amp; MELLE.</Q><PTR TARGET="P186.L2"/>  And þanne wolde he maken hem to drynken of a certeyn drynk whereof anon þei scholden <MILESTONE N="118b" UNIT="folio"/> be dronken And þanne wolde hem thinken gretter delyt þan þei hadden before.  And þan wolde he seye to hem þat ȝif they wolde dyen for him &amp; for his loue þat after hire detℏ þei scholde come to his paradys &amp; þei scholden ben of the age of þo damyselles &amp; þei scholde pleyen with hem &amp; ȝit ben maydenes.  And after þat ȝit scholde he putten hem in a fayrere paradys, where þat þei scholde see god of nature visibely in his magestee and in his blisse.  And þan wolde he schewe hem his entent<PTR TARGET="P186.L14"/> And seye hem þat ȝif þei wolde go sle sucℏ a lord or sucℏ a man þat was his enemye or contrarious to his list, þat þei scholde not drede to don it &amp; for to be slayn þerfore hem self, for after hire detℏ he wolde putten hem in to anoþer paradys, þat was an .C. fold fairere þan ony of the tothere &amp; þere scholde þei dwellen with the most fairest damyselles þat mygℏte be &amp; pley with hem eueremore.  And þus wenten many dyuerse lusty Bacheleres for to sle grete lordes in dyuerse contrees þat weren his enemyes &amp; made hemself to ben slayn in hope to haue þat paradys.  And þus often tyme he was revenged of his enemyes be his sotyƚƚ disceytes &amp; false cawteles.  And whan the worthi men of the contree hadden perceyued this sotyƚƚ falshod of this GATHOLONABES, þei assembled hem with force &amp; assayleden his casteƚƚ &amp; slowen him &amp; destroyeden aƚƚ the faire places &amp; aƚƚ the nobletees of þat paradys.  The place of the welles &amp; of the walles &amp; of many oþer thinges ben ȝit apertly sene, but the ricchesse is voyded clene; And it is not longes gon sitℏ þat place was destroyed.<PTR TARGET="P186.L33"/></P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.32"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.31.]</P></HEADNOTE><PB REF="" N="1:187"/>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXXII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE VALE PERILOUS.  MONSTERS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE DEUELES HEDE IN THE VALEYE PERILOUS, AND OF THE CUSTOMS OF FOLK IN DYUERSE YLES ÞAT BEN ABOUTEN IN THE LORDSCHIPE OF PRESTRE IOℏN.</HEAD>
<P>BESYDE þat yle of Mistorak vpon the left syde nygℏ to the ryuere of PHISON is a merueylous thing.  Þere is <MILESTONE N="119a" UNIT="folio"/> a vale betwene the mountaynes þat duretℏ nygℏ a .iiij. myle And summen clepen it the vale enchaunted, Somme clepen it the vale of deueles &amp; somme clepen it þe vale perilous.<PTR TARGET="P187.L6"/>  In þat vale heren men often tyme grete tempestes and thondres &amp; grete murmures &amp; noyses<PTR TARGET="P187.L8"/> aƚƚ dayes &amp; nygℏtes And gret noyse as it were sown of tabours and of nakeres &amp; of trompes, as þougℏ it were of a gret feste.  This vale is aƚƚ fuƚƚ of deueles<PTR TARGET="P187.L10"/> &amp; hatℏ ben aƚƚweys.  And men seyn þere þat it is on of the entrees of helle.  In þat vale is gret plentee of gold &amp; syluer,<PTR TARGET="P187.L13"/> Wherfore many mysbeleuynge men &amp; manye cristene men also gon in oftentyme for to haue of the thresoure þat þere is, But fewe comen aȝen &amp; namely of the mysbeleevynge men, ne of the cristene men nouþer, for anon þei ben strangled of deueles.  And in mydd place of þat vale vnder a roche is an hed<PTR TARGET="P187.L18"/> &amp; the visage of a deuyl bodylicℏe, fuƚƚ horrible &amp; dredfuƚƚ to se.  And it schewetℏ not, but the hed to the schuldres, But þere is noman in the world so hardy, cristene man ne otℏer, but þat he wolde ben adrad for to beholde it &amp; þat it wolde semen him to dye<PTR TARGET="P187.L23"/> for drede, so is it hidouse for to beholde.  For he beholdetℏ euery man so scharply with dredfuƚƚ eyen þat ben eueremore mevynge &amp; sparklynge as fuyre &amp; chaungetℏ &amp; steretℏ so often in dyuerse manere with so horrible contenance, þat noman dar not neigℏen towardes him.  And fro him cometℏ out smoke &amp; stynkande fuyr &amp; so moche abhomynacioun, þat vnetℏe noman may þere endure.  But the gode cristene men þat ben stable in the feytℏ entren weƚƚ withouten perile, For þei wil first schryuen hem &amp; marken hem<PB REF="" N="1:188"/>
 with the tokene of the holy cros, so þat the fendes ne han <MILESTONE N="119b" UNIT="folio"/> no power ouer hem.  But aƚƚ be it þat þei ben withouten perile ȝit natheles ne ben þei not withouten drede whan þat þei seen the deueles visibely and bodyly aƚƚ aboute hem, þat maken fuƚƚ many dyuerse assautes &amp; manaces in eyr &amp; in ertℏe &amp; agasten hem with strokes of thonder blastes and of tempestes, and the moste drede is, þat god wole taken vengeance þanne of þat þat men han mysdon aȝen his wille.  And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat whan my felowes and I weren in þat vale wee weren in gret thougℏt wheþer þat we dursten putten oure bodyes in aventure to gon in or non, in the protectioun of god. And somme of oure felowes accordeden to entre &amp; somme nogℏt.  So þere weren with vs .ij. wortℏi men Frere Menoures,<PTR TARGET="P188.L14"/> þat weren of lombardye<PTR TARGET="P188.L15"/> þat seyden þat ȝif ony man wolde entren, þei wolde gon in with vs.  And whan þei hadden seyd so vpon the gracyous trust of god &amp; of hem wee leet synge masse &amp; made euery man to ben schryuen &amp; houseld.  And þanne wee entreden .xiiij. persones, But at oure goynge out wee weren but .ix.  And so wee wisten neuere wheþer þat oure felowes weren lost or eƚƚ turned aȝen for drede, But wee ne saugℏ hem neuer after; And þo weren .ij. men of GRECE &amp; .iij. of SPAYNE.  And oure oþer felowes þat wolden not gon in with vs þei wenten by anotℏer coste to ben before vs &amp; so þei were.  And þus wee passeden þat perilouse vale &amp; founden þerjnne gold &amp; syluer<PTR TARGET="P188.L27"/> &amp; precious stones &amp; riche jewelles gret plentee, botℏe here &amp; þere as vs semed.  But wheþer þat it was as vs semede, I wot nere for I touched none,<PTR TARGET="P188.L30"/> be cause þat the deueles ben so subtyle to make a thing to seme otherwise þan it is for to disceyue mankynde &amp; þerfore I towched none And also because þat I wolde not ben put out of my <MILESTONE N="120a" UNIT="folio"/> deuocioun, for I was more deuout<PTR TARGET="P188.L34"/> þanne þan euere I was before or after, And aƚƚ for the drede of fendes þat I saugh in dyuerse figures And also for the gret multytude of dede bodyes þat I saugℏ þere liggynge be the weye be aƚƚ the vale<PTR TARGET="P188.L37"/> as<PB REF="" N="1:189"/>
 þougℏ þere had ben a bataylle betwene .ij. kynges &amp; the mygℏtyest of the contree, &amp; þat the gretter partye had ben discomfyted &amp; slayn.  And I trowe<PTR TARGET="P189.L3"/> þat vnethe scholde ony contree haue so moche peple within him as lay slayn in þat vale, as vs thougℏte, the whiche was an hidouse sigℏt to seen.  And I merueylled moche þat þere weren so manye &amp; the bodyes aƚƚ hole withouten rotynge, But I trowe þat fendes made hem semen to ben so hole withouten rotynge.  But þat mygℏte not ben to myn avys þat so manye scholde haue entred so newely ne so manye newely slayn withouten stynkynge &amp; rotynge. And manye of hem weren in habite of cristene men, But I trowe wel þat it weren of suche<PTR TARGET="P189.L13"/> þat wenten in for couetyse of the thresoure þat was þere &amp; hadden ouermoche feblenesse in the feitℏ, so þat hire hertes ne mygℏte not enduren in the beleve for drede; And þerfore weren wee the more deuout a gret del.  And ȝit<PTR TARGET="P189.L17"/> wee weren cast doun &amp; beten down many tymes to the hard ertℏe be wyndes and thondres &amp; tempestes, But eueremore god of his grace halp vs, And so wee passed þat perilous vale withouten perile &amp; withouten encombrance, thanked be aƚƚ mygℏty godd. After this beȝonde þat vale is a gret yle Where the folk ben grete GEAUNTES of .xxviij. fote<PTR TARGET="P189.L23"/> longe or of .xxx. fote long And þei han no clotℏinge but of skynnes of bestes þat þei hangen vpon hem And þei eten no breed, But aƚƚ raw flescℏ &amp; þei drynken mylk of bestes, for þei han plentee of aƚƚ bestaylle; And þei haue none houses to lyen <MILESTONE N="120b" UNIT="folio"/> jnne.  And þei eten more gladly mannes flescℏ þanne ony oþer flescℏ.  In to þat yle dar noman gladly entren, And ȝif þei seen a schipp &amp; men þerejnne, Anon þei entren in to the see for to take hem. And men seyden vs þat in an yle beȝonde þat weren GEANTES of grettere stature, summe of .xlv. fote or of .l. fote long And as sommemen seyn, summe of .l. cubytes long.  But I sagℏ none of þo, for I hadde no lust to go to þo parties, because þat noman cometℏ nouþer into þat yle ne into þat oþer, but ȝif he be deuoured anon.<PTR TARGET="P189.L37"/>  And<PB REF="" N="1:190"/>
 among þo geauntes ben scheep als grete as oxen<PTR TARGET="P190.L1"/> here &amp; þei beren gret wolle &amp; rougℏ; Of þo scheep I haue seyn many tymes.  And men han seen many tymes þo GEAUNTES taken men in the see out of hire schippes &amp; brougℏte hem to londe .ij. in on hond &amp; .ij. in anoþer,<PTR TARGET="P190.L5"/> etynge hem goynge<PTR TARGET="P190.L5b"/> aƚƚ raw &amp; aƚƚ quyk. Anoþer yle is þere toward the nortℏ<PTR TARGET="P190.L6"/> in the see OCCEAN, where þat ben fuƚƚ cruele &amp; ful euele wommen of nature &amp; þei han precious stones<PTR TARGET="P190.L8"/> in hire eyen.  And þei ben of þat kynde, þat ȝif þei beholden ony man with wrattℏe þei slen him anon with the beholdynge, as dotℏ the BASILISK. Anoþer yle is þere fuƚƚ fair &amp; gode &amp; gret &amp; fuƚƚ of peple Where the custom is sucℏ, þat the firste nygℏt þat þei ben maryed þei maken anoþer man to lye be hire wifes for to haue hire maydenhode, &amp; þerfore þei taken gret huyre &amp; gret thank.  And þer ben certeyn men in euery town þat seruen of non otℏer thing And þei clepen hem CADEBERIZ,<PTR TARGET="P190.L17"/> þat is to seyne: the foles of wanhope.  For þei of the contree holden it so gret a thing &amp; so perilous for to haue the maydenhode of a womman, þat hem semetℏ þat þei þat hauen first <MILESTONE N="121a" UNIT="folio"/> the maydenhode puttetℏ him in auenture of his lif.  And ȝif the husbonde fynde his wif mayden that oþer next nygℏt after þat sche scholde haue ben leyn by of the man þat is assigned þerefore, peraunter for dronkeness or for sum other cause, the husbonde schaƚƚ pleyne<PTR TARGET="P190.L25"/> vpon him þat he hatℏ not don his deveer in sucℏ crueƚƚ wise as þougℏ the officere wolde haue slayn him.  But after the firste nygℏt þat þei ben leyn by þei kepen hem so streytely þat þei ben not so hardy to speke with no man.  And I asked hem the cause whi þat þei helden sucℏ custom &amp; þei seyden me þat of olde tyme men hadden ben dede for deflourynge of maydenes þat hadden serpentes in hire bodyes þat stongen men vpon hire ȝerdes, þat þei dyeden anon.  And þerfore þei helden þat custom to make oþer men ordeynd þerfore, to lye be hire wyfes for drede of detℏ &amp; to assaye the passage be anotℏer <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">rather</SUPPLIED><PB REF="" N="1:191"/>
 þan for to putte hem in þat auenture. After þat is anoþer yle where þat wommen maken gret sorwe<PTR TARGET="P191.L2"/> whan hire children ben yborn And whan þei dyen þei maken gret feste &amp; gret ioye &amp; reueƚƚ &amp; þanne þei casten hem into a gret fuyr brennynge.  And þo þat louen wel hire husbondes, ȝif hire husbondes ben dede, þei casten hem also in the fuyr with hire children &amp; brennen hem.<PTR TARGET="P191.L7"/>  And þei seyn þat the fuyr schaƚƚ clensen hem of aƚƚ filtℏes &amp; of aƚƚ vices And þei schuƚƚ gon pured &amp; clene into anoþer world to hire husbondes, &amp; þei schuƚƚ leden hire children with hem.  And the cause whi þat þei wepen whan hire children ben born is þis: for whan þei comen into this world, þei comen to <MILESTONE N="121b" UNIT="folio"/> labour, sorwe and heuyness.  And whi þei maken ioye and gladnesse at hire dyenge is because þat as þei seyn þanne þei gon to paradys, where the ryueres rennen mylk &amp; hony, where þat men seen hem in ioye &amp; in habundance of godes, withouten sorwe &amp; labour.  In þat yle men maken hire kyng eueremore be electioun<PTR TARGET="P191.L18"/> And þey ne chesen him nougℏt for no noblesse ne for no ricchess, but sucℏ on as is of gode maneres &amp; of gode condiciouns, &amp; þerewithaƚƚ rigℏtfuƚƚ; And also þat he be of gret Age &amp; þat he haue no children.  In þat yle men ben fuƚƚ rigℏtfuƚƚ and þei don rigℏtfuƚƚ Iuggementes in euery cause, botℏe of riche &amp; pore, smale and grete, after the quantytee of the trespas þat is mysdon.  And the kyng may nougℏt deme noman to detℏ withouten assent of his barouns &amp; oþerwyse men of conseiƚƚ &amp; þat aƚƚ the court acorde þerto.  And ȝif the kyng himself do ony homycydie or ony cryme, as to sle a man or ony sucℏ cas, he schaƚƚ dye þerefore, but he schaƚƚ not be slayn as another man, But men schuƚƚ defende in peyne of detℏ þat noman be so hardy to make him companye, ne to speke with hym, ne þat noman ȝeue him ne selle him ne serue him noutℏer of mete ne of drynk; And so schaƚƚ he dye in myschef.  Þei spare noman þat hatℏ trespaced nouþer for loue ne for fauour ne for ricchess ne for nobless, but þat he schaƚƚ haue after þat he hatℏ don.<PB REF="" N="1:192"/>
Beȝonde þat yle<PTR TARGET="P192.L1"/> is anotℏer yle where is gret multytude of folk &amp; þei wole not for noþing eten flescℏ of hares ne of hennes ne of gees; And ȝit þei bryngen fortℏ ynowe for to seen hem &amp; to beholden hem only.  But þei eten flesscℏ of aƚƚ oþer bestes &amp; drynken mylk.  In þat contree þei <MILESTONE N="122a" UNIT="folio"/> taken hire dougℏtres &amp; hire sustres to here wyfes &amp; hire oþere kynneswommen, And ȝif þere ben .x. men or .xij. men or mo dwellynge in an hows, the wif of euerycℏ of hem schaƚƚ ben comoun to hem alle þat duellen in þat hows, So þat euery man may liggen with whom he wole of hem on o nygℏt &amp; with another Anotℏer nygℏt.  And ȝif sche haue ony child sche may ȝeue it to what man þat sche list þat hatℏ companyed with hire, so þat noman knowetℏ<PTR TARGET="P192.L13"/> þere Wheþer the child be his or anoþeres. And ȝif ony man seye to hem þat þei norisscℏen oþer mennes children, þei answeren þat so don oþer men hires. In þat contre &amp; be aƚƚ ynde ben gret plentee of COKODRILLES,<PTR TARGET="P192.L17"/> þat is a maner of a long serpent as I haue seyd before. And in the nygℏt þei dwellen in the water &amp; on the day vpon the lond in roches &amp; in CAUES.  And þei ete no mete in aƚƚ the wynter, but þei lyȝn as in a drem,<PTR TARGET="P92.L21"/> as don the serpentes.  Þeise serpentes slen men &amp; þei eten hem wepynge.  And whan þei eten þei meven the ouerjowe &amp; nougℏt the netℏer iowe &amp; þei haue no tonge.  In þat contree &amp; in many oþere beȝonde þat &amp; also in manye on this half, men putten in werke the sede of cotoun<PTR TARGET="P192.L26"/> And þei sowen it euery ȝeer &amp; þan growetℏ it in smale trees þat beren cotoun.  And so don men euery ȝere, so þat þere is plentee of cotoun at aƚƚ tymes.  Item in this yle &amp; in many oþere þere is a maner of wode hard &amp; strong, Whoso coueretℏ the coles of þat wode vnder the assches þereoffe, the coles wil duellen &amp; abyden aƚƚ quyk<PTR TARGET="P192.L32"/> a ȝere or more.  And þat tre hatℏ many leves as the GYNYPRE hatℏ.  &amp; þere ben also many trees þat of nature<PTR TARGET="P192.L34"/> þei wole neuer brenne ne rote in no manere.  And þere ben note trees þat beren notes als grete as a mannes hed.<PTR TARGET="P192.L36"/> Þere also be many bestes þat ben clept ORAFLES,<PTR TARGET="P192.L37"/> In<PB REF="" N="1:193"/>
 ARABYE þei ben clept GERFAUNTZ,<PTR TARGET="P193.L1"/> <MILESTONE N="122b" UNIT="folio"/> þat is a best pomelee<PTR TARGET="P193.L1b"/> or spotted, þat <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> but a lityƚƚ more higℏ þan is a stede, But he hatℏ the necke a .xx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. cubytes long, And his croupe &amp; his tayl is as of an hert And he may loken ouer a gret higℏ hous.  And þere ben also in þat contree manye CAMLES,<PTR TARGET="P193.L6"/> þat is a lytiƚƚ best as a GOOT þat is wylde &amp; he lyuetℏ be the eyr and etetℏ nougℏt ne drynketℏ nougℏt at no tyme.  And he chaungetℏ his colour oftentyme, For men seen him often sitℏes now in o colour &amp; now in anoþer colour, And he may chaunge him in to aƚƚ maner coloures þat him list, saf only in to red &amp; white. Þere ben also in þat contree passynge grete serpentes,<PTR TARGET="P193.L12"/> Summe of .vj<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. fote long &amp; þei ben of dyuerse coloures as rayed rede, grene &amp; ȝalowe, blewe &amp; blake &amp; aƚƚ spekelede. &amp; þere ben oþere þat han crestes vpon hire hedes &amp; þei gon
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">vpon</CORR><SIC>vpo/</SIC></CHOICE> hire feet vprigℏt And þei ben wel a .iiij. fadme gret or more.  And þei duellen aƚƚwey in roches or in
<CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">mountaynes</CORR><SIC>mount/taynes</SIC></CHOICE> And þei han aƚƚwey the throte open,<PTR TARGET="P193.L18"/> of whens þei droppen venym aƚƚweys.  And þere ben also wylde swyn<PTR TARGET="P193.L20"/> of many coloures als grete as ben oxen in oure contree &amp; þei ben aƚƚ spotted as ben ȝonge fownes. And þere ben also VRCHOUNES als grete as wylde swyn here, Wee clepen hem PORCZ DE SPYNE.  And þere ben lyouns aƚƚ white<PTR TARGET="P193.L24"/> gret &amp; mygℏty.  And þere ben also of oþer bestes als grete &amp; more gretter þan is a destrere, And men clepen hem LOERANCZ<PTR TARGET="P193.L26"/> And summen clepen hem ODENTHOS<PTR TARGET="P193.L27"/> And þei han a blak hed &amp; .iij. longe hornes trencℏant in the front scharpe as a swerd &amp; the body is sclendre;<PTR TARGET="P193.L29"/> And he is a fuƚƚ felonous best And he chacetℏ &amp; sleetℏ the <MILESTONE N="123a" UNIT="folio"/> OLIFANT.  Þere ben also manye oþer bestes fuƚƚ wykked &amp; crueƚƚ þat ben not mocheles more þan a bere And þei han the hede lycℏ a BORE &amp; þei han .vj. feet<PTR TARGET="P193.L32"/> And on euery foote .ij. large clawes trenchant And the body is lycℏ a BERE, &amp; the tayl as a lyoun.  And þere ben also myse<PTR TARGET="P193.L35"/> als grete as houndes &amp; ȝalowe myse<PTR TARGET="P193.L35b"/> als grete as RABENES.  And þere ben GEES<PTR TARGET="P193.L36"/> aƚƚ rede þre<PB REF="" N="1:194"/>
 sithes more gret þan oure here &amp; þei han the hed, the necke &amp; the brest aƚƚ blak.  And many oþer dyuerse bestes ben in þo contrees &amp; eƚƚwhere þere abouten &amp; manye dyuerse briddes also, of the whiche it were to longe for to teƚƚ ȝou &amp; þerfore I passe ouer at this tyme.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.33"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.32.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXXIII</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">VIRTUOUS HEATHENS AND HERETICS</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE GODENESS OF THE FOLK OF THE YLE OF BRAGMAN; OF KYNG ALISANDRE, AND WHERFORE THE EMPEROUR OF YNDE IS CLEPT PRESTRE IOℏN.</HEAD>
<P>AND beȝonde þat yle is anoþer yle gret &amp; gode and plentifous where þat ben gode folk &amp; trewe and of gode lyuynge after hire beleve and of gode feytℏ. And aƚƚ be it þat þei ben not cristned ne haue no perfyt lawe, ȝit natheles of kyndely lawe<PTR TARGET="P194.L10"/> þei ben fuƚƚ of aƚƚ vertue &amp; þei eschewen aƚƚ vices &amp; aƚƚ malices &amp; aƚƚ synnes. For þei ben not proude ne coueytous ne envyous ne wratℏfuƚƚ ne glotouns ne leccherous Ne þei don to no man oþer wise þan þei wolde þat oþer men diden to hem. And in this poynt þei fuƚƚfillen the .x. commandementes of god, And ȝif no charge of aveer ne of ricchess<PTR TARGET="P194.L16"/> And þei lye not ne þei swere not for non occasioun, but þei seyn symply ȜE and NAY, For þei seyn he þat sweretℏ wil disceyue his neygℏbore; And þerfore aƚƚ þat þei don þei don it withouten otℏ.  And men clepen þat yle the yle of BRAGMAN, And somme men clepen it the lond of feytℏ.<MILESTONE N="123b" UNIT="folio"/>
 And þorgℏ þat lond rennetℏ a gret ryuere þat is clept THEBE.<PTR TARGET="P194.L23"/> And in generaƚƚ aƚƚ the men of þo yles &amp; of aƚƚ the marches þereabouten ben more trewe þan in ony othere contrees þereabouten &amp; more rigℏtfuƚƚ þan oþere in aƚƚ thinges.  In þat yle is no thef<PTR TARGET="P194.L26"/> ne mordrere ne comoun womman ne pore beggere ne neuere was man slayn in þat contree.  And þei ben so chast &amp; leden so gode lif as þat þei weren religious men,<PTR TARGET="P194.L29"/> And þei fasten aƚƚ dayes.  And because þei ben so trewe &amp; so rightfuƚƚ &amp; so fuƚƚ of aƚƚ gode condiciouns þei weren neuere greued<PB REF="" N="1:195"/>
 with tempestes ne with thonder ne with leyt ne with hayl ne with pestylence ne with werre ne with hunger ne <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">with</CORR><SIC>wit</SIC></CHOICE> non oþer tribulacioun̄, as wee ben many tymes amonges vs for oure synnes.  Wherfore it semetℏ wel þat god louetℏ hem &amp; is plesed with hire creance for hire gode dedes.<PTR TARGET="P195.L5"/>  Þei beleven wel in god þat made aƚƚ thinges &amp; him þei worschipen.  And þei preysen non erthely ricchess, And so þei ben aƚƚ rigℏtfuƚƚ And þei lyuen fuƚƚ ordynatly &amp; so sobrely in mete &amp; drynk, þat þei lyuen rigℏt longe.  And the most part of hem dyen withouten sykness whan nature fayletℏ hem for elde. And it befeƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P195.L11"/> in kyng ALISANDRES tyme þat he purposed him to conquere þat yle &amp; to maken hem to holden of him. And whan þei of the contre herden it þei senten Messangeres to him with lettres þat seyden thus: What may ben ynow to þat man to whom aƚƚ the world is insuffisant?  Þou schalt fynde no thing in vs þat may cause þe to werren aȝenst vs.  For wee haue no ricchess ne none wee coueyten, And aƚƚ the godes of oure contree ben in comoun.  Oure mete þat wee susteyne with aƚƚ oure bodyes is oure ricchess, And in <MILESTONE N="124a" UNIT="folio"/> stede of tresour of gold &amp; syluer wee maken oure tresoure of accord &amp; pees &amp; for to loue euery man oþer.  And for to apparaylle with oure bodyes wee vsen a sely lityƚƚ clout for to wrappen in oure careynes.  Oure wyfes<PTR TARGET="P195.L25"/> ne ben not arrayed for to make no man plesance, but only counable array for to eschewe folye.  Whan men peynen hem to arraye the body for to make it semen fayrere þan god made it, þei don gret synne, For man schold not devise ne Aske gretter beautee þan god hatℏ ordeyned man to ben at his birtℏe.  The ertℏe mynystretℏ to vs .ij. thinges:<PTR TARGET="P195.L32"/> Oure liflode þat cometℏ of the ertℏe þat wee lyue by &amp; oure sepulture after oure detℏ.  Wee haue ben in perpetueƚƚ pees tiƚƚ now þat þou come to disherite vs.  And also wee haue a kyng nougℏt only<PTR TARGET="P195.L35"/> for to do Iustice to euery man, for he schaƚƚ fynde no forfete among vs, but<PB REF="" N="1:196"/>
 for to kepe nobless &amp; for to schewe þat wee ben obeyssant wee haue a kyng.  For Iustice ne hatℏ not among vs no place, for wee don to noman oþer wise þan wee desiren þat men don to vs, so þat rigℏtwisness<PTR TARGET="P196.L4"/> ne vengeance han nougℏt to don amonges vs; so þat no thing þou may take fro vs but oure gode pes þat aƚƚ weys hatℏ dured among vs.  And whan kyng ALISANDRE had rad þeise lettres he thougℏte þat he scholde do gret synne for to trouble hem And þanne he sente hem surteez þat þei scholde not ben aferd of him &amp; þat þei scholde kepen hire gode maneres &amp; hire gode pees as þei hadden vsed before of custom &amp; so he let hem allone. Anoþer yle þere is þat men clepen OXIDRATE &amp; anoþer yle þat men clepen GYNOSOPHE<PTR TARGET="P196.L13"/> Where þere is also gode folk &amp; fuƚƚ of gode feytℏ.  And þei holden for the moste <MILESTONE N="124b" UNIT="folio"/> partye the gode condiciouns and customs &amp; gode maneres as men of the contree aboueseyd, but þei gon aƚƚ naked.  Into þat yle entred kyng ALISANDRE to see the manere, And whan he saugℏ hire gret feytℏ &amp; hire trouthe þat was amonges hem, he seyde þat he wolde not greuen hem And bad hem aske of hym what þat þei wolde haue of him, ricchess or ony thing elles &amp; þei scholde haue it with gode wille.  And þei answerden þat he was riche ynow þat hadde mete &amp; drynke to susteyne the body with, For the ricchess of this world þat is transitorie is not wortℏ.  But ȝif it were in his powere to make hem jnmortaƚƚ, þereof wolde þei preyen him &amp; thanken him.  And Alisandre answerde hem þat it was not in his powere to don it, because he was morteƚƚ as þei were.  And þanne þei asked him whi he was so proud &amp; so fierce &amp; so besy for to putten aƚƚ the world vnder his subiectioun, rigℏt as þou were a god &amp; hast no terme of thi lif, neiþer day ne hour, And wylnest to haue aƚƚ the world at thi commandement, þat schaƚƚ leve þe withouten fayle or þou leve it.  And rigℏt as it hatℏ ben to oþer men before þe, rigℏt so it schaƚƚ ben to oþere after þe And from hens schaltow bere no thyng, But as þou were born naked, rigℏt so aƚƚ naked schall þi body ben turned<PB REF="" N="1:197"/>
 into ertℏe þat þou were made of.  Wherfore þou scholdest thenke &amp; jmpresse it in thi mynde þat no þing is jnmortaƚƚ but only god þat made aƚƚ þing.  Be the whiche answere ALISANDRE was gretly astoneyed &amp; abayst &amp; aƚƚ confuse<PTR TARGET="P197.L4"/> departed from hem.  And aƚƚ be it þat<PTR TARGET="P197.L5"/> theyse folk han not the articles of oure feytℏ as wee han, natℏeles for hire gode feytℏ natureƚƚ &amp; for hire gode entent I trowe fully þat god louetℏ hem &amp; þat god <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">taketℏ</CORR><SIC>take</SIC></CHOICE> hire seruyse to gree, rigℏt as he did of IOB þat was a paynem &amp; held <MILESTONE N="125a" UNIT="folio"/> him for his trewe seruant.  And þerfore aƚƚ be it þat þere ben many dyuerse lawes in the world, ȝit I trowe þat god louetℏ alweys hem þat louen him &amp; seruen him mekely in troutℏe And namely hem þat dispysen the veyn glorie of this world, as þis folk don &amp; as job did also.  And þerfore seyde oure lord be the moutℏ of OZEE the propℏete:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">PONAM EIS MULTIPLICES LEGES MEAS.</Q><PTR TARGET="P197.L16"/>  And also in another place:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">QUI TOTUM ORBEM SUBDIT SUIS LEGIBUS.</Q><PTR TARGET="P197.L17"/> And also oure lord seytℏ in the gospeƚƚ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ALIAS OUES HABEO, QUE NON SUNT EX HOC OUILI.</Q><PTR TARGET="P197.L18"/>  Þat is to seyne þat he hadde otℏere seruauntes þan þo þat ben vnder cristene lawe.  And to þat acordetℏ the avisioun þat seynt PETER saugℏ at IAFF, How the aungel cam from heuene &amp; brougℏte before him dyuerse bestes as serpentes &amp; oþer crepynge bestes of the ertℏe &amp; of oþer also gret plentee, and bad him take &amp; ete.  And seynt PETER answerde: I ete neuer, quod he, of vnclene bestes.  And þanne seyde the aungeƚƚ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">NON DICAS INMUNDA QUE DEUS MUNDAUIT.</Q><PTR TARGET="P197.L27"/> And þat was in tokene þat noman scholde haue in despite non ertℏely man for here dyuerse lawes, For wee knowe not whom god louetℏ ne whom god hatetℏ.<PTR TARGET="P197.L30"/>  And for þat ensample whan men seyn <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">DE PROFUNDIS:</SEG></TITLE> þei seyn it in comoun &amp; in generaƚƚ, with the cristene:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">PRO ANIMABUS OMNIUM DEFUNCTORUM PRO QUIBUS SIT ORANDUM.</Q><PTR TARGET="P197.L32"/>  And þerfore seye I of this folk þat ben so trewe &amp; so feythfuƚƚ, þat god louetℏ hem, For he hatℏ amonges hem many of the prophetes &amp; aƚƚwey hatℏ had.  And in þo yles þei<PB REF="" N="1:198"/>
 prophecyed<PTR TARGET="P198.L1"/> the JNCARNACIOUN of oure lord IHESU CRIST; How he scholde ben born of a mayden .iij. Miƚƚ ȝeer or more or<PTR TARGET="P198.L3"/> oure lord was born of the virgyne MARIE.  And þei beleeven wel in the JNCARNACIOUN &amp; þat fuƚƚ perfitely, but þei knowe not the manere how he suffred, his passioun and detℏ for vs. And beȝonde þeise yles þere is anotℏer yle þat is clept PYTAN.<PTR TARGET="P198.L7"/>  The folk of þat contree <MILESTONE N="125b" UNIT="folio"/> ne tyle not ne laboure not the ertℏe, for þei eten no manere thing.  And þei ben of gode colour &amp; of faire schap after hire gretness, But the smale ben as DWERGHES, but not so lityƚƚ as ben the PIGMEYES.  Þeise men lyuen be the smeƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P198.L11"/> of wylde APPLES And whan þei gon ony fer weye þei beren the APPLES with hem, For ȝif þei hadden lost the sauour of the APPLES þei scholde dyen anon.  Þei ne ben not fuƚƚ resonable but þei ben symple &amp; bestyaƚƚ.
After þat is anotℏer yle where the folk ben aƚƚ skynned<PTR TARGET="P198.L16"/> rougℏ heer as a rougℏ best, saf only the face &amp; the pawme of the hond.  Þeise folk gon als wel vnder the water of the see as þei don aboue the lond aƚƚ drye And þei eten boþe flesscℏ &amp; fisscℏ aƚƚ raugℏ.<PTR TARGET="P198.L20"/>  In this yle is a gret Ryuere þat is wel a .ij. myle &amp; an half of brede þat is clept BUEMARE.<PTR TARGET="P198.L22"/>  And fro þat Ryuere a .xv. iorneyes in lengtℏe goynge be the desertes of the totℏer syde of the Ryuere Whoso mygℏt gon it, for I was not þere, But it was told vs of hem of the contree, þat withjnne þo desertes weren the trees of the SONNE &amp; of the MONE,<PTR TARGET="P198.L26"/> þat spaken to kyng ALISANDRE And warned him of his detℏ. And men seyn þat the folk þat kepen þo trees &amp; eten of the frute &amp; of the bawme<PTR TARGET="P198.L30"/> þat growetℏ þere lyuen wel .cccc. ȝeer or .D. ȝeere be vertue of the frut &amp; of the bawme.  For men seyn þat bawme growetℏ þere in gret plentee &amp; nowhere elles, saf only at Babyloyne, as I haue told<PTR TARGET="P198.L32"/> ȝou before.  Wee wolden han gon toward tho trees fuƚƚ gladly, ȝif wee had mygℏt, But I trowe þat an .C. Miƚƚ men of Armes myghten not passen þo desertes safly, for the gret multytude of wylde bestes<PTR TARGET="P198.L36"/> &amp; of grete dragouns &amp; of grete serpentes þat þere ben, þat slen &amp;<PB REF="" N="1:199"/>
 deuouren aƚƚ þat comen aneyntes hem.  In þat contre<MILESTONE N="126a" UNIT="folio"/>
 ben manye white OLIFANTES withouten nombre &amp; of vnycornes &amp; of lyouns of many maneres And many of sucℏe bestes þat I haue told before &amp; of many oþer hydouse bestes withouten nombre.  Manye othere yles þere ben in the lond of Prestre Ioℏn &amp; manye grete merueyles þat weren to long to tellen aƚƚ, botℏe of his ricchesse &amp; of his nobless And of the gret plentee also of precious stones þat he hatℏ. I trowe þat ȝee knowe wel ynow &amp; haue herd seye wherfore<PTR TARGET="P199.L10"/> this Emperour is clept Prestre Ioℏn, But natℏeles for hem þat knowen not I schaƚƚ seye ȝou the cause.  It was somtyme an Emperour þere, þat was a wortℏi &amp; a fuƚƚ noble Prynce, þat hadde cristene knygℏtes in his companye, as he ℏath þat is now.  So it befeƚƚ þat he hadde gret list for to see the seruise in the chirche among cristene men.  And þan dured cristendom beȝonde the see aƚƚ TURKYE, SURRYE, TARTARIE, IERUSALEM, PALESTYNE, ARABYE, HALAPPEE &amp; aƚƚ the lond of EGYPTE.  So it befeƚƚ þat this Emperour cam with a cristene knygℏt with him in to a chirche in EGYPT And it was the Saterday in wyttsonwoke And the Bisshopp made ordres.  And he beheld &amp; listend the seruyse fuƚƚ tentyfly And he asked the cristene knygℏt what men of degree þei scholden ben þat the prelate had before him. And the knygℏt answerde &amp; seyde þat þei scholde ben prestes.  And þan the Emperour seyde þat he wolde no lenger ben clept kyng ne Emperour, but Preest And þat he wolde haue the name of the firste preest þat wente out of the chircℏe.  And his name was IOℏN.  And so eueremore sitℏens he is clept Prestre Ioℏn.  In his lond ben manye cristene men of gode feytℏ &amp; of gode lawe &amp; namely of hem of the same contree &amp; han comoun <MILESTONE N="126b" UNIT="folio"/> ly hire prestes þat syngen the messe &amp; maken the sacrement of the awtier of bred rigℏt as the GREKES don.  But þei seye not so manye thinges at the messe as men don here, For þei seye not but only þat þat the APOSTLES seyden, as oure lord taugℏte hem, Rigℏt as Seynt PETER &amp; seynt<PB REF="" N="1:200"/>
 THOMAS &amp; the oþer APOSTLES songen the mess, seyenge the <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">PATER NOSTER</SEG></TITLE> &amp; the wordes of the sacrement.  But wee haue many mo Addiciouns þat dyuerse POPES<PTR TARGET="P200.L3"/> han made þat þei ne knowe not offe.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.34"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.33.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXXIV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">THE GOLD COUNTRY.  PARADISE</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE HILLES OF GOLD ÞAT PISSEMYRES KEPEN, AND OF THE .IIIJ. FLODES ÞAT COMEN FROM PARADYS TERRESTRE.</HEAD>
<P>TOWARD the EST partye of Prestre Ioℏnes lond is an yle gode &amp; gret þat men clepen TAPROBANE<PTR TARGET="P200.L6"/> þat is fuƚƚ noble &amp; fuƚƚ fructuous And the kyng þereof is fuƚƚ riche &amp; is under the obeyssance of Prestre Ioℏn.  And aƚƚweys þere þei make hire kyng be eleccyoun.  In þat yle ben .ij. SOMERES<PTR TARGET="P200.L10"/> &amp; .ij. WYNTRES &amp; men hervesten the corn twyes a ȝeer.  And in aƚƚ the cesouns of the ȝeer ben the gardynes florisscℏt.  Þere dwellen gode folk &amp; resonable &amp; manye cristene men amonges hem þat ben so riche þat þei wyte not what to done with hire godes.  Of olde tyme whan men passed from the lond of Prestre Ioℏn vnto þat yle men maden ordynance for to passe by schippe .xxiij. dayes or more, But now men passen by schippe in .vij. dayes; And men may see the botme of the see in many places, for it is not fuƚƚ depe. Besyde þat yle toward the EST ben .ij. oþer yles And men clepen þat on ORILLE &amp; þat otℏer ARGYTE,<PTR TARGET="P200.L21"/> of the whicℏe aƚƚ the lond is MYNE of gold &amp; syluer.  And þo yles ben rigℏt where þat the REDE SEE <MILESTONE N="127a" UNIT="folio"/> departetℏ fro the see OCCEAN, And in þo yles men seen þer no sterres so clerely as in oþer places, For þere apperen no sterres but only o clere sterre þat men clepen CANAPOS.<PTR TARGET="P200.L26"/>  And þere is not the mone seyn in aƚƚ the LUNACIOUN saf only the seconde quarteroun.  In the yle also of þis TAPROBANE ben grete hilles of gold þat PISSEMYRES<PTR TARGET="P200.L29"/> kepen fuƚƚ diligently, And þei fynen the pured gold &amp; casten a wey the vnpured. And þeise PISSEMYRES ben grete as houndes so þat noman dar come to þo hilles, for the PISSEMYRES wolde assayllen<PB REF="" N="1:201"/>
 hem &amp; deuouren hem anon, so þat noman may gete of þat gold but be gret sleigℏte.  And þerfore whan it is gret hete the pissemyres resten hem in the erthe from pryme of the day in to noon And þan the folk of the contree taken CAMAYLES, DROMEDARIES &amp; HORS &amp; oþer bestes &amp; gon thider &amp; chargen hem in aƚƚ haste þat þei may.  And after þat þei fleen awey in aƚƚ þat the bestes may go or the pissemyres comen out of the ertℏe.  And in oþer tymes whan it is not so hote &amp; þat the pissemyres ne resten hem not in the ertℏe, þan þei geten gold be this sotyltee.  Þei taken mares þat han ȝonge coltes<PTR TARGET="P201.L11"/> or foles &amp; leyn vpon the mares voyde vesselles made þerfore &amp; þei ben aƚƚ open abouen &amp; hangynge lowe to the ertℏe.  And þanne þei sende fortℏ þo mares for to pasturen aboute þo hilles &amp; withholden the foles with hem at home.  And whan the pissemyres sen þo vesselles, þei lepen in anon, And þei han this kynde, þat þei lete no thing ben empty among hem, but anon þei fillen it, be it what maner of þing þat it be, <MILESTONE N="127b" UNIT="folio"/> &amp; so þei fillen þo vesselles with gold.  And whan þat the folk supposen þat the vesseƚƚ ben fulle, Þei putten fortℏ Anon the ȝonge foles &amp; maken hem to nyȝen after hire dames &amp; þan Anon the mares retornen towardes hire foles with hire charges of gold &amp; þan men dischargen hem &amp; geten gold ynow be this sotyltee, For the PISSEMYRES wole suffren bestes to gon and pasturen amonges hem, but no man in no wyse. And beȝonde the lond &amp; the yles &amp; the desertes of Prestre Ioℏnes lordschipe in goynge streigℏt towardes the est, men fynde no þing but montaynes &amp; roches fuƚƚ grete.  And þere is the derke Regyoun<PTR TARGET="P201.L29"/> Where no man may see nouþer be day ne be nygℏte as þei of the contree seyn.  And þat desert &amp; þat place of derknesse duren fro this cost vnto paradys terrestre, where þat Adam oure formest fader &amp; Eue weren putt þat dwelleden þere but lytyƚƚ while, And þat is towardes the EST at the begynnynge of the ertℏe.  But þat is not þat EST þat we clepe oure EST on this half, where the sonne risetℏ to vs, for whanne the sonne is EST in<PB REF="" N="1:202"/>
 þo partyes toward paradys terrestre, it is þanne mydnygℏt in oure parties o this half for the roundeness of the ertℏe, of the whicℏe I haue towched to ȝou of before.  For oure lord god made the ertℏe aƚƚ rownd, in the mydde place of the firmament, And þere as mountaynes &amp; hilles ben &amp; valeyes þat is not but only of Noes flode þat wasted the softe ground &amp; the tendre &amp; feƚƚ doun into valeyes.  And the harde ertℏe &amp; the roche abyden mountaynes, Whan the soft ertℏe &amp; tendre wax nesscℏe þorgℏ the water &amp; feƚƚ and <MILESTONE N="128a" UNIT="folio"/> becamen valeyes. Of paradys ne can I not speken propurly for I was not þere; it is fer beȝonde &amp; þat forthinketℏ me.  And also I was not wortℏi.  But as I haue herd seye of wyse men beȝonde, I schaƚƚ telle ȝou with gode wiƚƚ.  Paradys terrestre, as wise men seyn is the higℏest place of ertℏe þat is in aƚƚ the world And it is so higℏ þat it touchetℏ nygℏ to the cercle of the mone, þere as the mone maketℏ hire torn.  For sche<PTR TARGET="P202.L17"/> is so higℏ þat the flode of Noe ne mygℏt not come to hire þat wolde haue couered aƚƚ þe ertℏe of the world aƚƚ abowte &amp; abouen &amp; benetℏen, saf paradys only allone And this paradys is enclosed aƚƚ aboute with a waƚƚ &amp; men wyte not wherof it is, For the walles ben couered aƚƚ ouer with mosse,<PTR TARGET="P202.L23"/> as it semetℏ.  And it semetℏ not þat the waƚƚ is ston of nature ne of non oþer thing þat the waƚƚ is. And þat waƚƚ strecchetℏ fro the SOUTℏ to the nortℏ And it hatℏ not but on entree þat is closed with fyre brennynge, so þat noman þat is mortaƚƚ ne dar not entren.
And in the most higℏ place of paradys, euene in the myddel place, is a welle þat castetℏ out the .iiij. flodes<PTR TARGET="P202.L29"/> þat rennen be dyuerse londes.  Of the whiche the firste is clept PHISON or GANGES, þat is aƚƚ on, and it rennetℏ þorgℏout YNDE or EMLAK,<PTR TARGET="P202.L32"/> In the whiche Ryuere ben manye preciouse stones And mochel of LIGNUM ALOES And moche graueƚƚ of gold.  And þat oþer Ryuere is clept NILUS or GYSON, þat gotℏ be ETHIOPE &amp; after be EGYPT.  And þat oþer is clept TIGRIS, þat rennetℏ be ASSIRYE &amp; be ARMENYE the grete.  And þat otℏer is clept EUFRATE þat rennetℏ also<PB REF="" N="1:203"/>
 be MEDEE &amp; be AR <MILESTONE N="128b" UNIT="folio"/> MONYE and be PERSYE.  And men þere beȝonde seyn þat alle the swete watres of the world abouen &amp; benetℏen taken hire begynnynge of þat welle of Paradys And out of þat welle aƚƚ watres comen &amp; gon. The firste Ryuere is clept PHISON, þat is to seyne in hire langage ASSEMBLEE, For manye oþere Ryueres meten hem þere &amp; gon into þat Ryuere.  And summen clepen it GANGES for a kyng þat was in YNDE þat higℏte GANGERES &amp; þat it ran þorgℏout his lond.  And þat water <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> in sum place clere &amp; in sum place trouble, In sum place hoot &amp; in sum place cold.  The seconde Ryuere is clept NILUS or GYSON, for it is aƚƚwey trouble And GYSON in the langage of ETHIOPE is to seye trouble.  And in the langage of EGIPT also.<PTR TARGET="P203.L13"/>  The thridde Ryuere þat is clept TIGRIS is as moche for to seye as faste rennynge For he rennetℏ more faste þan ony of the toþere And also þere <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> a best þat is cleped TIGRIS<PTR TARGET="P203.L17"/> þat is faste rennynge.  The fourtℏe Ryuere is clept EUFRATES, þat is to seyne wel berynge for þere growen many godes vpon þat Ryuere as cornes, frutes &amp; oþere godes ynowe plentee. And ȝee schuƚƚ vnderstonde þat noman þat is morteƚƚ ne may not approchen<PTR TARGET="P203.L21"/> to þat paradys.  For be londe noman may go for wylde bestes þat ben in the desertes &amp; for the higℏ mountaynes &amp; grete huge Roches þat noman may passe by, for the derke places þat ben þere<PTR TARGET="P203.L25"/> &amp; þat manye.  And be the Ryueres may noman go, for the water rennetℏ so rudely &amp; so scharply because þat it cometℏ doun so outrageously<MILESTONE N="129a" UNIT="folio"/>
 from the higℏ places abouen, þat it rennetℏ in so grete wawes þat no schipp may not rowe ne seyle aȝenes it. And the water roretℏ so &amp; maketℏ so huge noyse<PTR TARGET="P203.L30"/> &amp; so gret tempest þat noman may here oþer in the schipp, þougℏ he cryede with aƚƚ the craft þat he cowde in the hieste voys þat he mygℏte.  Many grete lordes han assayed with gret wille many tymes for to passen be þo ryueres toward paradys with fuƚƚ grete companyes, But þei mygℏte not speden in hire viage.  And manye dyeden for weryness of<PB REF="" N="1:204"/>
 rowynge aȝenst þo stronge wawes, And many of hem becamen blynde And many deve for the noyse of the water.  And summe weren perisscℏt &amp; loste witℏjnne the wawes, so þat no morteƚƚ man may approche to þat place withouten specyaƚƚ grace of god, so þat of þat place I can sey ȝou nomore And þerfore I schaƚƚ holde me stille And retornen to þat þat I haue seen.</P>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="chapter" ID="Cot.Ch.35"><HEADNOTE><P>[Corresponds to Eg.Ch.34.]</P></HEADNOTE>
<HEAD TYPE="numeral-editorial">Chapter XXXV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text-editorial">HEATHEN BELIEFS.  THE POPE'S APPROVAL</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="MS">OF THE CUSTOMS OF KYNGES &amp; OÞERE ÞAT DWELLEN IN THE YLES COSTYNGE TO PRESTRE IOℏNES LOND, AND OF THE WORSCHIPE ÞAT THE SONE DOTℏ TO THE FADER WHAN HE IS DEDE.</HEAD>
<P>FROM þo yles þat I haue spoken of before in the lond of Prestre Ioℏn, þat ben vnder ertℏe as to vs þat ben o this half And of oþer yles þat ben more furtℏere beȝonde, Whoso wil pursuen hem for to comen<PTR TARGET="P204.L11"/> aȝen right to the parties þat he cam fro &amp; so enviroune aƚƚ ertℏe. but what for the yles, what for the see &amp; what for strong rowynge fewe folk assayen for to passen þat passage, aƚƚ be it þat men mygℏte don it wel þat mygℏt <MILESTONE N="129b" UNIT="folio"/> ben of power to dresse him þereto as I haue seyd ȝou before.  And þerfore men returnen from þo yles aboueseyd be oþer yles costynge fro the lond of Prestre Ioℏn And þanne comen men in returnynge to an yle þat is clept CASSON<PTR TARGET="P204.L19"/> And þat yle hatℏ wel .lx. iorneyes in lengtℏe &amp; more þan .l. in brede.  This is the beste yle &amp; the beste kyngdom þat is in aƚƚ þo partyes outtaken CATHAY.  And ȝif the marchauntes vseden als mocℏe þat contre as þei don CATHAY, it wolde ben better þan CATHAY in a schort while.  This contree is fuƚƚ wel enhabyted &amp; so fuƚƚ of cytees &amp; of gode townes &amp; enhabyted with peple, þat whan a man gotℏ out of o cytee men seen anotℏer cytee euene before hem. And þat is what partye<PTR TARGET="P204.L28"/> þat a man go in aƚƚ þat contree. In þat yle is gret plentee of aƚƚ godes for to lyue with &amp; of aƚƚ manere of spices And þere ben grete forestes of<PB REF="" N="1:205"/>
 CHESTEYNES.  The kyng of þat yle is fuƚƚ riche &amp; fuƚƚ mygℏty And natheles he holt his lond of the grete CHANE &amp; is obeyssant to him, For it is on of the .xij. prouynces þat the gret CHANE hatℏ vnder him withouten his propre lond &amp; withouten oþer lesse yles þat he hatℏ, for he hatℏ fuƚƚ manye.  From þat kyngdom comen men in returnynge to anoþer yle þat is clept RYBOTℏ<PTR TARGET="P205.L7"/> &amp; it is also vnder the grete CHANE Þat is a fuƚƚ gode contree &amp; fuƚƚ plentefous of aƚƚ godes &amp; of wynes &amp; frut &amp; aƚƚ oþer ricchess.  And the folk of þat contree han none houses but þei dwellen &amp; lyggen aƚƚ vnder tentes made of blak ferne<PTR TARGET="P205.L12"/> by aƚƚ the contree.  And the princypaƚƚ cytee &amp; the most royaƚƚ is aƚƚ walled with blak ston &amp; white, <MILESTONE N="130a" UNIT="folio"/> And aƚƚ the stretes also ben patℏed<PTR TARGET="P205.L14"/> of the same stones.  In þat cytee is noman so hardy to schede blode of noman ne of no best for the reuerence of an ydole þat is worschipt þere.  And in þat yle dwelletℏ the POPE of hire lawe þat þei clepen lobassy.  This LOBASSY<PTR TARGET="P205.L18"/> ȝeuetℏ aƚƚ the benefices &amp; alle oþer dignytees &amp; aƚƚ oþer thinges þat belongen to the ydole And alle þo þat holden onything of hire chirches, Religious &amp; oþere obeyen to him as men don here to the POPE OF ROME. In þat yle þei han a custom be aƚƚ the contree þat whan the fader is ded<PTR TARGET="P205.L23"/> of ony man &amp; the sone list to do gret worschipe to his fader, he sendetℏ to aƚƚ his frendes &amp; to aƚƚ his kyn &amp; for religious men &amp; preestes &amp; for mynstraƚƚ also gret plentee.  And þanne men beren the dede body vnto a gret hiƚƚ with gret ioye &amp; solempnyte And whan þei han brougℏte it thider the chief prelate smytetℏ of the hede And leytℏ it vpon a gret platere of gold or of syluer, ȝif <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">he</SUPPLIED> be so ryche a man.  And þan he taketℏ the hede to the sone And þanne the sone &amp; his oþer kyn syngen &amp; seyn manye orisouns.  And þanne the prestes &amp; the Religious men smyten aƚƚ the body of the dede man in peces And þanne þei seyn certeyn orisouns.  And the foules of raveyne of aƚƚ the contree abowten knowen the custom of long tyme before <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">&amp;</SUPPLIED> comen<PB REF="" N="1:206"/>
 fleenge abouen in the eyr as EGLES, GLEDES, RAUENES &amp; oþere foules of raveyne þat eten flescℏ.  And þan the preestes casten the gobettes of the flescℏ &amp; þan the foules ecℏe of hem taketℏ þat he may &amp; gotℏ a litiƚƚ þens &amp; etetℏ it, And so þei don whils ony pece lastetℏ of the dede body.  And after þat, as preestes amonges vs syngen for the dede: <MILESTONE N="130b" UNIT="folio"/>
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">SUBUENITE SANCTI DEI &amp; CETERA,</Q><PTR TARGET="P206.L7"/> rigℏt so þo prestes syngen with higℏ voys in hire langage: Beholdetℏ how so wortℏi a man &amp; how gode a man this was, þat the Aungeles of god comen for to sechen him &amp; for to bryngen him in to paradys.  And þanne semetℏ it to the sone þat he is higℏliche worschipt whan þat manye briddes &amp; foules of raveyne comen &amp; eten his fader, And he þat hatℏ most nombre of foules is most worschiped.  And þanne the sone bryngetℏ hoom with him aƚƚ his kyn &amp; his frendes &amp; aƚƚ the oþere to his hows &amp; maketℏ hem a gret feste, And þanne aƚƚ his frendes maken hire avaunt &amp; hire dalyance how the foules comen þider, here .v. here .vj. here .x. &amp; þere .xx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. &amp; so fortℏ &amp; þei reioyssen hem hugely for to speke þere of.  And whan þei ben at mete, the sone let brynge fortℏ<PTR TARGET="P206.L21"/> the hede of his fader &amp; þere of he ȝeuetℏ of the flescℏ to his most specyaƚƚ frendes in stede of entremess or a sukkarke.<PTR TARGET="P206.L23"/>  And of the brayn panne he letetℏ make a cuppe &amp; þere of drynketℏ he &amp; his oþer frendes also, with gret deuocioun in remembrance of the holy man þat the Aungeles of god han eten.  And þat cuppe the sone schaƚƚ kepe to drynken of aƚƚ his lif tyme in remembrance of his fadir. From þat lond in returnynge be .x. iorneys þorgℏ out the lond of the grete CHANE is anoþer gode yle &amp; a gret kyngdom where the kyng is fuƚƚ riche &amp; mygℏty. And amonges the riche men of his contree is a passynge riche man þat is no PRYNCE ne DUK ne ERL, But he hatℏ mo þat holden of him londes &amp; oþer lordschipes, for he is more ricℏe,<PTR TARGET="P206.L35"/> for he hatℏ euery ȝeer of annueƚƚ rente .CCC. Miƚƚ. <MILESTONE N="131a" UNIT="folio"/> hors charged with corn of dyuerse greynes &amp; of ryȝs.  And so he ledetℏ a fuƚƚ noble<PB REF="" N="1:207"/>
 lif &amp; a delycate after the custom of the contree.  For he hatℏ euery day .l. faire damyseles<PTR TARGET="P207.L2"/> aƚƚ maydenes þat seruen him eueremore at his mete &amp; for to lye be hem o nygℏt &amp; for to do with hem þat is to his plesance.  And whan he is at the table þei bryngen him hys mete at euery tyme .v. and .v. togedre<PTR TARGET="P207.L6"/> And in bryngynge hire seruyse þei syngen a song And after þat þei kutten his mete &amp; putten it in his moutℏ, for he towchetℏ nothing ne handletℏ nougℏt, but holdetℏ eueremore his hondes before him vpon the table.  For he hatℏ so longe nayles þat he may take no thing ne handle no thing.  For the noblesse of þat contree is to haue longe nayles<PTR TARGET="P207.L12"/> &amp; to make hem growen aƚƚ weys to ben als longe as men may, And þere ben manye in þat contree þat han hire nayles so longe þat þei envyroune aƚƚ the hond, And þat is a gret noblesse.  And the nobless of the wommen is for to hauen smale feet &amp; litiƚƚ, And þerfore anon as þei ben born, þey lete bynde hire feet<PTR TARGET="P207.L17"/> so streyte þat þei may not growen half as nature wolde.  And this <SUPPLIED REASON="scribal omission" RESP="PH">is</SUPPLIED> the nobleye of the wommen þere to haue smale feet &amp; lityƚƚ.  And aƚƚweys þeise damyseles þat I spak of beforn syngen aƚƚ the tyme þat this riche man etetℏ.  And whan þat he etetℏ no more of his firste cours þanne oþer .v. &amp; .v. of faire damyseles bryngen him his seconde cours aƚƚ weys syngynge as þei dide beforn. And so þei don contynuelly euery day to the ende of his mete &amp; in this manere <MILESTONE N="131b" UNIT="folio"/> he ledetℏ his lif And so dide þei before him þat weren his Auncestres &amp; so schuƚƚ þei þat comen after him, withouten doynge of ony dedes of Armes,<PTR TARGET="P207.L28"/> but lyuen eueremore þus in ese as a swyn þat is fedd in sty for to ben made fatte.  He hatℏ a fuƚƚ fair palays &amp; fuƚƚ riche, where þat he dwelletℏ jnne, of the whiche the walles ben in cyrcuyt .ij. myle.  And he hatℏ withjnne many faire gardynes And many faire halles &amp; chambres And the pawment of his halles &amp; chambres ben of gold &amp; syluer.  And in the myd place<PTR TARGET="P207.L35"/> of on of hys gardynes is a lytyƚƚ mountayne Where þere is a lityƚƚ<PB REF="" N="1:208"/>
 medewe And in þat medewe is a lityƚƚ toothiƚƚ<PTR TARGET="P208.L1"/> with toures &amp; pynacles aƚƚ of gold And in þat lityƚƚ toothiƚƚ wole he sytten often tyme for to taken the ayr &amp; to desporten hym.  For þat place is made for no þing elles but only for his desport. Fro þat contree men comen be the lond of the grete CHANE also þat I haue spoken of before. And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde þat of aƚƚ þeise contrees &amp; of aƚƚ þeise yles &amp; of aƚƚ the dyuerse folk þat I haue spoken of before &amp; of dyuerse lawes &amp; of dyuerse beleeves þat þei han, ȝit is þere non of hem alle but þat þei han sum resoun within hem &amp; understondynge, but ȝif it be the fewere, &amp; þat han certeyn Articƚes of oure feitℏ &amp; summe gode poyntes of oure beleeve.  And þat þei beleeven in god þat formede aƚƚ þing &amp; made the world And clepen him god of nature,<PTR TARGET="P208.L15"/> after þat the prophete seytℏ:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">ET METUENT EUM OMNES FINES TERRE,</Q><PTR TARGET="P208.L15b"/> And also in anoþer place:
<Q TYPE="citation" LANG="lat">OMNES GENTES SERUIENT EI,</Q><PTR TARGET="P208.L16"/> Þat is to seyne:  Alle folk schul seruen him.  But ȝit þei cone not speken perfytly, for þere is no <MILESTONE N="132a" UNIT="folio"/> man to techen hem, but only þat þei cone deuyse be hire natureƚƚ wytt.  For þei han no knouleche of the sone ne of the holy gost.  But þei cone aƚƚ speken of the BIBLE &amp; namely of GENESIS, of the prophetes sawes And of the bokes of Moyses.  And þei seyn wel þat the creatures þat worschipen hem<PTR TARGET="P208.L24"/> ne ben no goddes, but þei worschipen hem for the vertue þat is in hem þat may not be but only be the grace of god. And of SIMULACRES &amp; of YDOLES þei seyn þat þere ben no folk but þat þei han SIMULACRES And þat þei seyn for wee cristen men han ymages,<PTR TARGET="P208.L29"/> as of oure lady &amp; of oþere seyntes þat wee worschipen, Nogℏt<PTR TARGET="P208.L30"/> the ymages of tree or of ston, but the seyntes in whoos name þei ben made after.  For rigℏt as the bokes &amp; the scripture of hem techen the clerkes how &amp; in what manere þei schuƚƚ beleeven, rigℏt so the ymages &amp; the peyntynges techen the lewed folk to worschipen the seyntes &amp; to haue hem in hire mynde in whoos name þat þe ymages ben made after.  Þei seyn also þat the aungeles of god<PB REF="" N="1:209"/>
 speken to hem in þo ydoles &amp; þat þei don manye grete myracles, And þei seyn sotℏ þat þere is an aungeƚƚ within hem, For þere ben .ij. maner of aungeles, a gode &amp; an eueƚƚ, as the GREKES seyn: CACHO and CALO.  This CACHO is the wykked aungeƚƚ And CALO is the gode aungeƚƚ.  But the toþer is not the gode aungeƚƚ, but the wykked aungeƚƚ, þat is withinne the ydoles for to disceyuen hem &amp; for to meyntenen hem in hire errour.<PTR TARGET="P209.L8"/>
Þere ben manye oþer dyuerse contrees and manye oþer merueyles beȝonde þat I haue not seen,<PTR TARGET="P209.L10"/> Wherfore of hem I can not speke propurly to teƚƚ ȝou the manere of hem.<MILESTONE N="132b" UNIT="folio"/>
 And also in the contrees where I haue ben ben manye mo dyuersitees of many wondirfuƚƚ thinges þanne I make mencioun of, For it were to longe thing to deuyse ȝou the manere.  And þerfore þat þat I haue deuysed ȝou of certeyn contrees þat I haue spoken of before, I beseche ȝoure wortℏi and excellent noblesse þat <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">it</CORR><SIC>is</SIC></CHOICE> suffise to ȝou at this tyme, For ȝif þat I deuysed ȝou aƚƚ þat is beȝonde the see, anotℏer man peraunter þat wolde peynen him &amp; trauaylle his body for to go into þo marches for to encerche þo contrees mygℏte ben blamed be my wordes in rehercynge manye straunge thinges.  For he mygℏte not seye no thing of newe, in the whiche the hereres mygℏten hauen ouþer solace or desport or lust or lykyng in the herynge.  For men seyn aƚƚ weys þat newe thinges &amp; newe tydynges ben plesant to here.  Wherfore I wole holde me stille withouten ony more rehercyng of dyuersiteez or of meruaylles þat ben beȝonde, to þat entent &amp; ende þat whoso wil gon into þo contrees he schaƚƚ fynde ynowe to speke of, þat I haue not touched of in no wyse.
And ȝee schuƚƚ vndirstonde<PTR TARGET="P209.L31"/> ȝif it lyke ȝou þat at myn hom comynge I cam to ROME &amp; schewed my lif to oure holy fadir<PTR TARGET="P209.L33"/> the POPE &amp; was assoylled of aƚƚ þat lay in my conscience of many a dyuerse <CHOICE><CORR RESP="PH">greuous</CORR><SIC>grouous</SIC></CHOICE> poynt, as men mosten nedes þat ben in company dwellyng among so many a dyuerse folk of dyuerse secte &amp; of beleeve as I<PB REF="" N="1:210"/>
 haue ben.  And amonges aƚƚ I schewed hym this tretys þat I had made after informacioun of men <MILESTONE N="133a" UNIT="folio"/> þat knewen of thinges þat I had not seen my self, And also of merueyles and customes þat I hadde seen my self, as fer as god wolde ȝeue me grace, And besougℏte his holy fadirhode, þat my boke mygℏte ben examyned and corrected be avys of his wyse &amp; discreet conseiƚƚ.  And oure holy fader of his special grace remytted my boke to ben examyned &amp; preued be the Avys of his seyd conseiƚƚ, Be the whiche my boke was preeued for trewe jn so moche þat þei schewed me a boke þat my boke was examynde by, þat comprehended fuƚƚ moche more be an hundred part, be the whiche the MAPPA MUNDI<PTR TARGET="P210.L13"/> was made after.  And so my boke, aƚƚ be it þat many men ne list not to ȝeue credence to no þing but to þat þat þei seen with hire eye, ne be the Auctour ne the persone neuer so trewe, is affermed &amp; preued be oure holy fader in maner &amp; forme as I haue seyd.</P>
<P>AND I Ioℏn Maundevyƚƚ knygℏt aboueseyd, aƚƚ þougℏ I be vnwortℏi, þat departed from oure contrees &amp; passed the see the ȝeer of grace a .Miƚƚ .ccc. &amp; .xxij.<PTR TARGET="P210.L21"/> þat haue passed many londes &amp; manye yles &amp; contrees &amp; cerched manye fuƚƚ strange places, And haue ben in many a fuƚƚ gode honourable companye &amp; at many a faire dede of armes, aƚƚ be it þat I dide none myself for myn vnable jnsuffisance; And now I am comen hom mawgree myself to reste<PTR TARGET="P210.L27"/> for gowtes Artetykes þat me distreynen; þat deffynen the ende of my labour, aȝenst my wiƚƚ god knowetℏ.  And þus takynge solace in my wrecℏ <MILESTONE N="133b" UNIT="folio"/> ched reste recordynge the tyme passed I haue fulfilled<PTR TARGET="P210.L30"/> þeise thinges &amp; putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come into my mynde, the ȝeer of grace a .Miƚƚ .ccc. &amp; .lvj.<PTR TARGET="P210.L32"/> in the .xxxiiij. ȝeer þat I departede from oure contrees.<PTR TARGET="P210.L33"/>
Wherfore I preye to aƚƚ the rederes &amp; hereres of this boke ȝif it plese hem þat þei wolde preyen to god for me nd I schall preye for hem.  And alle þo þat seyn for<PB REF="" N="1:211"/>
 me a <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">PATER NOSTER</SEG></TITLE> with an <TITLE><SEG LANG="lat">AUE MARIA</SEG></TITLE> þat god forȝeue me my synnes I make hem parteneres &amp; graunte hem part<PTR TARGET="P211.L2"/> of aƚƚ <SUPPLIED REASON="ms blot" RESP="PH">þe</SUPPLIED> gode pilgrymages &amp; of aƚƚ the gode dedes þat I haue don, ȝif ony ben to his plesance.  And nogℏt only of þo, but of aƚƚ þat euere I schaƚƚ do vnto my lyfes ende. And I beseche almygℏty god fro whom aƚƚ godeness &amp; grace cometℏ fro, þat he vouchesaf of his excellent mercy &amp; habundant grace to fuƚƚfylle hire soules with inspiracioun of the holy gost in makynge defence of aƚƚ hire gostly enemyes here in ertℏe, to hire saluacioun botℏe of body &amp; soule to worschipe &amp; thankynge of him þat is þree &amp; on withouten begynnynge &amp; withouten endyng þat is withouten qualitee good, withouten quantytee gret þat in alle places is present and aƚƚ thinges conteynynge the whiche þat no goodness may amende ne non eueƚƚ empeyre, þat in perfyte Trynytee lyuetℏ &amp; regnetℏ god be alle worldes &amp; be aƚƚ tymes.  Amen.  Amen.  Amen.</P>
</DIV2>

</DIV1>
</BODY><BACK>
<DIV1 TYPE="volume" N="2">
<DIV2 TYPE="foreword"><PB REF="" N="2:[v]"/>
<P>IT is with deepest regret that this volume, completing the edition of Mandeville's Travels, is given to the world as the orphaned heir of its scholarly editor.  Some months before the great war, Professor Hamelius, of the University of Liége, called on me and expressed his wish to undertake some piece of work for the Society, if a suitable text could be suggested. I bethought me of Mandeville's Travels as the most noteworthy link between English literature and Liége, and proposed that he should consider whether he would undertake the task.  I heard nothing from him for a time, and during the perilous days of the siege of Liége he was often in my mind.  Shortly after, having done his duty manfully, he reported himself as being safe and sound, and working hard at Mandeville in the British Museum.  It was not only, however, this Middle English text that claimed his devotion. He wrote an account of the siege in which he had borne his part, and did much to enlighten English readers on Belgian literature and on matters of common interest between his own and this country.  He gave some striking lectures to University and other audiences, and became recognised here as almost an unofficial representative of the intellectual life of Belgium. He was keenly alert, open-minded, and most painstaking, and soon gained the affectionate regard of those who knew the tender sensitiveness of the seemingly severe scholar.  Throughout the whole period of the war he was constantly at work on what had become his absorbing interest, this edition of Mandeville's Travels.  Great was his joy when in 1919 Vol. I, the text, was issued by the Society, fittingly dedicated to General Leman, the defender of Liége.  The gallant General has passed away; and now, alas, the patriot editor has not lived to witness the publication of the completion of his<PB REF="" N="2:vi"/>
 labours.  For long years to come, this edition of Mandeville will remain as the best memorial of his devotion to learning, and as a touching testimony of the intellectual and cordial relationship between Belgian and British scholars in the midst of calamitous years of stress and strain.  By all of us who knew him, Paul Hamelius will be remembered as one too early lost to English learning.  We pay a fraternal tribute to his memory.</P><CLOSER><SIGNED>I. G.</SIGNED>
<DATELINE><DATE>March 6th, 1923.</DATE></DATELINE></CLOSER>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="preface"><PB REF="" N="2:[vii]"/>
<HEAD>PREFACE</HEAD>
<P>IT is a pleasant duty to thank all those who have kindly helped or advised the editor in his task of trying to put the book of Mandeville and its author in their proper places, somewhere near the outskirts of limbo.</P>
<P>Sir George Warner, who cleared the ground with his masterly Roxburghe Club edition, encouraged one who, as an unknown student, had no claim whatever on his attention, with the utmost liberality.  Sir I. Gollancz, Director of Editions of the Early English Text Society, first suggested the work and followed it with constant interest and valuable suggestions.  To other friends I have tried to do justice in my notes, but the learning, courtesy and hospitality of the staff of the Library of the British Museum are beyond praise.</P>
<P>As for the shortcomings of the present work, I beg leave to repeat humbly after Ronsard:
<Q>
<L>Quand les petits bergers font aux champs une faute,</L>
<L>Petite, elle ne tire un repentir après.</L></Q></P><CLOSER><SIGNED>P. H.</SIGNED></CLOSER>
</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="introduction"><PB REF="" N="2:[1]"/>
<HEAD TYPE="main">Mandeville's Travels</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="sub">INTRODUCTION</HEAD>
<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<P>THE principal authorities are:</P><BIBL>Sir G. Warner, in his edition: The Buke of Maundevil (Roxburgh Club, 1889).</BIBL><BIBL>Albert Bovenschen: Untersuchungen über Johann von Mandeville und die Quellen seiner Reisebeschreibung (Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde.  Berlin, Reimer, 1888).</BIBL><BIBL>Johann Vogels: Handschriftliche Untersuchungen über die englische Version Mandeville's (Crefeld, 1891).</BIBL><BIBL>Godefroi Kurth: Étude critique sur Jean d'Outremeuse (Memoirs of the Academy of Brussels.  Hayez, 1910).</BIBL><BIBL>L. Pannier: Les lapidaires franĉais, 1882.</BIBL>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<HEAD TYPE="number">I</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text">SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE</HEAD>
<P>THE book of Mandeville's Travels is so unreliable that it must appear last, if at all, among evidence for its authorship.  That an English knight, a physician and traveller, has been buried in Liége in 1372 is attested by his epitaph, transcribed in the fifteenth, sixteenth and eighteenth centuries.  The tomb and the church of the Guillemins containing it were destroyed at the time of the French Revolution.  Püterich von Reichertshausen (born about 1400) was first in publishing the epitaph in a letter to an Archduchess of Austria, dated 1462: Hic iacet nobilis Dominus Joannes de Montevilla Miles, alias dictus ad Barbam, Dominus de Compredi, natus de Anglia, medicinae professor et devotissimus orator et bonorum suorum largissimus pauperibus erogator qui totum orbem peragravit in stratu Leodii diem vitae suae clausit extremum. Anno Dni millesimo trecentesimo septuagesimo secundo mensis Februarij septimo.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS1" RESP="PH">Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum, VI, pp. 31-59 st. 131-135.—Raim. Duellius: Excerptorum genealogico-historicorum, libri duo, 1725, pp. 281-282.</NOTE></P><PB REF="" N="2:2"/>
<P>About a century later, the Belgian geographer Ortelius copied it again, differing from Püterich in five points: instead of Montevilla he reads Mandeville; instead of Compredi, Campdi; instead of de Anglia, in Anglia; after bonorum he omits suorum; instead of qui totum … stratu, he reads: qui toto quasi urbe lustrato; instead of 1372, he makes the date 1371.  Püterich's stratu makes no sense, and must be wrong.  Camperdi, with a crossed p, may well stand for champ perdu, which the late Prof. V. Chauvin told me was an old name for one of the islands in the river Meuse, near Liége.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS2" RESP="PH">Ortelius: Itinerarium Gallo-Brabanticum, Leiden, 1630, p. 212.</NOTE></P>
<P>From those two versions, the epitaph can be reconstructed and interpreted as follows:</P>
<P>Hic jacet nobilis Dominus Joannes de [Mandeville] miles, alias dictus ad Barbam, Dominus de [Camperdi], natus [in] Anglia, medicinae professor et devotissimus orator et bonorum [suorum] largissimus pauperibus erogator, qui [toto quasi orbe lustrato] Leodii diem vitae suae clausit extremum anno [Domini] millesimo trecentesimo septuagesimo secundo mensis Februarij septimo.</P>
<P>The Latin professor may mean one who practises a profession, and orator one who prays.  If so, we may translate: Here lies the gentle Sir John of Mandeville, knight, otherwise named with the Beard, lord of Champ-perdu, born in England, practitioner of medicine and very pious in his prayers and very liberal in giving of his property to the poor.  After viewing nearly all the world, he ended the last day of his life at Liége in the year of Our Lord one thousand three hundred and seventy-two on February seventh.</P>
<P>The epitaph was again copied in the seventeenth century by an English priest of Liége called Edmund Leukner (identified by Sir G. Warner with the name of Lewknor) and printed in Pitseus (John Pits): Relationes historicae de rebus anglicis, 1619, p. 511. John Weever, who is reported to have visited Liége, prints it in his Ancient Funeral Monuments, 1631, p. 567.  It was again transcribed and published by Pierre Lambinet: Recherches … sur l'origine de l'imprimerie, Brussels, 1799, p. 302.  One more eye-witness claims to have seen it: the Rev. Charles Ellis, in a letter dated 1699 (Philosophical Transactions, XXIII., 1703, p. 1418).</P>
<P>The authority of the epitaph, while quite convincing in itself, is still strengthened by two documents referring to real property and its holders in the city of Liége.  The earlier, dated 1386, about<PB REF="" N="2:3"/>
 fourteen years after the English doctor's death, describes him as a former inmate of a house under the name of "Mestre Johan ale Barbe."  In 1459, the same house is again mentioned as the one "la Mandavele ly chevalier d'Engleterre qui avoit esteit par universe monde solloit demoreir, qui gist a Willmins," i. e. where Mandavele (sic) the knight of England, who had been through all the world, used to dwell, who now lies in [the church of the] Guillemins.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS3" RESP="PH">Both documents are printed in Gobert: Les rues de Liége, 1901, Vol. IV., pp. 201-203.  His misprint mort, instead of avoit, has been kindly pointed out by M. Lahaye, archivist.</NOTE> No better confirmation could be desired.  Those three early and authentic documents agree in omitting the name John of Burgoyne, often accepted as the doctor's real name, and in making no mention of his ever being an author.</P>
<P>After this evidence, the reports of chroniclers are of small importance, as they chiefly repeat what they knew from the epitaph. An early example is Raoul de Rivo, who died in 1403, and may therefore have known Mandeville personally.  In his continuation of Hocsem's chronicle, he writes: Hoc anno [1367] Joannes Mandevilius natione Anglus vir ingenio et arte medendi eminens qui toto fere terrarum orbe peragrato tribus linguis peregrinationem suam doctissime conscripsit, in alium orbem nullis finibus clausum, longeque hoc quietiorem et beatiorem migravit 17 Novembris. Sepultus in ecclesia Wilhelmitarum non procul ab moenibus civitatis Leodiensis.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="2" ID="DLPS4" RESP="PH">Chapeaville: Gesta pontificum leodiensium, Vol. III., p. 17.</NOTE> Rivo's dates are wrong.  Moreover, his statement is open to two objections: it repeats what may be read in the epitaph and in the mendacious book of Travels; it maintains what is demonstrably untrue: for the three versions (French, Latin and English) cannot be by the same hand, as the English contains many mistranslations from the French.  The later chroniclers adduced by Bovenschen and Sir G. Warner are equally worthless as witnesses.  The references are:</P><BIBL>Cornelius Zantfliet: Chronicon, printed in Martène et Durand: Amplissima collectio, 1729, t. V., p. 299.</BIBL><BIBL>Hartmann Schedel: Chronik (Koberger, Nuremberg, 1493, fol. ccxxvii.).</BIBL><BIBL>Werner Rolevink: Fasciculus temporum, printed in Pistorius: Scriptt. Germanici, II., p. 564.</BIBL><BIBL>John Bale: Scriptorum illustrium maioris Britanniae catalogus. 1557, II., p. 478.</BIBL><PB REF="" N="2:4"/><BIBL>Anton.  Meyer: Commentarii sive annales rerum flandricarum. Antwerp, 1561, lib. XIII., p. 165.</BIBL><BIBL>Hadrian Barlandus: Rerum gestarum a Brabantiae ducibus historia.  Cologne, 1603, pp. 138-139.</BIBL><BIBL>Leland: Commentarii de Scriptt.  Britannicis, 1709, t. II., p. 366.</BIBL><BIBL>Bergeron: Voyages faits principalement en Asie, 1735.</BIBL><BIBL>C.  Schönborn: Bibliographische Untersuchungen über die Reisebeschreibung des Sir John Mandeville.  Festschrift, Breslau, 1840.</BIBL><BIBL>Franc. Zambrini: I viaggi di G. da Mandavilla, Bologna, 1872.</BIBL><BIBL>Lorenzen: Mandevilles Rejse.  1882.</BIBL><BIBL>Sir G. Warner's Life of Mandeville in the Dictionary of National Biography.</BIBL>
<P>A Christian name, John, a surname, de Mandeville, and a descriptive nickname, With the Beard, might be deemed sufficient for one man.  Nevertheless, a fourth and fifth name, de Bourgogne and de Bordeaux (de Burdegalia), are found connected with the other three in writings of doubtful authority.  First in a passage of the lost fourth book of the arch-romancer d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories, next in d'Outremeuse's French Trésorier de Philosophie naturelle (Bibl. Nat. Fonds franĉais 12326), last in a Treatise of the Plague, extant in Latin, French and English (L. Delisle, Cat. des MSS. Libri et Barrois, 1888, p. 252).  On the significance and value of those two additional names no one appears to have shed any light.  That a book of medicine, such as the above treatise of the plague, and one of natural philosophy, such as the lapidary, should be the work of a man described in his epitaph as "medicinae professor" is not improbable.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS5" RESP="PH">Is. del Sotto: Le lapidaire du XIVme siècle, d'après le traité du chevalier Jean de Mandeville.  Vienne, 1862.</NOTE></P>
<P>We can now take leave of Sir John Mandeville, having made ourselves acquainted with his nationality, his profession, his character as a traveller and the date of his death.  The origin of the two scientific books ascribed to him and of his multifarious surnames we leave for historians of medicine to discuss.  As to his connection with the fictitious book of Travels, there may possibly be a clue to it in the Latin vulgate version, which opposes the physician Master John with the Beard to the knight Sir John<PB REF="" N="2:5"/>
 Mandeville, thus splitting into two doubles the names of one individual.  In Chapter VII. of this version Sir John writes of his stay at Cairo: Porro ego in curia manens vidi circa soldanum unum venerabilem et expertum medicum de nostris partibus oriendum. Solet namque circa se retinere diversarum medicos nationum, quos renominande audierit esse fame.  Nos autem raro invicem convenimus ad colloquium, eo quod meum servicium cum suo modicum congruebat.  Longo autem postea tempore et ab illo loco remote, viz. in Leodij civitate composui hortatu et adiutorio eiusdem venerabilis viri hunc tractatum, sicut in fine huius tocius operis plenius enarrabo.—While I stayed at court I saw about the soudan a venerable and able physician hailing from our country.  For he uses to keep about him physicians of various nationalities, whose reputation has reached his ears.  We two had but few opportunities for conversation, as my duties were widely different from his.  A long time after, and a long distance away, viz. in the city of Liége, I by the advice and with the assistance of the same worshipful man composed the present treatise, as I shall more fully tell at the close of the whole book.</P>
<P>The sequel of the tale is given in Chapter L.: Itaque anno a nativitate Domini Jesu Christi m.ccc.lv. in repatriando cum ad nobilem Legie seu Leodii civitate[m] permansissem et pre gravitate ac arteticis guttis illuc decumberem in vico qui dicitur basse sauenyr, consului causa convalescendi aliquos medicos civitatis et accidit Dei nutu unum intrare phisicum super alios etate simul et canicie venerandum ac in sua arte euidenter expertum qui ibi dicebatur magister Iohannes ad Barbam.  Is ergo cum pariter colloqueremur interseruit dictis aliqua per que tam nostra invicem renovabatur antiqua noticia quam quondam habueramus in Cayr egipti apud Calahelich soldani prout supra tetigi .vij. ca[pitulo huius] libri.  Qui cum in me experientiam artis sue excellenter monstrasset adhortabatur ac precabatur instanter ut de his que videram tempore peregrinationis mee per mundum aliqua digererem in scriptis ad legendum et audiendum pro utilitate posteris.  Sic quoque tandem illius monitiis et adiutorio compositus est iste tractatus de quo certe nihil scribere proposueram donec saltem ad partes proprias in anglia pervenissem.  Et credo premissa circa me per providentiam et gratiam dei contigisse.  Quum a tempore quo recessi duo reges nostri anglie et francie non cessaverunt invicem exercere prelia, destructiones depredationes insidias et interfectiones<PB REF="" N="2:6"/>
 inter quas nisi a Domino custoditus non transissem sine morte vel mortis periculo et sine criminum grandi cumulo.  Et nunc ecce anno egressionis mee xxxiij. constitutus in leodiensi civitate que a mari anglie distat solum per duas dietas audio dictas dominorum inimicitias per gratiam Dei compositas.  Quapropter et spero ac propono de reliquo secundum maturiorem etatem me posse in proprijs intendere corporis quieti animeque saluti.  Hic itaque finis sit scripti, etc.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS6" RESP="PH">Mandeville, Itinerarius, black letter, no date.  British Museum press mark: G 6700.</NOTE></P>
<P>In the year 1355 after the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ, while I was travelling home, I stayed near the noble city of Liége and was there laid up by disease and arthritic gout in the ward called Basse Sauvenière.  For my recovery I consulted some doctors of the town, and by God's will it happened that one physician came in who was more venerable than the rest through his age and hoary hair and evidently expert in his art.  He was there called Master John with the Beard.  Now as we were conversing together he dropped some remarks by which we renewed our mutual acquaintance which we had at Cairo in Egypt in the soudan's castle, and which I touched upon in Chapter VII. of the present book. While displaying his knowledge of his art to my benefit, he admonished and prayed me instantly that I should reduce to writing something of what I had seen while roaming through the world, that it might be read and heard for the use of posterity. So at last, through his advice and with his assistance, the present treatise was composed, of which I intended to write nothing until I finally reached my own country in England.  And I believe that the above adventures happened to me by God's providence and grace.  For from the time when I started travelling, our two kings of England and France did not cease to wage mutual war, destruction, depredation, ambushes and killing which I could not, but for divine protection, have passed without death or peril of death, or without great accumulation of evils.  While now, thirty-three years after my departure, dwelling in the city of Liége, which lies only two days' journey from the English sea, I learn that through the grace of God the abovesaid enmity of those lords has been settled.  Therefore I hope and intend, for the rest of my riper years to be able to attend to the rest of my body and to the salvation of my soul at home.  Here then is the end of my writing, etc.<PB REF="" N="2:7"/></P>
<P>Can a grain of truth be discerned under this story, which contradicts our English version (p. 210)?  As the fictitious journey ends in 1356, it was some years before the peace of Brétigny (1360) between Edward III. and John the Good of France. Probably the book was actually written after the peace, as the Itinerarius hints.  Perhaps the English doctor and traveller, when settled at Liége, advised and helped the younger Jean d'Outremeuse in the composition of a work dealing with Eastern geography and intended to serve certain political interests in England.  So much we may venture to guess, but cannot hope to demonstrate.</P>
<P>It may help further research to point out that a surgeon named Henri de Mondeville lived in the early fourteenth century and attended the French armies in Flanders in 1301, and that the name Mandeville occurs again in the annals of the medical profession to the north of Liége, in the Dutch province of Guelders in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.  At Dordrecht in the west of Holland was born about 1670 another medical man connected with English literature and with the progress of freethought, Bernard Mandeville, the author of the Fable of the Bees. Whether those worthies belong to the same stock we have not examined.</P>
<P>What the French and English versions of the book of Travels tell about its authorship is hardly worth considering.  No doubt a convicted liar may occasionally speak the truth, only in such a case he would not openly contradict himself.  Now the book reports that it was shown to the pope in Rome when there was no pope in Rome (p. 210, l. 1), and that it was afterwards written (p. 210, l. 31), as the French has it, in Liége.  This is as incredible as the Latin quoted above.  All that can be admitted is that d'Outremeuse (born 1338) may have known Mandeville (died 1372), and as there is in Paris a French MS. of the Travels dated 1371, that the traveller and doctor may have winked at the use of his name in a fictitious itinerary.  The question why a book made by one man should have circulated under the name of another, who was alive to disown it, is difficult to solve.  Strange instances of hoaxes perpetrated in d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories have been adduced by Prof. Kurth, but for fathering the book of Travels on the Englishman he may have had a practical and sensible reason.  Its bold attacks on the dogmas and discipline of the Church might arouse the resentment of the ecclesiastical authorities.  By concealing himself<PB REF="" N="2:8"/>
 behind the mask of an assumed name he could shelter himself from possible persecution.</P>
<P>To be complete, we translate from a quotation by S. Bormans the strange fable of Mandeville's death and identity preserved from the lost 4th part of d'Outremeuse's Mirror:</P>
<P>In 1372 died at Liége on the twelfth of November a man who was greatly distinguished for his birth.  He was content to be known by the name of John of Burgundy, called With the Beard. He, however, opened his heart on his death-bed to Jean d'Outremeuse, his gossip, whom he appointed his executor.  In truth, he entitled himself, in the deed of his last will, Sir John Mandeville, knight, Earl of Montfort in England and lord of the isle of campdi and of the castle Pérouse.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS7" RESP="PH">The late Prof. Chauvin thought of Pierreuse, an old and erewhile respectable street of Liége.</NOTE>  Having, however, had the misfortune of killing in his country an earl whom he does not name, he bound himself to travel through the three parts of the world.  Came to Liége in 1343.  Issued as he was from very high nobility, he loved to keep himself hidden.  He was, moreover, a great naturalist, a profound philosopher and astrologer, especially adding a very singular knowledge of physics, rarely making mistakes when he told his opinion about a patient, whether he would recover or not. When dead at last, he was buried with the brethren Wilhelmites, in the suburb of Avroy, as you have been able to see more fully above.<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="2" ID="DLPS8" RESP="PH">Bormans's Introduction to the Mirror of Histories, 1887, p. cxxxiii.</NOTE></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<HEAD TYPE="number">II</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text">JEAN D'OUTREMEUSE</HEAD>
<P>JEAN D'OUTREMEUSE, in all probability the real author of the Travels, has been stripped of many borrowed plumes by modern criticism.  He had no right to the aristocratic name and pedigree of Des Pres.  "Né le 2 janvier 1338, il entra dans la cléricature, c.à.d. qu'il fut tonsuré et porta le costume ecclésiastique, sans d'ailleurs jamais recevoir les ordres.  Mari de Catherine Martial, qui lui survécut, il en eut un fils qui devint 'chanoine de Liége'" —that is, not of the Cathedral chapter, which had a share in the Government of the Episcopal Principality, but of some one of the seven collegiate churches.  "Lui-même se dit 'clerc liégeois, notaire<PB REF="" N="2:9"/>
 public, audiencier et comte palatin'"—a non-aristocratic title, belonging to legal officers in certain Bishops' Palaces.  "Il remplissait auprès de la cour de l'official des fonctions qui … devaient présenter une certaine analogie avec celle de greffier."<NOTE PLACE="marg" N="1" ID="DLPS9" RESP="PH">Kurth, as above, following Bormans, Introduction to d'Outremeuse, pp. vi seq., and Bulletin de la Commission Royale d'Histoire, 5e série, t. I., pp. 282 seq., 1891.</NOTE>  He died November 25, 1400; his obit, dated on the next day, has been printed by Bormans (Bulletin, etc.).</P>
<P>Our reasons for ascribing the Travels to him do not amount to absolute proof, and rest merely on strong circumstantial and internal evidence.  Similarity of contents, tone and spirit between two books may go a long way towards proving common authorship, and the Travels have many passages and features in common with the authentic Mirror of Histories.</P>
<P>The contents of Friar Odoric de Pordenone's Travels in the Far East have been conveyed wholesale into both works, being attributed to Sir John Mandeville in one case and to Ogier the Dane in the other (Vol. III., pp. 56-67 of the Mirror).  Minute coincidences have been pointed out in our notes, such as the blunder of letting the four different kinds of wood in the True Cross grow from three seeds (note to p. 7, l. 24).  It is hardly possible that such a mistake has been committed independently by two writers. Large as is the number of examples mentioned in the notes, it might be increased by a systematic search.</P>
<P>Another argument has been reached separately by Prof. Gustave Charlier, of the University of Brussels, and by myself.  In Vol. IV. p. 587 of the Mirror, d'Outremeuse writes that he will not tarry to describe Tartary, because he has fully discussed that country elsewhere.  S. Bormans (p. xc of his Introduction, 1887) remarks that the Trésorier de Philosophie naturelle contains no such account.  Now the Mandeville does, especially in Chapter XXV., which narrates the foundation by Jenghiz Khan of the Tartar empire.  In so far as a statement by d'Outremeuse is worth any notice, this would amount to an indirect avowal of authorship.</P>
<P>Taken singly, each of the above arguments is inconclusive.  Put together, they become very strong.  It is hardly becoming for an editor to boast of having copied a French and an English MS. of Mandeville with his own hand, and devoted years to collecting and considering the evidence, yet the impression gained by him as the<PB REF="" N="2:10"/>
 result of such work may claim a scientific value, unless he has grown biased by focusing his attention on one point.  With this proviso, I may state that to me d'Outremeuse appears as the only possible author of Mandeville: his attacks on the Papacy (in the Mirror, Vol. V., p. 165, the pope and cardinals are accused of taking bribes from John Lackland) evince Wycliffite tendencies in agreement with the dedication of the Travels to Edward III.  His indecencies betray a coarse mind fed on Medieval fabliaux.  The mockery of the heroic conventions of the romances, especially of the Alexandrian and Crusading epics, shows a memory conversant with wonderful adventures in the Near and in the Far East and a satirical contempt for their religious enthusiasm.  Now such characteristics are not uncommon in the fourteenth century: if it were permissible to name Chaucer in the same breath with the author of Mandeville, their mental attitudes might in some respects be compared.</P>
<P>But where d'Outremeuse cannot be matched is in his capacity for mixing and confusing truth and untruth.  His spirit is too grovelling for high fiction, for the creation of a fair imaginary world.  All the elements of his romancing are prosaic and vulgar. But he puts them together with brazen audacity, disfigures or invents proper names, alters numbers and circumstances, to the despair of those honest commentators who have traced him to his sources.  No plagiarist has pilfered more unscrupulously, and yet he always reasserts his fickle originality by his knack of distorting the texts from which he borrows.  This was partly deliberate deceit, but it might also spring from carelessness in copying, from trusting a slippery memory, or even from a peculiar notion of an author's rights and duties.  Whether his motives were purely mercenary, or whether he obeyed an original impulse, his chief aim was to entertain while pretending to impart solid historical or geographical information.  Dry facts he collected in abundance from Boldensele's pilgrimage to the Holy Land, from Odoric's two accounts of his travels in Palestine and in the Far East, from Haiton of Armenia's Flower of Histories.  But he spiced them by means of fabulous details drawn from the romances of Eastern adventure which deal with Alexander the Great's expeditions to Persia and India, and with the experiences of Godfrey of Bouillon and his companions among the Saracens.  The influence of the Medieval epic is felt in the manner as well as in the matter of the<PB REF="" N="2:11"/>
 Mandeville.  It has been pointed out to me by an English poet of distinction that its prose style is rhythmical and balanced, and that it somewhat retains the movement of poetry.  Prof. Kurth, the principal authority on Jean d'Outremeuse, finds him a faithful imitator of the mannerisms and conventions of the minstrels.</P>
<P>This brings us to a hitherto unsolved riddle in the work of the notary of Liége.  It is denied by no one that he composed epics and romances in verse, as he writes himself: "Toute les giestes et histoires que je ay fait, je les fis et formay anchois que je translatasse et metisse en chest ches miens croniques, car je n'avoie nulle pensée de translateir, por xx. années près; si que je fis mes histoires toutes plaines" (Miroir des Histoires, Vol. III., p. 402).</P>
<P>Although the meaning of the last word is open to dispute, the general sense is clear: All the gestes and histories that I have made I made and shaped before transferring and putting them into these my present chronicles, for I had no thought of transferring for wellnigh twenty years; so that I made my histories all plain.  From this statement it has been rightly concluded that the Mirror of Histories, a huge chronicle in prose, is the work of his later years, and that during his first twenty years of authorship he wrote historical works in rhyme, dealing in part with the same matter as the Mirror.  One such poem, the Geste de Liége, is extant and has been printed along with the prose.  Where are the others?</P>
<P>The liar himself declares, speaking of Ogier the Dane: "Toutes ses chouses sont declareis en la novelle gieste que nous meisme avons fait sour Ogier" (Mirror, Vol. III., 1873, p. 111).  All these things are set forth in the new geste that we have ourselves made on Ogier.  No trace of this has been discovered, although a graduate of Liége University, M. Edgar Renard, in a manuscript dissertation, has done his best to search for it.  But Ogier appears in some French and Latin versions of the Mandeville as a conqueror of India and as protector of Christianity there.  In the Mirror, Ogier is put in the place of Odoric as a traveller in the Far East.  Here we have one more point of contact between d'Outremeuse and the Mandeville.  Elsewhere in the Mirror, d'Outremeuse writes that he will not tell the full story of the Crusades, because it is contained in the gestes or romances.  The Crusade happened "ensi que li romans qui son fais de Godefroit de Builhon deviseit, qui s'accordent asseis as croniques; et partant de cel histoir je l'envoie à romans de Godefrois, excepteis<PB REF="" N="2:12"/>
 aliquant fais dont je parleray quant temps serait" (Mirror, Vol. IV., 1877, p. 290).  The Crusade took place as the romances which have been made about Godfrey of Bouillon relate, which agree well with the chronicles.  And therefore I send [the reader] from this history to the romances of Godfrey, excepting some events that I shall discuss when the time comes.</P>
<P>Now two romances of Godfrey are known, one printed in fragments by Paulin Paris and by Hippeau, under the titles of La Chanson d'Antioche, Le Roman du Chevalier au Cygne et de Godefroid de Bouillon, and La Chanson de Jérusalem.  This may be put out of court.  The other is a lengthy rifacimento of the late fourteenth century printed by de Reiffenberg and fully discussed by Paulin Paris in Vol. XXV., pp. 507, etc., of the Histoire littéraire de la France, along with its two sequels, the Baudouin de Sebourc printed by Bocca and the Bâtard de Bouillon printed by Scheler. We accept the conclusion of Paulin Paris, that the latter three, forming a monstrous whole of many thousands of lines, are by one hand, and that this hand is that of an author of Liége, who wrote in the second half of the fourteenth century.  Here, then, is a huge body of pseudo-historical verse about the fabulous East, composed in Liége by an author not yet identified.  On the other hand, we miss the unidentified verse of Jean d'Outremeuse, supposed to deal with Ogier the Dane, the conqueror of the fabulous East, and one of the characters in the second part of Mandeville's Travels (Latin and French).  What stands in the way of giving the unwieldy trilogy, Godfrey of Bouillon, Baldwin of Sebourc, and the Bastard of Bouillon, to d'Outremeuse himself?  The lack of direct evidence, for while claiming to have made many gestes and histories, he does not expressly state that he dealt with the cycle of the Crusades.</P>
<P>As for the internal evidence, without overrating its value, it must be confessed that it points to single authorship of the trilogy, the Mirror and the Travels.  What Paulin Paris writes, of his anonymous minstrel of Liége, and Prof. Kurth of the chronicler, d'Outremeuse applies equally to our book of Travels.  The opinions and idiosyncrasies found in them, their anti-clericalism, their cynicism and licentiousness, their relentless mockery of courtly love and religious enthusiasm, joined to a boundless admiration for physical strength and for impossible feats of arms, their cringing reverence for high rank, for wealth and sounding titles,<PB REF="" N="2:13"/>
 in fact, all their characteristics, mark them as the work of one man.  The three seem to be by a single plagiarist who had read extensively in historical and geographical lore, who indulged in fantastic descriptions of the Holy Land, of Persia, India and Tartary, who adorned them with accounts of monstrous men and beasts drawn from Vincent de Beauvais' Mirror of Nature, and who mixed and disguised his borrowings with shameless audacity.  It is beyond doubt that they were composed at Liége during the same period.  Is it at all likely that two literary twinbrothers and forgers were busy side by side in that small Episcopal city?  One argument against single authorship is the great aggregate bulk of those writings, which may be thought to lie beyond the power of a man who had to attend to his duties as an officer of the law courts.  But the very uniformity of his sources and of his matter made it possible to use the same materials over and over again.  A glance at the notes in the present volume will show how often one passage in the Mandeville duplicates another. On perusing the trilogy, and the Mirror of Histories, numberless cases of such duplication will occur.  Let us single out two, which bear on d'Outremeuse's attitude to science and religion. On p. 122 of the Travels, a voyage of circumnavigation is described in which a man reaches his own country after going all round the world.  Similarly, in the fourteenth-century Crusading epic, a party starting from Jerusalem reaches another forest of Ardennes and another castle of Bouillon at the other end of the earth (see note).</P>
<P>The almsgiving to beasts of p. 137 of the Travels is also alluded to in the epic.  Here the Christians are blamed by a Saracen for giving to the poor the remnants of food that ought to be kept for dogs, and the abbot Gerard of St.  Trond justifies the Christian practice.</P>
<P>Such examples show that, in many respects, the epic, the Travels and the Mirror are one, and we cannot but believe them to be by one hand.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<HEAD TYPE="number">III</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text">POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TRAVELS</HEAD>
<P>THE dedication of the Travels to Edward III. does not occur in any English text or in all the French ones.  We print it from<PB REF="" N="2:14"/>
 Warner, p. xxix.  It is also to be found in the editio princeps of the Travels (1725), p. 385, and in Halliwell's reprint of 1866, p. xi: Principi excellentissimo, pre cunctis mortalibus precipue venerando Domino Edwardo, Divina Providentia Francorum et Anglorum regi serenissimo, Hibernie Domino, Aquitanie Duci, Mari ac ejus insulis occidentalibus dominanti, christianorum eufamie et ornatui, universorumque arma gerentium tutori, ac probitatis et strenuitatis exemplo; principi quoque invicto, mirabilis Alexandri sequaci, ac universo orbi tremendo; cum reverentia, non qua decet (cum ad talem et tantam reverentiam minus sufficientes exstiterint) sed qua parvitas et possibilitas mittentis et offerentis se extendunt, contenta tradantur.—To the most excellent prince, to be chiefly reverenced above all mortals, to the Lord Edward, by Divine Providence most serene king of France and England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, ruler of the sea and of its Western Islands, credit and ornament of Christendom, patron of all men at arms and pattern of probity and strength, also to the unconquered prince, follower of the wonderful Alexander, to be feared by the universe, the contents of this book are offered, not with fit reverence, for they would prove inadequate for such a great and noble object, but so far as the insignificance and power of the sender and dedicator extend.</P>
<P>Sir G. Warner regards this as an interpolation, because it does not appear in the best manuscripts.  To us it seems genuine, implicitly putting the King above his enemy the Pope ("above all mortals"), praising the world-conqueror Alexander, often mentioned in the Travels, and admitting the frivolous character of the book itself.  It should be noted that the writer does not claim to have travelled or to be a subject of the English or French crown.  Liége was an Imperial fief.  If d'Outremeuse wrote this, he was no doubt paid for it.</P>
<P>The date when the Mandeville was finished cannot be later than 1371, as a manuscript bearing that date is said to be extant in Paris.  If we accept the dedication as genuine, the year 1366, when King Edward repudiated the Pope's supremacy over the realm, is a probable one.  It comes soon after 1362, for which see note to p. 146, l. 26.  The reference to the peace of Brétigny (1360) in the Itinerarius would put it still further back.  In 1366, Jean d'Outremeuse was twenty-eight years old, and Sir John Mandeville still had six years to live.  If the Travels were part<PB REF="" N="2:15"/>
 of an anti-Papal campaign of popular agitation, they would be turned into English almost at once, for the Wycliffites knew the importance of addressing the people in their mother tongue.  The choice of an English name for the imaginary protagonist of the Travels, and even the choice of an author of Liége for supporting the English policy against the Pontifical See, would be easily accounted for.  Was not Jean le Bel, the chronicler and servant of Edward in his wars, a native of the Principality of Liége, and was he not one of the models and sources for d'Outremeuse's, as for Froissart's chronicles?</P>
<P>Our theory, first put forward in the Quarterly Review (April 1917), that the Travels are an anti-Papal pamphlet in disguise, rests primarily upon the allusions to the Papacy, eleven in number, contained in the text.  Some of these do not allow of any definite conclusions, such as the four comparisons between the Pontifical dignity and various heads of other churches, the Patriarch of Constantinople (p. 11, l. 25), the Caliph of Muhammadans (p. 27, l. 10), the Patriarch of St. Thomas in India (p. 184, l. 21), and the Lobassy or Grand Lama of Tibet (p. 205, l. 17).  Others hint, without open blame, that the popes have altered the rites of the Early Church: auricular confession is described as an invention of the Holy Fathers (p. 80, l. 16 and note), and they are said to have added to the text of the mass (p. 200, l. 3).  The report that Athanasius was put in prison by a pope for composing his creed (p. 96, l. 27) can hardly be interpreted as complimentary to the Roman See.  Much more aggressive than this is the passage about the quarrel between Pope John the XXIInd and the Greeks (pp. 11-12).  Accusations of pride and avarice are levelled against John, and the letter of defiance addressed to him is worthy of the Wycliffites.  An open charge of simony is levelled at the Pontiff himself in the sentence: For now is Simon king crowned in Holy Church (p. 12, ll. 21-22, and see note).  Slyer, though no less impudent, is the claim that the mendacious Travels have been "affirmed and proved" by Our Holy Father (p. 210, l. 17).  The eleventh and last instance is open to dispute and a matter of hypothesis.  A prophet is credited with the pronouncement that "Out of Babylon shall come a worm that shall devour all the world" (p. 73, l. 20).  As no such sentence has been traced in the prophetical books of the Bible, we may suspect a Wycliffite war-cry against the world-power of the New Babylon or Rome.</P><PB REF="" N="2:16"/>
<P>Other allusions to religious matters, to the various sects of Christianity, to the beliefs of Jews, Muhammadans and heathens of various lands, must be read in the light of the statements discussed above, always remembering that the propagandist prefers innuendo to direct statements, and that it was a dangerous thing to defy the power of the Church barefaced.  It is not impossible that the account of Buddhist almsgiving to beasts (p. 137, ll. 5-36, and note) hides a satire on the doctrine of Purgatory and on the sale of indulgences.  That certain savages delight to drink human blood and call it dieu (i. e. god, p. 129, l. 26) may or may not be a satire against the dogma of transubstantiation.  Many similar cases are discussed in the notes.  On the whole, they bear out the interpretation of the book as a more or less veiled libel against the Roman Church.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<HEAD TYPE="number">IV</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text">THE TEXTS</HEAD>
<P>A FULL enumeration of the manuscripts of the French original text of the Travels, listed by J. Vogels, will be found in Roehricht's Bibliotheca Geographica Palaestinae, 1890.  No critical edition is in existence.  A reprint from two MSS. in the British Museum (Harley 4383 and Royal 20 B. x), with variants from others, is accessible in the Roxburgh Club edition.  A modernised French text, cut down to about one-fifth of the original, is to be found in Bergeron: Recueil des Voyages, The Hague, 1735.</P>
<P>Dr. Vogels has proved the existence of two independent English translations of the Travels, testifying to their wide popularity in the country of John Wycliffe.  Of these translations one, preserved in two MSS. (E. Museo 116 and Rawlinson D. 99 in the Bodleian), is called by him E.L. = Englisch Lateinisch or Anglo-Latin, as it is from a Latin version, and the other, E.F. = Anglo-French, is from the French original.  The variations between several copies of the latter are so striking that they were long believed to be by several Englishers.  But the method applied by Dr.  Vogels seems incontrovertible. He assumes that no man is likely to mistranslate what has already been correctly interpreted.  One convincing example occurs on p. 56, ll. 27-28.  D'Outremeuse there describes the signs of the Zodiac as "signes du ciel," signs of the sky.  The<PB REF="" N="2:17"/>
 Englisher misread "cygnes," swans, and wrote "Swannes of heuene."  That this blunder arose from the French is undeniable. No reviser or corrector could possibly have introduced it.  It not only bears the stamp of an original translator, but of one who distinguished himself by his ignorance and stupidity.  Another example is that on p. 72, l. 3.  D'Outremeuse wrote about nonains cordelières, i.e. Franciscan nuns.  The Englisher misread the c. as the numeral 100 and wrote "Nonnes of an hundred ordres."  By these two examples the capacity of the original Englisher may be gauged.  It is not surprising that his blunders should have invited emendation, and that more sensible and more cultivated scribes should have confronted his work with one of the many French copies and removed the worst faults.  But the modern editor does not go to the Mandeville for accurate information; he wants the text as it came from the earliest translator's hand, testifying to the state of mind of the anonymous individual who first turned it into English, and to the wants and shortcomings of his fourteenth-century readers.  Therefore he prefers the imperfect Cotton Titus c. XVI. version to the more correct Egerton 1982 printed by Sir G. Warner.  For signes du ciel, the Egerton has: signez of þe firmament; the nonains cordelières it simply omits.</P>
<P>Sir G.  Warner chose the Egerton MS. for three reasons:—1. the Egerton was still unprinted, while the Cotton was accessible in the 1725 edition and in several reprints from that, e.g. Halliwell's (London.  F. S. Ellis, 1866).  2. It is in a more Northern dialect, and therefore interesting to the philologist.  3. Its mistakes are fewer.—The former two reasons have lost their importance, since Sir G. Warner's edition is in print.  The last is not convincing after Dr.  Vogels has proved that the Egerton version is a composite one, accepting the main body of the text from Cotton, with minor variations, and filling a large gap (corresponding to p. 22, l. 3 to p. 41, l. 21 of the present edition) from the Anglo-Latin version discovered by Vogels.  Cotton, then, although it has lost a few pages (our pp. 212-217), remains the only practically complete and consistent, as well as the most original text.  An earlier pedigree of the various English texts, constructed by Dr. Nicholson and accepted by Sir G. Warner, is thus proved to have no foundation in fact.</P>
<P>We are then compelled to agree to the strange principle that the test of authenticity lies not in the correctness but in the very<PB REF="" N="2:18"/>
 excess of the blundering, for a demonstrably and intentionally misleading French original by the arch-romancer d'Outremeuse has been Englished by an ignorant and careless translator.  Wherever the present editor felt tempted to correct the Cotton manuscript, he either found, on comparing with the two Brussels manuscripts and with the printed Harley text, that d'Outremeuse himself was responsible for the misstatement, or that the translator had erred through incompetence.  Very few errors, pointed out in the notes, may be due to the copyist or copyists who intervened between the original and the Cotton MS.  Even here, there can be no certainty, as the Englisher was quite capable of any lapse of spelling and grammar, in addition to the many fantastic mistranslations that are undoubtedly his own.  A difficult problem is raised by the cases of words correctly rendered in one passage and misinterpreted in another.  Can we believe that the same man knew the meaning of a French word one day and forgot it on the morrow?  Other explanations are more probable.  1. His French manuscript might be faulty, as in the confusion of signes with cygnes or in that of cordeleres and c. ordres.  2. The context might help in one case, and hinder in another.  3. His slovenliness is so obvious, that it suffices to account for doubtful examples.  For all these reasons, the task of the would-be improver is a hopeless one, and we had to confine ourselves to honestly supplying readers with the original data and to banish the fruits of our own wisdom to the notes. In this we took warning by the example of the learned Scheler, who closes his commentary on the Bâtard de Bouillon with a sigh of regret at having too much normalised his text.  No variants could be printed in the footnotes because the difference between the English MSS. is too great.  The list of those MSS. has twice been printed by Dr. Vogels: once in his paper of 1891, and once in Roehricht.  I have only seen those in London, Oxford and Cambridge.</P>
<P>As the first duty of a student who undertakes to edit a translation is to master its original, and as only a diplomatic reprint of the Anglo-French Harley 4383, supplemented by Royal XX B.x, with variants from Sloane 1464 and Grenville XXXIX., is accessible in print, I have copied Brussels 10420-5, a text recommended by Vogels as among the best, but full of crabbed abbreviations, and I have checked it with Brussels 11141, which is inferior, but in a plain hand.  The Cotton version I have found faithful to the<PB REF="" N="2:19"/>
 Anglo-French Harley text, when the Englisher did ?? victim to his peculiar weaknesses.  The mistranslations are ?? esting in showing how slavishly, and with what complete disreg?? of both the French and the English idiom, the work has been done.</P>
<P>In Sir G. Warner's description of the Cotton MS. we have nothing to alter: "It is a small quarto measuring 8 1/2 by 6 inches, with 132 leaves.  The text is written in a neat, well-formed hand, varying somewhat in parts (more especially at folio 119) but not enough to make it certain that more than one scribe was employed. The ornamentation is very simple.  There is a large initial in gold, on a red and blue ground, at the beginning, and the other initials are in blue, filled in and flourished with lines in red.  The text is divided into chapters by rubricated titles, without numeration." The date conjecturally assigned to it is 1410-1420.  Although not a word is illegible, some letters are so much alike as to be practically identical: so c and t, n and u (mendinant may be read mendiuant, cf. mendif).  Even e and o are sometimes hard to distinguish.  A curl after final r often means nothing: clere̛ = clere.  The question has been raised whether a crossed ƚƚ should be read ll or lle.  We agree with Prof. Kern that the crossing in this case is of no phonetic or grammatical importance.  It might have been altogether disregarded in copying.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<HEAD TYPE="number">V</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text">THE SOURCES</HEAD>
<P>THE sources of the Mandeville have been traced by Sir G. Warner and Dr. Bovenschen, until all but a few pages have been proved to be stolen from some older book, and until all probability of the author having seen with his own eyes and described from his own experience has disappeared.  It seems, then, as if nothing were left for following commentators to do but to repeat what has been said before them.  This is not so.  In their zeal for unmasking the plagiarist and in the fulness of their learning those two scholars have not been content to measure the extent of their author's reading.  They have pursued many of the traditions collected by him to their remote origins in classical and Jewish antiquity, thus attributing to him a wider and more solid erudition than he<PB REF="" N="2:20"/>
 possessed.  On the other hand, they have taken too little account of his familiarity with romances in the vernacular, especially those about the Crusades and about Alexander the Great.  Finally, they have insufficiently stressed the use made by him of Vincent of Beauvais's encyclopaedia, both of natural philosophy (Speculum Naturale) and of history (Speculum Historiale).  None of the three principal sources of the Travels, William of Boldensele's pilgrimage to the Holy Land, Friar Odoric de Pordenone's travels to Palestine and to the Far East, William of Tripoli's account of the Saracens (De Statu Saracenorum), is included in Vincent, but most of the other books, historical and scientific, plundered for the Mandeville, have been excerpted by him.  Where the commentators refer to Pliny, to Solinus, to Isidor of Seville, to Honorius' Imago Mundi, it is certain that d'Outremeuse never went beyond what he learned at school or could read in his encyclopaedia.  If we fail to identify the exact wording of the passage in Vincent, we may assume that d'Outremeuse took liberties with his model or that he used a copy somewhat different from our present printed editions. The names of Vincent's authorities he found carefully noted in each chapter.  The fabulous history of Alexander, e.g., is told in the Mirror Historial, Book IV.  The Historia Alexandri, Justinus, Valerius, Quintus Curtius, Martianus, Orosius, the Epistle of Alexander, Seneca, the correspondence between Alexander and Didimus, are quoted in turn.  This enabled d'Outremeuse to refer glibly to them all.</P>
<P>It is no less certain that, as a reader and writer of Gestes or romances, he knew some verse epics in Middle French, probably the Alexander edited by Michelant.  It is nearly impossible for a modern commentator, provided with recent printed editions, to ascertain what particular versions of the legend, vernacular or Latin, in verse or in prose, d'Outremeuse may have followed besides his Vincent.  When he departs from all known authorities, Dr. Bovenschen is inclined to surmise "oral tradition," and Sir G. Warner hesitates between lost sources and the author's invention. Now that we are acquainted with d'Outremeuse's vagaries, there is little doubt that the latter view is the correct one.  Lost authorities are very unlikely to have escaped the minute and protracted search of a number of competent students.  As for oral tradition, which is gradually losing its hold on the faith of scholars, there is no reason to postulate it at all.  Judging from d'Outremeuse's known<PB REF="" N="2:21"/>
 methods, we must suppose the written sources as few as possible. Eugesippus-Fretellus's description of the Holy Places (De Locis Sanctis), John de Plano-Carpino on the Tartars (Book XXXI. of the Mirror Historial), are incorporated in Vincent.  Extracts from other works must have been obtained in the Latin original.  As has already been pointed out by Sir G. Warner (p. xl of his Introduction), all the sources of the Travels, except Boldensele and Odoric, occur in the list of authorities for d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories (p. xcix of the Introduction to it).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="section">
<HEAD TYPE="number">VI</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="text">THE ALPHABETS</HEAD>
<P>OUR Cotton MS. contains four alphabets: one at the close of Chap. III., called Greek (p. 13); another at the close of Chap. VII., called Egyptian (p. 34); a third at the close of Chap. XIII. called Jewish (p. 73); and a fourth at the close of Chap. XVI., called Saracen (p. 92).  A so-called Persian alphabet, missing in the Cotton MS. (p. 100), is inserted in the corresponding place in the Egerton MS.  Facing p. 442 of Cordier's edition of Odoric is the facsimile of an "alphabet fantaisiste de la langue de Penthexoire," from a Mandeville, whether printed or manuscript, French or Latin, M. Cordier does not say.</P>
<P>Sir G.  Warner's comments are that (1) the Greek alphabet offers peculiar forms; (2) the so-called Egyptian is corrupt past recognition; (3) the so-called Hebrew is also corrupt; (4) the so-called Saracen is not Arabic, but has strong affinities with the Slavonic alphabet known as the Glagolitic, and is found in the Cosmographia of Aethicus.  (References to: H. Wuttke, Die Kosmographie des Istrier Aithicos, etc., Leipzig, 1854, p. 85; Pertz, De Cosmographia Ethici libri tres, Berlin, 1853, pp. 150-184, and plate, p. 199.)  (5) The so-called Persian cannot be identified, but is given by J. G. Eccard, De origine Germanorum libri duo, 1750, pl. IV., p. 192, from an unspecified MS. at Ratisbon.  It there professes to be Chaldaic.  This MS. contains six other alphabets, including the so-called Egyptian of Mandeville.—So far Sir G. Warner.</P>
<P>The whole problem is one that cannot be solved without comparing and classifying many facsimiles and photographs, an enterprise not easily achieved in the year of Our Lord 1920.  Therefore<PB REF="" N="2:22"/>
 we here confine ourselves to stating its existence, and to asking some questions.  Had d'Outremeuse any reason for collecting and reproducing all these alphabets?  Why did the copyists and buyers of the Travels go to the trouble and expense of drawing and purchasing them?  Was it on account of the connection between the Glagolitic alphabet, e.g., and the Medieval heresies popularly traced to the East, and especially to the Bulgarians? Was it because the legend of Prester John of Pentexoire, as stated by Cordier (p. 440), served as a vehicle for allusions to contemporary politics and religion, as in the pamphlet from which a facsimile is reproduced in his Odoric (p. 441)?  In brief, have the alphabets any bearing on the anti-Papal character of the Mandeville?  One practical object of keeping half a dozen of them bound together in one volume might be to facilitate secret correspondence, as a common form of cypher in the Middle Ages was the mixing of various alphabets in the same text (Al.  Meister, Anfänge der modernen diplomatischen Geheimschrift, 1902, p. 18).  The objection to this hypothesis is that, if such documents had been in use, at least a few of them ought to have survived, to come under the notice of keepers of records and manuscripts.  So far nothing seems to have been heard about them.  Still the question remains, whether sympathisers with the Mandeville's heterodox views did not use its alphabets for secret intercourse.</P>
</DIV3>

</DIV2>

<DIV2 TYPE="notes"><PB REF="" N="2:23"/>
<HEAD>NOTES</HEAD>
<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P1.L21">
<P>The philosopher Aristotle (Nic. Eth. II. 7) and Cicero (De Offic. I. 25) praise the mean way.  Pseudo-Methodius, ed. Sackur, 1898, p. 77: "in medio terrae vivificans confixa et consolidata est crux."  He means Calvary, not, as others do, the Compass or the Sepulchre.  Ps. lxxiv. 12: "For God is my King of old, working salvation in the midst of the earth."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P2.L30">
<P><REF>hath whereof.</REF>—Gallicism: has the wherewithal, the means, a de quoi.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P3.L8">
<P><REF>wolde god.</REF>—The Anglo-French Harleian text 4383 (H.) has a cut at the Papacy, writing "Mes sil plesoit a nostre seint piere lapostoille," i. e. if it pleased our Holy Father the Pope, "qar a Dieu plerroit-il bien," for it would well please God, that the lords were in agreement, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P3.L14">
<P>A general passage is a Crusade.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P3.L26">
<P><REF>Inde the lasse &amp; the more.</REF>—H. also mentions middle India, la moiene.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L1">
<P><REF>I haue.</REF>—H.: ieusse cest escript mis en latyn, i. e. "I should have written this book in Latin in order to be briefer. But, as many understand French better than Latin, I wrote it in French."  That the original text is the French we may accept as true.  The Englisher probably did not understand the meaning of the conditional.  He also altered the sense to suit his purpose. Hence the later belief that the same author wrote the same book in three different languages!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L10">
<P><REF>mynde of man ne may not ben comprehended.</REF>—Mistranslation. H. rightly has: "memorie de homme ne puet mye tot retenir ne comprendre."  Man's memory cannot remember or understand everything.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L12">
<P>Apart from the hit at the Papacy, the prologue is a string of commonplaces from the literature of the Crusades, utterly hollow, and perhaps ironical.  The land of promise was a common theme for parody.  See Pöschel, Das Schlaraffenland, P.B.B. 1878, p. 420.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L14">
<P><REF>ouer the see.</REF>—The text is corrupt, through a gap. H.: par plusours chemyns il puet aler, par meer et par terre, solonc les parties dont il mouera, dont luy plusours tournent tot a vn fyn.<PB REF="" N="2:24"/>
 Halliwell, 1867: to go to the City of Jerusalem, he may go by many Weyes, bothe on See and Lande, aftre the Countree that he cometh fro: manye of hem comen to on ende.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L20">
<P><REF>ȝif a man come from the west.</REF>—Si quis ab occidentalibus partibus.  The incipit of the Pilgrim's Text known as Innominatus, published by Tobler, 1865.  See Comte Riant, Itinéraires à Jérusalem, pub. Société de l'Orient Latin, série géographique, III. 1882.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L23">
<P><REF>hungarye.</REF>—The route followed by Peter the Hermit and by the First Crusade, as described in Albert d'Aix, in William of Tyre and in the Crusading epics, one of which, the Chanson de Godefroi de Bouillon, is the work of a trouvère of Liége, living in the late fourteenth century, perhaps Jean d'Outremeuse himself. See preface, p. 12.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L29">
<P><REF>Bougiers.</REF>—H.: des Bougres, the Medieval French name of the Bulgarians.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L29b">
<P><REF>Roussye.</REF>—Interpreted by Sir G. Warner as Red Russia, i.e.  Halicz or Galicia, long in dispute between Hungary and Poland.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L31">
<P><REF>Niflan</REF>, Livonia.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L33">
<P><REF>Cypron</REF>: in Hungarian Soprony, in German Ödenburg.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L33b">
<P><REF>Neiseburgh.</REF>—Warner: "The place is no doubt the 'praesidium Meseburch' of Albert of Aix, I. 23 (p. 290), and the 'Meeszburg' of William of Tyre, I. 29 (Recueil, I. p. 67). This was situated on the Lintax or Leytha, and is now known as Wieselburg (Moszon, Hungarian). … Its position north-east of Ödenburg, and so out of the road to Belgrade, is additional evidence that Mandeville had no personal acquaintance with the route."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P4.L33c">
<P><REF>euyll town.</REF>—An entertaining translation of the French name of Maleville, Latin Malavilla, i.e. Semlin, opposite Belgrade.  Sir G. Warner refers to Alb. Aq. I. 6 (p. 274) and II. 6 (p. 303).  Walter the Pennyless crossed the Save at Malavilla, not the Danube, as Mandeville suggests on p. 5, l. 2.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P5.L3">
<P><REF>goth in to Almayne.</REF>—H.: naist en Alemaigne, rises in Germany, which is correct.  Vogels (1886), p. 13, has traced this mistranslation to a misreading of u for n: vaist (vait, vadit, va) for naist.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P5.L11">
<P><REF>Marrok.</REF>—C. J. Jirecek, Die Heerstrasse, etc., 1877, p. 99, states that the stone bridge crossing the river Marica at Cirmen is one of the few facts correctly mentioned by Mandeville,<PB REF="" N="2:25"/>
 the master of lies!  Warner: "This reads like a confused reminiscence of Alb. Aq. I. 8 (p. 278), from which it appears that the 'lapideus pons' was not over the Morava, the right bank of which was reached by the Crusaders in boats, but over its tributary the Nissava, in front of the city of Nizh (the Ny of the French text and C.), now Nish."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P5.L18">
<P><REF>couered with gold.</REF>—MS. Brussels, 10420-5: de coyvre doreis, i.e. of copper gilt.  Boldensele: de aere … tota deaurata (1855, p. 30).  The mistranslation is ingenious.  On the statue, which stood from 543 to 1550, Sir G. Warner refers to Zonaras (XIV. 6), to Procopius (De Aedificiis, I. 2), to Nicephorus Gregoras (Hist. Byzant. VII. 12, 4).  The cross on the orb was blown down in 1317.  Boldensele and Bondelmonti (Liber insularum Archipelagi, ed. 1824, p. 122) saw the apple in its place.  John of Hildesheim, 1878, p. 24, also describes the statue as holding its orb and threatening the Saracens in the East with its right hand.  According to Ward, Cat. of Rom. I. 1883, p. 581, Turpin's chronicle describes a gigantic idol of bronze or copper (auricalco operata) erected by Mahomet upon a seaside rock at Cadiz.  In its right hand it holds a key, which will slip out of it whenever the king shall be born in France who is destined to restore Christianity throughout Spain.  Mandeville's account is evidently coloured by romances of that type.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P5.L20">
<P><REF>appell of gold.</REF>—B. 10420-5: doreis, i.e. gilt, a word obviously beyond the Englisher's linguistic capacity.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P5.L27">
<P><REF>lond he holt.</REF>—B. 10420-25: le paijs qui se tient, i.e. the dependencies of Greece.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P6.L2">
<P><REF>Tunica.</REF>—Boldensele, 1855, p. 31: "In hac sacra urbe vidi ex mandato domini imperatoris magnam partem crucis dominicae, tunicam Domini inconsutilem, item spongiam, calamum et unum clavum Domini corpusque beati Johannis Crysostomi et plures alias sanctorum reliquias venerandas."  Mandeville omits the saints and adds the crown and spear-head dear to the romances.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P6.L7">
<P><REF>Cipres.</REF>—Boldensele (p. 33) saw the relic in Cyprus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P6.L14">
<P><REF>In cruce fit palma.</REF>—Isaiah lx. 13: "The glory of Lebanon shall come unto thee, the fir tree, the pine tree, and the box together, to beautify the place of my sanctuary; and I will make the place of my feet glorious."  Sir G. Warner: "In the Septuagint, however, they are the cypress, the pine and the cedar (S. Jerome, Comm. in Isaiam; Migne, Patr. Lat. XXIV. 594).<PB REF="" N="2:26"/>
 … Bede adds box as the wood on which the title was written, the main upright being of cypress, the crossbeam of cedar, and the upright above it of pine (Migne, Patr. Lat. XCIV. 555). Mandeville's enumeration agrees with that of Jac. de Voragine (Legenda Aurea, 1846, p. 303), who quotes the monostich 'Ligna crucis palma, cedrus, cupressus, oliva;' and his distribution of the materials follows the traditional lines (Gretser, De Cruce, 1734, I. p. 7): <Q>
<L>'Quatuor ex lignis Domini crux dicitur esse.</L>
<L>Pes crucis est cedrus; corpus tenet alta cupressus;</L>
<L>Palma manus retinet; titulo
laetatur oliva.'"</L></Q></P>
<P>The palm-branch was carried as a sign of victory by winners in the Olympic games, but it appears as a piece of Christian symbolism in a Palm Sunday sermon in the Blickling Homilies: "Þa baeron hie him [i.e. to Christ] toȝeanes blowende palmtwiȝu; forþon þe hit waes Iudisc þeaw, þonne heora cininȝas haefdon siȝe ȝeworht on heora feondum, &amp; hie waeron eft ham hweorfende, þonne eodan hie him toȝeanes mid blowendum palmtwiȝum, heora siȝes to wyorþmyndum" (quoted by A. V. Vincenti, on Solomon and Saturn, 1904, p. 59).  Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Nat. 1624, l. 13, c. 31, col. 968, refers to the Song of Songs, vii. 8: "I said, I will go up to the palm tree, I will take hold of the boughs thereof."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P6.L25">
<P><REF>as the cros.</REF>—H.: tant come le corps purroit durer.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P6.L33">
<P><REF>on was ouercomen.</REF>—H.: ascun auoit victorie, which means the opposite.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P7.L7">
<P><REF>discord &amp; strif.</REF>—H.: descord only.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P7.L9">
<P><REF>ynaylled on the cros lyggynge.</REF>—Mistranslation through omission.  H.: Et sachez qe nostre Seignur fuist atachez a la croiz en gisant par terre et puis fuist dressez ouesque la croiz et ensi en dressant il soffry la pluis grande peine.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P7.L14">
<P><REF>seyth þat Adam was seek.</REF>—Mistranslation.  H.: Et dit cest escript qe quant Adam estoit malades, il dit a son filz Seth, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P7.L23">
<P><REF>vnder his tonge &amp; graue him.</REF>—H.: en la bouche son piere et, quant larbre cresseroit et porteroit fruit, adonqes serroit son pierre garry, i.e. the angel told Seth to put the seeds in his father's mouth, and that, when the tree would grow and bear fruit, then his father would be cured.  The Englisher misinterprets the grammar and misses the point of the story.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P7.L24"><PB REF="" N="2:27"/>
<P><REF>.iij. greynes.</REF>—Three seeds then produce four trees. This characteristic piece of levity also occurs in Jean d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories, I. 1864, p. 320, where the story-teller clumsily attempts to mend his blunder by pretending that pine is otherwise called olive.  Bovenschen (p. 213) traces Mandeville's version to two sources: the 68th chapter of the Golden Legend, for the four kinds of wood; another legend, printed by Wilhelm Meyer (Abhandlungen der phil.-hist. Klasse der Kgl. bayr. Akad. d. Wissensch., Vol. XVI., 2nd part), for the three seeds.  D'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories darkly hints at an esoteric doctrine of an antediluvian book of Seth: "doctrine sens libre de l'escripture Seth de son doit" (I. 1864, p. 321).  The spot in the middle of the earth where Adam's skull lies buried, with the trees growing out of his mouth is Golgotha, called by the Byzantines (E. Sackur: Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen, 1898, p. 43).  The romance of the Saint Graal, summarised by P. Paris in Les Romans de la Table Ronde, I. (1868), pp. 228-236, says that a slip from the Tree of Knowledge, planted by Eve, was white before the conception of Abel, then green, and turned red after the killing of Abel.  Three trees survive: the Tree of Death, the Tree of Life, the Tree of Help and Comfort.  They bleed when cut with carpenters' axes.  For the whole Legend of the Cross, Sir G. Warner refers to A. Mussafia, Legenda del legno della croce, in Sitzungsber.  Kaiserl. Akad. Wiens (Vol. LXIII. 1870, p. 165), and to R. Morris, Legends of the Holy Rood, 1871.  Wilhelm Meyer, Abhandlungen, as above, Vols. XIV. and XVI., is the principal authority.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L4">
<P><REF>&amp; gat … of Englond.</REF>—Missing in the French original.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L8">
<P><REF>crowne of oure lord.</REF>—The Brussels MS. 10420-5 says that part of the crown, one nail and the spear-head are at Constantinople, while other relics are in France in the King's Chapel.  Mandeville therefore confused the relics seen by Boldensele in the East (nail) with those of the Crusading epics. According to L. Gautier, Les Épopées françaises, 2nd ed., Vol. III. (1880), pp. 308-315, Charlemagne on his passage to Jerusalem is reported to have obtained the crown, the nail, the chalice of the Last Supper, and drops of Our Lady's Milk, which he took to the altar of St. Denis. The Tunic and Spear Head appear in the version of the Chevalier au Cygne, published by Reiffenberg (P. Paris in Vol. XXV. of Histoire Littéraire).  The Spear Head holds an<PB REF="" N="2:28"/>
 important place in the Chanson d'Antioche, ed. P. Paris, 1848, p.  165, etc.  It is carried before the host to secure victory. Fierabras begins with a description of the relics of the Passion. In the Chanson de Roland, the Spear Head is described as set in the hilt of Joyeuse, Charlemagne's sword (Bédier, Légendes épiques, I. (1908), p. 63).  A piece of the True Cross is given to William of Orange (ibid., p. 113).  A relic of the Cross worn round the neck by Charlemagne is now the property of the Cathedral of Reims (Le Temps, Oct. 2, 1920).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L11">
<P><REF>kynges Chapell.</REF>—The romances took the relics to the Imperial church in Aix la Chapelle.  Mandeville cheerfully confuses this with the Sainte-Chapelle still extant in Paris, built from 1245 by King Saint Louis to hold the Cross and Crown sent to him from Constantinople by Jean de Brienne and by his successor Baldwin.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L13">
<P><REF>Jewes.</REF>—Brussels MS.: genevois, i.e. Genoese.  St. Louis redeemed the relics from the Venetians and Templars, who held them in pawn, not from the Genoese, still less from the Jews, whose name comes in through a characteristic blunder of the Englisher.  Sir G. Warner refers to Count Riant's Exuviae sacrae Constant., 1877-8.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L14">
<P><REF>for a gret summe of syluer.</REF>—H.: pur grant bosoigne dargent, i.e. because he was very short of money.  Three mistranslations in four words.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L16">
<P><REF>jonkes of the see.</REF>—Sir G. Warner quotes Durandus (ob. 1333), "Et scias quod corona fuit de juncis marinis, sicut eam vidimus in thesauris regis Francorum, quorum acies non minus spinis durae sunt et acutae" (Rationale, VI.  77, ed. 1565, f. 344 b.).  As no source is given for the three kinds of thorn used in the Passion, we may suspect that the author of Mandeville invented them in imitation of the three or four kinds of wood in the Cross.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L24">
<P><REF>ȝouen to me.</REF>—A brazen lie: neither d'Outremeuse nor Mandeville is likely ever to have owned such a valuable possession.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P8.L37">
<P><REF>ne in the hows þat it is jnne.</REF>—Double mistranslation. H.: Qar, qi porte vne branche sur luy, il nad garde de foudre ne de tonoire ne de tempeste, ne la maison ou il est dedeins.  Nul malueis espirit ne puet approcher en lieu ou il soit, i.e.: For whoever wears a twig about him need fear neither lightning nor thunder nor storm, nor the house that he is in.  No evil spirit<PB REF="" N="2:29"/>
 may come near the spot where he is.  On this superstition Sir G. Warner quotes Ovid (Fasti, VI. 129): <Q>
<L>"Sic fatus, spinam, qua tristes pellere posset</L>
<L>A foribus noxas (haec erat alba), dedit."</L></Q></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P9.L7">
<P><REF>Barbarynes:</REF> barberry.—Sir G. Warner refers to Folkard (Plant-lore, 1884, p. 243) for the statement that in Italy the Crown was believed to be barberry, the spines of which grows in sets of three.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P9.L8">
<P><REF>vertues.</REF>—Brussels adds: et si faitomz de bon vergus dez fuilhes, i.e. and good verjuice is made from the leaves, a typical piece of cynicism.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P9.L20">
<P><REF>Emperour of Almayne.</REF>—Elster (Kritik des Lohengrin, P. B. B. Vol. X., 1885, p. 91) refers to Rückert's Lohengrin for the tradition that the Spear was obtained from the King of Burgundy by the Emperor Henry.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P9.L24">
<P>The beginning of ch. iii. is from Boldensele; the mention of the transfer of St. Anna introduced from another passage of Boldensele.  See duplicate, p. 58, l. 25.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P9.L31">
<P><REF>Enydros.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Nat. (1624), l. 8, c. 70, quotes Isidor: the stone enydros sweats out so much water that a fountain seems hidden in it.  The sober Boldensele knew how moisture will ooze out of certain porous stones under the influence of the temperature; Mandeville suppresses his scientific and sensible explanation and prefers the incredible.  According to Mousket, the stone ran with oil, which is still better: <Q>
<L>"Alueques si est li vasciaus</L>
<L>Mervillous et rices et biaus</L>
<L>Que nous apielons ydria.</L>
<L>Et saciés de fit qu'il i a</L>
<L>D'olie d'olive adiès assés</L>
<L>Ia tant n'en prendra on son sés</L>
<L>En cel vasciel l'Arcedeclin</L>
<L>Fist Dieux servir d'aige fait vin."</L></Q><BIBL>(Itinéraires à Jérusalem, 1882, p. 119.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>See Raym. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography, Vol. II., 1901, p. 138.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P9.L33">
<P><REF>take fro withjnne.</REF>—H: sanz ceo qe lem mette riens dedeins, i.e. without any more water being added inside.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P10.L14">
<P><REF>Turcople, etc.</REF>—Alb. Aqu. 1879, l. 4, c. 40, p. 417,<PB REF="" N="2:30"/>
 Turcopoli, Pincenarii, Comanitae figure in the Greek Emperor's army.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P10.L19">
<P><REF>grete festes.</REF>—The Aristotelia, mentioned by the biographer Ammonius.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P10.L28">
<P><REF>Athos,</REF> placed in the isle of Lemnos in line 11, now reappears on the Continent.  What Mandeville here reports about Mount Athos is referred to Olympus in his source Vincent de Beauvais (1524, l. VI., c. xxi., col. 383): "Isidor.—Athos mons Macedoniae, et ipse altior nubibus: tantoque sublimis, ut in Lemno umbram eius pertendat, quae ab eo septuaginta sex milibus separatur. … Comestor.—Olympus usque ad liquidum aera evadit, super quem literae inscriptae in pulvere per annum inventae sunt illaesae, et stetisse immobiles, ubi prae nimia aeris raritate nec etiam aves vivere possunt nec philosophi ascendentes absque spongiis plenis aqua aliquantum ibi manere poterunt, quas naribus apponentes crassiorem inde aerem attrahebant."—Mandeville's concrete, individual narrative is a great improvement on Vincent.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P10.L34">
<P><REF>for to haue eyr.</REF>—H: aier moiste, i.e. wet air.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P11.L5">
<P><REF>place for justynges</REF>: the Hippodrome or Atmeidan.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P11.L21">
<P><REF>hermogene.</REF>—The French original rightly reads Hermes, i.e. Hermes Trismegistus, a legendary sage, after whom the Hermetic or magical philosophy has been named.  Roger Bacon, Metaphysica (ed. R. Steele, p. 8), states that from primeval times he prophesied the Virgin birth of Jesus.  The legend of the discovèry of the prophecy occurs in the Golden Legend, Historia lombardica, and in the Metaphysica: "In historiis legimus quod sub Hirene et Constantino Imperatoribus effossum fuit cadaver cum scriptura ista: Credo in Christum, sub Hirene et Constantino iterum me videbit sol" (ed. Steele, pp. 41-42).  That the name of Hermes was in the Middle Ages connected with the heretical view that various religions or laws were equally legitimate appears from Guillaume de Tignonville's Dits d'Aristote, which belong, like Mandeville, to the fourteenth century: "Hermès … né en Égypte … devant le grand déluge … établit à tout le peuple de chacun climat loi pertinente et convenable à leurs opinions … les contraint à garder la loi de Dieu, à dire vérité, à dépriser le monde, à garder justice et à acquérir leur sauvement en l'autre monde" (p. xx. of Leroux de Lincy's Proverbes français, Vol. I., 1859).  That some pagans might foresee the coming of Christ was supported with Matt. xx. 30: they heard that Jesus passed by.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P11.L28">
<P><REF>Pope John the xxij.</REF>—A Pope of Avignon, who<PB REF="" N="2:31"/>
 greatly increased the treasury of the Church.  Edward III., to whom the Travels of Mandeville are dedicated, protected the Wycliffites, who leaned on the example of the Greek Church in their repudiation of the claims of Rome.  The fictitious Greek letter of defiance is similar to epistles exchanged between Alexander and Darius in Valerius (ed. Kübler, 1888, pp. 47-48), and to fictitious correspondence published by Wattenbach:  "Fausse correspondance du sultan avec Clément V." (Archives de l'Orient latin, t. II., 1884, p. 297).  It reappears in the anti-Romish Beehive of Marnix de Ste Aldegonde (p. 4 b of G. Gilpin's English translation, 1636).  See our own note on p. 3, l. 8.  Sir G. Warner: "Much of what is here said of the religious tenets and usages of the Greeks is to be found in J. de Vitry, Hist. Hierosol. (ed.  Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos, 1611, pp. 1089-1091)." John XXII. was the Pope in the explorer Odoric's time.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P12.L6">
<P><REF>therf bred.</REF>—Unleavened bread.  Mistranslation: the French text states that the Greeks use fermented bread for the sacrament.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P12.L11">
<P><REF>on vnxioun.</REF>—H.: Et si ne font qe vne envnction en baptisme, et ne font point darrein vnxioun as malades.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P12.L22">
<P><REF>Simonye.</REF>—H.: Qar au iour de huy est Simon roi coronnez en seinte esglise.  The Englisher wipes out the satirical allusion to the Pope, here identified with Simon Magus himself. Simonia, being feminine, would be queen, not king!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P12.L26">
<P><REF>but it be cristemass euen.</REF>—Agrees with H. Brussels has the opposite: et fuist la vigiel, even it were Christmas or Easter eve.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P12.L34">
<P><REF>of oure lord.</REF>—H. adds: et cils qi les font raser le font pur estre pluis pleisantz a monde et as femmes, a touch characteristic of d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P13.L2">
<P><REF>dayes before Asschwednesday.</REF>—H.: le sismaigne de quarresme carnem pernant, i.e. the first week in Lent, including carnival time and Ash Wednesday.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P13.L12">
<P>D'Outremeuse's zeal for collecting rare bits of knowledge may account for his inserting four alphabets into the Mandeville.  But if he wanted to propagate heterodox views they might be used as cyphers among the initiated.  The insertion of Greek letters into Latin alphabets was a common device for secret correspondence in the Middle Ages (Aloys Meister: Anfänge der modernen diplomatischen Geheimschrift, Paderborn, 1902).  Facsimiles of Eastern alphabets used by heretics are to be found in<PB REF="" N="2:32"/>
 M. Gaster's Ilchester Lectures on Greeko-Slavonic Literature and its relation to the folklore of Europe during the Middle Ages (1887). Chaldaean writings and words occur in connection with occult lore in Arthurian romances (P. Paris: Romans de la Table Ronde, I., 1868, pp. 222, 345).  Mr. R. Flower, of the MSS. department of the British Museum, kindly told me that no documents in the Mandeville cyphers were known to him.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P13.L18">
<P><REF>on this half.</REF>—H.: nostre pais de cea.  Les pays de par deça was a common name of the Netherlands.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P13.L24">
<P><REF>Nike,</REF> Nicaea.—Chieuetout, Civitot, Lat. Cibotus is mentioned in Crusading literature: <Q>
<L>"Passent le bras saint Jorge a petite navie</L>
<L>Le pui de Civetot qui vers le ciel ombrie,</L>
<L>Qui defors Nique siet plus de liue et demie."</L></Q><BIBL>(Chanson d'Antioche, ed. Paris, 1848, I., p. 22.)</BIBL></P>
<P>Spruner identifies it with Hersek.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P13.L29">
<P><REF>Sylo.</REF>—Boldensele: "Veni ad insulam Syo [i.e. Scios] ubi mastix crescit, et, ut, dicunt, nusquam alibi.  Gummi est fluens de arboribus parvulis, punctura certi instrumenti in cortice apertis tempore oportuno" (p. 32).  Mastic is used for making cordials.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P14.L1">
<P><REF>Pathmos.</REF>—Boldensele is followed, except as to St. John's age, the manna in his tomb, and the stirring of the earth (Sir G. Warner).  See Golden Legend, c. 9.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P14.L12">
<P><REF>translated in to paradys.</REF>—That the saint's body should at the same time be in heaven and shake the earth above his grave is an inconsistency thoroughly worthy of d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P14.L22">
<P><REF>Paterane.</REF>—Boldensele: "Inde procedens, multis insulis hinc inde lustratis … perveni in ipsa minori Asia prope maris litus ad urbem Pataram, unde beatus Nicolaus traxit originem, et post ad Myram civitatem, ubi divino nutu postmodum fuit in episcopum ordinatus" (p. 33).  For Myra, H. reads Marrea, hence C.'s Martha.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P14.L24a">
<P><REF>gode.</REF>—Hamelius's edition prints "g[o]de" here. The manuscript clearly reads "gode," although the "o" appears to have been written in another hand over an erasure.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P14.L24">
<P><REF>wyn.</REF>—Sir G. Warner thinks of the murrhina potio, i.e. drink out of precious cups of Pliny (Nat. Hist. XIV., 99). Poculum murrheum (Sen. E. 119).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P14.L27">
<P><REF>Colcos.</REF>—Colos is given by Halliwell and Warner as the Cotton reading.  The author thought of the Colossus of Rhodes and of the Colossians of St. Paul (see p. 16, ll. 17-20). Brussels rightly gives Cos, the birthplace of Hippocrates, later<PB REF="" N="2:33"/>
 called Lango.  The French original makes two islands of one, on account of the two names.  Sir G Warner: "This story of the daughter of Hippocrates, the physician of Cos, may possibly have been influenced not only by the prominence of the serpent in the cult of Asclepius, of which the island was a noted centre, but by the fact that Hippocrates had a son or grandson Draco."  The redeeming of an enchanted damsel by a kiss is known to Arthurian romance as le fier baiser, i.e. the hardy kiss: <Q>
<L>"Certes, molt avroit grant honnor</L>
<L>Icil qui de mal l'estordroit,</L>
<L>Et qui le fier baissier feroit."</L></Q><BIBL>(Li Biaus Disconeüs, ed. G. P. Williams, 1915, p. 6.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>The hero here is Guinglain, son of Gawain.  Hartland, The Science of Fairy Tales, 1891, pp. 238-239, discusses stories of this type under the name of the Enchanted Princess.  Kittredge, Gawain and the Green Knight, 1916, p. 210.  Child, English Ballads, I., 1882, p. 306, on Kemp Owyne.  In the continuation by Martin Juan de Galba of Martorell's Tirant lo Blanch, ch. ccccx. in the 1904 facsimile of the edition of 1490, Mandeville's tale of the Lady of Lango is faithfully translated (Martínez y Martínez: Martín Juan de Galba, coautor de Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia, 1916.—J. Givanel Mas: Estudio critico de Tirant lo Blanch, 1912, p. 117).  As a possible source one may suggest the story of Perseus, who beheaded Medusa, killed a sea-monster and won a king's daughter as his reward.  Hartland refers to Keats's Lamia, the source of which is in the Anatomy of Melancholy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P15.L10">
<P><REF>whan the knyght.</REF>—H: quant le chiual le veoit si hideux, il fuy sa voie et porta le chiualer maugree luy sur vn roche, et de celle roche il sailly en la meer, et ensi fuist perduz le chiualer.—Mistranslation; the Englisher mistook the horse, cheval, for a knight, chevalier, and thought that the knight was cast into the sea by the lady, instead of by the horse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P15.L22a">
<P><REF>the.</REF>—Hamelius's edition prints "[t]he" here, although the manuscript reads "the."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P15.L22">
<P><REF>schadewe of him in the myrour.</REF>—Perseus saw the reflection of the Medusa's face in a mirror.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P16.L14">
<P>If the tale of the Lady of Lango points a moral, it is against celibacy, and in agreement with p. 12, ll. 15-16.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P16.L21">
<P>There is no rubric at this point in the manuscript. Because the following material is not covered by the rubric of Chapter IV, Hamelius has inserted one here, following Warner, the editor of the Egerton manuscript.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P16.L22">
<P><REF>wynes.</REF>—Boldensele, p. 33.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P16.L24">
<P><REF>ben/ben.</REF>—The first "ben" has been cancelled by overstrike.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P16.L25">
<P><REF>be a place.</REF>—H.: deleez la goulf, i.e. beside the gulf.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P16.L26">
<P><REF>Cathaillye.</REF>—Satalia in the Middle Ages, originally Attalia, now Adalia.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L6">
<P><REF>Eddere.</REF>—H.: teste, probably right; the head of<PB REF="" N="2:34"/>
 Medusa.  Brussels, 10420-5: bieste, possibly the origin of Cotton's adder or snake.  Sir G. Warner has identified the story with the classic myth of the Gorgon's head.  It is the Arthurian episode of the Laide Semblance, discussed by O. Sommer in The Structure of the Livre d'Artus, 1914, p. 19: King Riom of Ireland, who holds all the earth down to the Terre des Pastures [Iceland?] says that no man can pass beyond the latter country until the Laide Semblance is removed from the stream where it was set by Judas Maccabeus, to show that he had conquered the earth so far. … He who removes it will have to carry it to the Gulf of Sathenie, so that it may never be seen.  For its kind is such that all who see it with their eyes must be in peril.—In the Vulgate version of the Livre d'Artus, ed. by O. Sommer, Vol. VIII. (1913), p. 150, a fair lady asks Artus for a knight to remove the Laide Semblance "ce est uns cors formez petit aus[s]i come uns enfes de trois anz, qui fu engendrez dun cheualier en une femme morte quil amoit par amors, et est en semblance de fame" (p. 158).  Grex brings the Laide Semblance in a barrel to his lady, who has barrel and figure locked in a box of oakwood.  Tempests never stop, and Arthur asks the advice of his clerks.  Helias declares that the figure must be thrown back into the sea that surrounds the earth, in a place known to Merlin only.  Merlin gets the box from the lady and throws it into the "go[u]ffre de Satellie."  There it still lies. When it emerges and beholds ships, they all are in danger of shipwreck.—Other versions have been listed: Benedict of Peter-borough (ed. Stubbs, II. 195), Roger Hoveden (ed. Stubbs, III. 158), Walter Map (ed. T. Wright, p. 176), where it is named Henno cum Dentibus (Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, 1891, p. 342).  A summary is found in P. Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, II., 1868, p.  193.  The connection with the myth of Medusa is obvious in Map: "Gorgoneum praetendit ostentum, obrigescunt miseri, vident instar Medusae malitiam."  Quoted by Runeberg (Études sur la Geste Rainouart, 1905, p. 90), who also instances the Bataille Loquifer (tête de Desramé), and Stricker's Daniel vom blüenden Tal. (Hist. Litt. Fr. XXX. 136).  Runeberg holds that the legend was brought from the East by the Crusaders, and passed through various stages.—E. Freymond: Beiträge zur Kenntnis der altfranzösischen Artusromane in Prosa. Zs. f. fr. Sprache, Abhandl., Vol. XVII., 1895.—J. Kohler: Der Ursprung der Melusinensage, 1895.  The fairy Melusine was the ancestress of the house of Lusignan, the royal house of Cyprus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L6b"><PB REF="" N="2:35"/>
<P><REF>fleigh aboute</REF>—Both Brussels MSS.: remira[t] la citeit, i.e. viewed the city and the country.  H.: remua, shook. The Brussels reading seems correct, Cotton mistranslates.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L7">
<P><REF>sank down.</REF>—C. follows H. Brussels MSS.: la … bicste … fondit en abeemez, the Laide Semblance sank into the deep.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L13">
<P><REF>.iiij. othere bysschoppes.</REF>—French MSS. iij.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L16">
<P><REF>hill of the holy cros.</REF>—Stavro Vouni, near Larnaca (Sir G. Warner).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L21">
<P><REF>seynt zenomyne.</REF>—Sir G. Warner thinks of one Sozomenus, Bishop of Potamia, S.W. of Nicosia, mentioned in the chronicle of Machaeras (p. 43).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L23">
<P><REF>castell of amoure.</REF>—Bovenschen and Sir G. Warner identify this with chasteau du dieu d'amour, ancient Didymus, where St. Hilarion died.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L26">
<P><REF>with Papyouns.</REF>—Boldensele: "in venatione cum canibus et maxime domesticis leopardis" (p. 34).  In the Chétifs, an episode of the epic of Godfrey of Bouillon, edited by Hippeau in 1877, the wolf Papion is a beast haunting the hills of Turkey and Persia.  He carries away a nephew of the Saracen king Corbaran.  He also figures in the Conquête de Jérusalem (ed. Hippeau, 1868, Introd. p. xvii).  Sir G.  Warner quotes J. de Vitry (p. 1101): "Sunt ibi papiones, quos canes silvestres appellant, lupis acriores, continuis clamoribus de nocte ululantes," and refers to the hunting-leopard or cheetah.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L30">
<P><REF>all oþere men.</REF>—H.: vadlet, i.e. varlets.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P17.L33">
<P><REF>sytten þere.</REF>—H. adds: Et puis homme mette la mape del autre couste sur le pauement, i.e. and the cloth is laid on the other side, on the pavement.  Jacques de Vitry reports that guilty Templars were sentenced "ad terram absque mappa cibum tenuem sumere" (Hist. Orient. 1597, p. 118).  The statement in Mandeville may well be derived from this, as a joke characteristic of d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P18.L11">
<P><REF>Fons Ortorum, etc.</REF>—Solomon's Song, iv. 15: A fountain of gardens, a well of living waters and streams from Lebanon.  The reservoirs now called Râs el'Ain were traditionally connected with Solomon and with the above verse.  Boldensele: "Perveniens in Syriam … applicui ad portum Tyri, quae nunc Sur vulgariter appellatur.  Est autem Tyrus antiquissima civitas. Nobilissima et fortissima quondam fuit, nunc vero quasi destructa est.  Portum vero ejus Sarraceni custodiunt diligenter…<PB REF="" N="2:36"/>
 Prope Tyrum est fons hortorum et puteus aquarum viventium. … Locus etiam ibidem ostenditur, ubi Dominus fideli Cananaeae misertus est, et prope, eo loquente ad turbas, sibi dictum est: Beatus venter, qui te portavit."—I.e.  Blessed is the womb that bare thee, and the paps which thou hast sucked (Luke xi. 27).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P18.L21">
<P><REF>And .viij. myle.</REF>—Eugesippus, De distantiis locorum terrae sanctae (ed. Allatius, 1653, p. 106): "Octo milliaria a Tyro contra orientem supra mare Sarphen, quae est Sarepta Sydoniorum. In qua quondam habitavit Helias propheta; in qua et resuscitavit filium viduae, Jonam scilicet: quem prius ipsa hospitio receperat et caritative foverat et paverat.  Sex milliaria a Sarphen Sidon, civitas egregia, ex qua Dido, quae Carthaginem construxit in Africa.  Sexdecim milliaria a Sidone Berytus, opulentissima civitas."—Mandeville is more likely to have had this from Vincent de Beauvais, where it is reproduced.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P18.L22">
<P><REF>in sarept.</REF>—Brussels, 10420-25: sarphon ou sarepte, correct.  H.: Serphen en Sarepte, which the Englisher slavishly follows.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P18.L24">
<P><REF>Jonas the wydwes sone.</REF>—Jonah was traditionally identified with the widow's son revived by Elijah in 1 Kings xvii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P18.L28">
<P><REF>Sayete.</REF>—Sagitta in Vincent, the Middle French name of Sidon.  Eneas and Dido would interest d'Outremeuse as heroes of romances.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P18.L36">
<P><REF>Joppe.</REF>—Boldensele: "… urbem Joppensem vetustissimam, quam Jafet filius Noe creditur condidisse" (p. 36).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P19.L3">
<P><REF>Andromade.</REF>—The fair Andromeda is here confused with the sea-monster from which Perseus saved her, through a careless reading of Vincent de Beauvais' chapter de monstris marinis: "Bestiae cui dicebatur exposita fuisse Andromeda, ossa Romae asportata se oppido Judaeae Joppe ostendit inter reliqua miracula in aedilitate sua M.  Scaurus, longitudine pedum 40, altitudine costarum Indicos elephantes excedente, spinae crassitudine sexquipedali" (Spec. Nat. 1624, l. XVII., c. c., col. 1300).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P19.L9">
<P><REF>Dacoun.</REF>—H.  cite Dacoun, the preposition de having become incorporated in the noun Acoun.  Boldensele: "De Tyro in una die veni per terram in Accon, quae Acri vulgariter dicitur.  Haec famosa civitas in pulchra planitie situata est supra mare; quae quondam Christianorum fuit et antiquitus Ptolomaida dicebatur. … Per Sarracenos destructa est" (p. 35).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P19.L15">
<P><REF>besyde the cytee of Akoun.</REF>—Boldensele: "… prope Accon vix ad quatuor miliaria supra mare a dextris est mons<PB REF="" N="2:37"/>
 Carmeli, non multum altus, … habitatio sancti Heliae, ubi et ordo Carmelitarum sumpsit exordium, … In hujus montis pede civitas erat quondam Christianorum, Caiphas nomine, nunc destructa" (p. 35).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P19.L21">
<P><REF>Cayphas.</REF>—Albert d'Aix (V. 41, p. 460) is said by Sir G. Warner to have the same absurd derivation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P19.L23">
<P><REF>Saffre.</REF>—Boldensele:  "Non multum a monte Carmeli a sinistris est villa Safaram in quodam monte, ubi beati Jacobus et Johannes nati dicuntur; et in loco nativitatis ipsorum pulchra fuit ecclesia constructa" (p. 36).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P19.L27">
<P>Hamelius's note here reads: "Scala Tyriorum.—1 Macc. xi. 59: 'from the place called the ladder of Tyrus unto the borders of Egypt.' ll. 27-28 missing in Cotton, supplied from Egerton and French original." These lines, however, are not missing, and I have restored the text to follow the manuscript. Hamelius's emandation ran as follows: … a gret hiƚƚ þat is clept [Scala Tyriorum is a .c. furlonges. And þere besyde renneth a lytil ryuer þat is clept] Belon.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P19.L29">
<P><REF>Foss of Mennon.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais quotes Pliny, who reports that glass was discovered accidentally by sailors near Ptolemais at the mouth of the River Belus (Spec. Nat. l. VII., c. lxxvii., col. 474).  Sir G. Warner notices that Josephus alludes to the monument of Memnon near the river, and to a concave spot, that yields vitreous sand (B. J. II. 10, 2).  D'Outremeuse seems to have added the allusion to the Gravelly Sea, which reappears on p. 181, ll. 19-29.  In his Mirror of Histories, he writes: "En unc terreur d'Acre at unc sablon dont ons faite voire cleire et bon awec aighe de mere" (vol. I., ed. 1864, p. 294), i.e. in a territory near Acre there is a kind of sand from which clear and good glass is made with sea water.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L5">
<P><REF>swelogh.</REF>—Brussels 11141: souspiral; H.: espiral, i.e. spiracle or vent-hole.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L8">
<P><REF>Gaza.</REF>—H.: ceo est a dire cite riche.  This derivation is from Isidore, Etym. (in Lindemann's Gram. Lat., v. III., p. 462): Vocata autem Gaza, eo quod ibi Cambyses rex Persarum thesauros suos posuit, cum bellum Aegyptiis intulisset.  Persarum enim lingua thesaurus Gaza nominatur (l. XV., c. i., § 16).  The passage follows Boldensele, with additions from the Old Testament.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L12">
<P><REF>of the beste.</REF>—H.: des meillours.  G.: milliers, agreeing with Boldensele and with Judges, xvi. 27.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L17">
<P><REF>Cesaire:</REF> Caesarea.—Sir G. Warner notices that Mandeville misunderstands Boldensele and reverses the positions of the towns along the coast.  The order from south to north really is: Gaza, Ascalon, Jaffa, Caesarea, Athlit or Castellum Peregrinorum.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L20"><PB REF="" N="2:38"/>
<P><REF>Babyloyne</REF>: i.e. Babylon the little, near Cairo.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L24">
<P><REF>Daire.</REF>—Latin Darium, now Deir el Belah, south of Gaza.  Here Haiton of Armenia begins to appear as a source, along with Boldensele.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L29">
<P><REF>Achellek.</REF>—Sir G. Warner derives this from Et-Tîh, the name of the desert between Syria and Egypt, with a Turkish termination lik, which also appears in Calahelyk, p. 21, l. 15.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P20.L31a">
<P><REF>me.</REF>—See MED <HI REND="b">me</HI> pron.(1), sg. and pl.: "one, someone; they, people."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L31">
<P><REF>Canopat.</REF>—Connected by Sir G. Warner with the town of Canopus and the Canopic branch of the Nile.  See A. Ausfeld's note to his translation of the romance of Alexander, 1907, p. 138.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L32">
<P><REF>Morsyn</REF> "represents Mizraim, the Hebrew name for Egypt, in Arabic Misr, Mesryn" (Sir G. W.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P20.L33">
<P><REF>Beleth.</REF>—Boldensele: "Et primo procedens versus Babyloniam veni ad villam famosam et magnam, quae Belbeis nominatur" (p. 37).  This town lies on the Ismailiyeh Canal, not near the kingdom of Halappee [Aleppo].  Mandeville might confound it with Baalbak, 35 miles north of Damascus (Sir G. W.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P21.L1">
<P><REF>faire chirche.</REF>—Boldensele: "ecclesia beatae Virginis in Babylonia, ubi ipsa cum Christo Jesu et Joseph, quando in Aegyptum de Judaea metu Herodis fugerat, aliquamdiu dicitur habitasse.  Item alia ecclesia beatae Barbarae virginis, in qua corpus ipsius in parvo monumento marmoreo conservatur" (p. 39).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P21.L6">
<P><REF>.iij. children in to the forneys.</REF>—Daniel, i. 7: "Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names: for he gave unto Daniel the name of Belteshazzar; and to Hananiah, of Shadrach; and to Mishael, of Meshach; and to Azariah, of Abed-nego."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P21.L15">
<P><REF>fayr castell.</REF>—"ubi est sedes Soldani in uno castro pulcherrimo prope Kadrum.  Hoc castrum in monte est non alto, sed petroso; largum est et valde pulchris palatiis decoratum. Dicitur quod continue, pro diversis ipsius.  Soldani servitiis et custodia ejus, in ipso castro commorentur circa sex milia personarum, quibus quotidie de curia victualia ministrantur" (p. 37). The citadel is El-Kalah.  "Sunt autem Kadrum et Babylonia duae civitates multum magnae, parum distantes et quasi contiguae. … Babylonia vero sita est super ipsum fluvium sine medio" (ibid).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P21.L20">
<P><REF>I duelled with him.</REF>—Pure fiction: that the loves of Saracen princesses were offered to Christian warriors is a<PB REF="" N="2:39"/>
 commonplace of the romances, occurring in the Chétifs, etc.  In Lucian's Vera Historia, the traveller refuses to marry the daughter of the King of the Moon.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P21.L25">
<P><REF>lord of .v. kyngdomes.</REF>—William of Tripoli, De statu Saracenorum, cap. 19 [Melec elvahet Bondogar]: "sibi quinque subiugavit regna, in quibus solus dominatur et regnat, regnum Egyptorum, regnum Jherosolimitarum, olim David et Salomonis, regnum Syrie, cuius caput est Damascus, regnum Alapie in terra Emach" [Math, p. 21, l. 31, the Hamath of the Bible, now Hamah, 100 miles N. by E. of Damascus], "et regnum Arabum, olim Moab et filiorum Ammon."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P22.L3">
<P><REF>he holdeth Calyffes.</REF>—H.: Et ouesqe ceo il est Califfes.  The Englisher mistakes the Caliph's dignity, here equalled to a king's, for a realm or territory.  Well-informed medieval writers compared the Caliph to the Pope and the Sultans to the Kings of the West.  See note to p. 27, l. 10.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P22.L6">
<P><REF>firste soudan.</REF>—The first part (i.e. 14 out of the list of 16) has been traced to its source in Hayton's Liber de Tartaris (c. 52, 53) by Bovenschen and Sir G. Warner.  The last two, Melechmader (p. 23, l. 19) and Melechmadabron (p. 23, l. 21), do not appear in Hayton and cannot be identified.  They may very well be fictitious.  We borrow Sir G. Warner's list: 1. Zarocon (Siraconus in Will. of Tyre, XIX. 5) is Sheerkooh, d. 1169.—2. His nephew (not son) Saladin, the hero of the Crusading poems, and especially of the Pas Saladin, a rhymed account of a tournament (p. 22, l. 11: the passage þat Sahaladyn ne myghte not passen), d. 1193.—3.  Boradyn (noradin in Brussels 10420-5), Saladin's son, El-'Afdal Noor-ed-deen, never reigned in Egypt.—4. nevewe, possibly Melik-el-Kámil.—5.  Melechsalan, Melik-es-Salih, d. 1249.—6.  Tympieman (Tinqueman, Brussels 10420-5), Hayton's Turquimanus, a Turcoman, and emir of Mamelouks, named El-Mo'izz Eybek.—7.  Cachas, named Kutuz, wrongly described as Melecmees by Hayton.—8.  Bendochdare, known to the West as Beybars or Bibars, defeated St. Louis, d. 1277.—9. Meleschsach, i.e. Melik-es-Sa'eed was his son.—10.  Elphy is Melik-el-Mansoor Kaláoon.—11.  Mellethasseraf, Melik-el-Ashraf Khaleel.—12.  Melechnasser, Melik-el-Nasir Mohammad.—13. Guytoga (Hayton's Guiboga) Melik-el-'Ádil Ketbooghá, identical with Melechcadell.—14.  lachyn, Melik-el-Mansoor Lageen, identical with Melechmanser.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P22.L14">
<P><REF>Comaynz.</REF>—Slaves from Cumania are said by<PB REF="" N="2:40"/>
 Hayton to have been the first mameluks of Egypt.  The Egerton MS. calls them "þe comoun pople."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L17">
<P><REF>Mountrivall.</REF>—Scribal error for Montroyal, also called Karak.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L22">
<P><REF>þo contrees.</REF>—Here Dr. J. Vogels (Mand. 1886, p. 15) edits an interpolated Latin letter, supposed to be from Melechmandabron's son to the then Pope, from two French MSS. (Bibl. Reg. 20 B.X and Sloan 560), and from two Latin ones (V. 96, Eg. 672).  The text is corrupt and the translation doubtful. </P>
<P>Cuius (viz.  Melechmandabron's) filius senior, Melechmasser nomine, scripsit litteras summo pontifici, tenorem qui sequitur continentes: </P>
<P>"Balthazarday, illustris regis filius, soldani Babiloniorum, Assyriorum, Egyptiorum, Amaricanorum, Medorum, Alexandrinorum, Parthorum, et Ethyopum, Constantinus de Jerico, prepositus terrestris paradisi custosque sepulture crucifixi, rex Jerosolomitanus, Affrice et Asie, dominus Barbarie, ab oriente usque ad occidentem, rex regum et princeps principum, nepos deorum; standardus Machometi, dominus ab arida arbore usque ad flumen paradisi et ad montem magnum Ararath, timor et angustia inimicorum, interfector christianorum, consolatio paganorum, transfixio loricarum—magno sacerdoti Romanorum gratiam, quam palpitat queritando et salutem, quam visitando meretur.  Ortodoxi fundamentum fidei christianorum, robur discretorum, fortitudo prudencium; hoc omnia in capitis tui cellula quasi thesaurus requiescunt; memoria vero tua strepit, incipiens vacillat, obedescit stulticia.  Qui pater diceris, et filiis tam inaudita mala machinaris!  Tu enim et philippus francorum rex, et alii reguli in baculo arundinis confiditis, spem vobis ponentes, que velut stuppa incensa evanescit et uno flatu consumitur.  Nam quicquid contra nos moliendo poteritis cogitare, totum animi matura deliberacione pervidimus, non timemus.  Qualis enim pater es tu, qui filios non morte naturali, sed subita perire conpellis?  An putas, quod sagittis et pharetris careamus, in quas filios tuos mittere non formidas, ut eas in se recondant et vivaces animas sic morti tradant?  A quo subversa est preciosissima civitas Jerusalem?  A quo funditus destructa est civitas Achon potentissima? A quo desolata et deleta est Tripolis famosissima?  Nonne CCCLV. civitates nobis subiecimus, quas famuli olim crucifixi rexerant?  Tu filios in mare procellissimum, ubi flumina furiunt, ire conpellis; sed tu ipse non sequeris, in arido stas et stultos pauperes in flumine mergis.  Vere simplices seducis, sed ipse non<PB REF="" N="2:41"/>
 antecedis.  Pater quidem nomine, sed non re nuncuparis.  Sufficiat ergo tibi te sic more Turcorum conducere.  Attamen si terram nostram desideras, ecce Achon et Tripolim filiis tuis aperiemus et reparare concedimus taliter, ut sint nobis perpetui censuales.  Consulimus itaque, ut dominum tuum, si potes, primo invoces, ut per nos numerus martirum impleatur, et ut iuvenes renascantur, qui patrum cruorem vindicantes ad nos properent penam consimilem recepturi.  Nichil enim aliud quam sanguinem christianorum querimus, quem sitimus.  Consule igitur tibi ipsi, qui prudens diceris, et salva iam morti expositos—alioquin occisor eris et seductor simplicium—quod ipse nature a te demon graviter requirit. Quem nobis posse rebellare credis, cum tota gens tua respectu nostre multitudinis sit quasi gutta maris? </P>
<P>"Datum babilonie anno nativitatis nostre XXXIXo, regni vero nostri XXo." </P>
<P>Melechmandabron's elder son, named Melechmasser, wrote a letter to the Sovereign Pontiff, the import of which is as follows: </P>
<P>"Balthazarday, son of the illustrious king, the soudan of the Babylonians, Assyrians, Egyptians, Amaricans, Medes, Alexandrinians, Parthians and Ethiopians, Constantine of Jericho [?] provost of the Earthly Paradise and guardian of the Sepulchre of the Crucified, king of Jerusalem, of Africa and Asia, lord of Barbary from East to West, king of kings and prince of princes, offspring of the gods, standard of Mohamet, lord from the Dry Tree to the river of Paradise and to the high hill of Ararath, terror and threat to the enemies, killer of Christians, comfort of paynim, piercer of harnesses,—to the High Priest of the Romans sends such grace as he trembles to beseech and such greeting as he deserves on a visit. The foundation of the true faith of Christians, the strength of the cautious, the bravery of the discreet, all these repose, like a treasure, within the hollow of thy head.  Yet thy memory resounds, it begins to shake; stupidity devours thee.  Father art thou called, and for thy children thou preparest such unheard-of evils!  For thou and king Philip of France and other kinglets put your trust in a staff of reed, raising to yourselves a hope that vanishes like burning tow and is consumed with one breath.  For whatever you may scheme and imagine against us, we perceive it all in the clear thoughts of our mind, nor do we fear.  What kind of father indeed art thou, to drive thy sons to a sudden, unnatural death?  Believest thou us to be short of arrows and quivers, that thou shrinkest not from sending thy sons against them, to hide them in their bodies and so<PB REF="" N="2:42"/>
 deliver their living souls to death?  By whom has the most precious city of Jerusalem been overthrown?  By whom has the powerful city of Acre been razed to its foundations?  By whom has far-famed Tripoli been laid waste and ruined?  Have not we subjected three hundred and fifty-five towns, formerly built by the servants of the Crucified?  Thou forcest thy sons into a stormy sea, where streams are raging, but dost not follow thyself; thou stayest on dry land, and drownest poor fools in the stream.  Truly thou misleadest the simple, but dost not go first.  Father art thou called in name, but not in deed.  Let it suffice thee therefore so to behave in the manner of the Turks.  If however thou desirest our land, lo, we shall open Acre and Tripolis to thy children and allow them to restore them, provided they are our tenants for ever.  We accordingly advise thee first to call on thy Lord, if thou canst, that the number of martyrs may be increased by us, and that young men may rise again and, in revenge for the killing of their fathers, hurry towards us to receive similar punishment.  For we want nothing more than the blood of Christians, and we thirst for it. Be advised, therefore, thou that art called wise and save those now in danger of death, otherwise thou wilt be a murderer and seducer of simple folk, even the spirit of nature earnestly entreats thee to it.  Who dost thou think can resist us, as all thy people, compared to our multitude, are as a drop in the sea? </P>
<P>"Given at Babylon [Cairo] on the 39th year of our birth, and on the 20th of our reign." </P>
<P>The Philip of this mock-heroic epistle can only be Philippe Auguste, who fought Saladin in the third Crusade.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L23">
<P><REF>mo þan .xx. Mill.</REF>—This military information is from ch. 50 and 51 of Hayton; only Hayton gives the number of men under each amuratus, or emir, as one to two hundred. Mandeville boldly doubles the figure!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L26">
<P><REF>ben all weys at him.</REF>—H.: sunt totdis a luy.  Gallicism, meaning: they always belong to him.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L30">
<P><REF>be the cytees &amp; be townes.</REF>—H.: par les cites et par les villes, meaning: about the cities and towns.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L31">
<P><REF>.iiij.</REF>—Scribal error for iiijc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L32">
<P><REF>.v.</REF>—Scribal error for vc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P23.L33">
<P><REF>als many taketh.</REF>—H.: Et atant prent luy admiral, and as much (pay) takes the emir, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P24.L2">
<P><REF>.iiij. wyfes.</REF>—Will. of Tripoli, c. 21: [Bondogar]: "Coniugium laudat, quatuor habens uxores, quarum quarta est<PB REF="" N="2:43"/>
 christiana iuvencula Antiochena, quam semper secum circumducit" (ed. Prutz, p. 588).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P24.L7">
<P><REF>paramours.</REF>—The substance of this passage, down to l. 18, has been traced by V. Chauvin to ch. ii. of the Book of Esther (Le prétendu séjour de Mandeville en Égypte, Wallonia, 1902, pp. 237-242).  Bovenschen was greatly impressed by the air of truthfulness of these indecent jokes!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P24.L19">
<P><REF>tartarie</REF>, tartaire; <REF>camaka</REF>, camocas, rich medieval cloths of silk.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P24.L28">
<P><REF>here armes lift vp.</REF>—This dramatic scene is from the Crusading epics, but I have mislaid the reference.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P24.L31">
<P><REF>but þat he.</REF>—H.: Et auxint nul estrange vient deuant luy, qi luy fasce ascune requeste, qil nel ottroie, pur quoi qil soit resonable et ne deuient contre sa loi.  The reading of the two Brussels MSS., although so corrupt that I have to modernise it, is more grammatical: Aussi un étrange messager ne vient devant lui qui lui fasse requête qu'il ne lui octroie, pourtant qu'elle soit raisonnable, etc.; i. e. No messenger from abroad appears before him to make a request without it being granted, provided it is sensible and not opposed to his law.  The Cotton version makes no sense.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P24.L34">
<P><REF>seyn þat noman.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: Car ilh dient que nus ne doit venir deuant princez qui nen valhe myel et doit estre plus lyes au departir de sa presence que al venir deuant ly. For they say that none ought to come before the prince without being better off, and [that people] ought to be gladder on leaving his presence than on appearing before him.  Cotton makes no sense.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P25.L1">
<P><REF>Babyloyne.</REF>—After Boldensele, p. 38-39: "Turris Babel a filiis Noë incepta in loco propinquo asseritur, ubi humanum labium confusum est.  Locus autem desertus dicitur et quasi inaccessibilis propter ferarum crudelium et venenosorum animalium ibidem commorantium multitudinem numerosam."  The desolation of Babylon, announced in Isaiah xiii. 19-22, was turned by heretics against the Church of Rome.  Adso (De ortu et tempore Antichristi, ed. Sackur, 1898, p. 107) prophesies that Antichrist shall be born in Babylon.  See p. 73, l. 19.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P25.L23">
<P><REF>the ydoles &amp; the symulacres.</REF>—A covert attack on the worship of images of saints.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P25.L27">
<P><REF>.cc. cubytes.</REF>—Honorius Augustodun., Imago Mundi (Migne, v. 172, col. 125, l. I., c. xv.):  "Cuius muri latitudo est 50 cubitorum, altitudo ducentorum cubitorum, ambitus civitatis quadringentorum octoginta stadiorum."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P25.L31"><PB REF="" N="2:44"/>
<P><REF>he departed þat Ryuere.</REF>—Sir G. Warner traces this story to Herodotus (I. 189), who tells it of the Gyndes, while Sanudo (p. 55) transfers it to the Ganges.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P26.L2">
<P><REF>not the grete Babiloyne.</REF>—Boldensele is again followed and padded out with geographical commonplaces.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P26.L14">
<P><REF>Methon.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 adds: ly payens lappellent Jathrib, which Bovenschen spells Jathreb and describes as an earlier name of Medina.  The form Methone (Mothona) is from the Alexandrian romances (see Ausfeld:  Alexanderroman, 1907, p. 132, fn.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P26.L17">
<P><REF>Musketh.</REF>—Boldensele: " … corpusque ipsius perditissimi pseustis [Greek for liar, a compliment carefully omitted by Mandeville, the friend of Infidels] sub soldani diligentissima custodia in civitate, quae Meca dicitur [the Middle Ages believed Mahomet's shrine to be at Mecca], sita in deserto Arabiae de Babylonia circa 25 diaetas in pulchra ipsorum ecclesia quam musquet vulgariter dicunt" (p. 38).  Mezchita (meschita) occurs as the Latin for mosque (Bédier, Légendes épiques, III., 1912, p. 314). Mandeville elsewhere has the form Moseach (on p. 152, l. 11).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P26.L31">
<P><REF>Botron.</REF>—Sir G. Warner quotes Eugesippus: "Arabia jungitur Idumeae in confinibus Bostron" (p. 993), and places this at Bostra, now Bosrah, about eighty miles south of Damascus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L4">
<P><REF>Theophilus.</REF>—The hero of the miracle of Our Lady. Will. of Trip.: " … Mesopotamiam … in qua civitas metropolis Zaram, quam habitabat Abraham, quoniam dictum est ei a Domino, Gen. XIIo: Egredere e terra et de cognatione tua et de domo patris tui, de qua civitate fuit gloriosus doctor Effrem et etiam Theophilus, quem virgo Maria de manu enimici liberavit" (ed. Prutz, 582).  Ephrem Syrus lived in the fourth century.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L10">
<P><REF>Calyffez.</REF>—This word, which was a stumbling-block to the Englisher on p. 22, l. 3, is rightly interpreted as successor of Mahomet by Will. of Tripoli (p. 581 of Prutz's ed.), and was in the Middle Ages applied to the pope of Infidels: <Q>
<L>"…… parlement</L>
<L>La ou li apostoles Califes les atent."</L></Q><BIBL>(Chanson d'Antioche, 1848, II., p. 61.)</BIBL> <Q>
<L>"Califfes lor sermone, qui bien fu escolés;</L>
<L>C'est li maistre apostoles de lor actorités."</L></Q><BIBL>(Chevalier au Cygne, éd. Hippeau, II., 1877, p. 79.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L13">
<P><REF>Baldak.</REF>—Will. of Trip.: "Transit hostis [Hebbis =<PB REF="" N="2:45"/>
 Abdallah Abu l'Abbas (750-54)] ultra fluvium ad terram, que olim fuit regnum Caldeorum, nulloque resistente bellatore ad regum civitatem Baldach, que Suzis olim nominata est, quam edificavit Nabucodonosor, pervenitur ibique dictus princeps."—"Baldach, in qua regnavit Assuerus et regina Ester et sanctus Daniel vidit revelationes miras et divinas" (ed. Prutz, p. 582).  Sir G. Warner identifies Susis with Shushan.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L17">
<P><REF>.iij. Calyffeez.</REF>—Will. of Trip.: "tres calife, unus in Baldach, alius in Marroch, tercius vero in civitate prefata [i. e. Carre = Cairo]" (ed. Prutz, p. 583).  H: "Il soleit auoir en temps passez iii. Califfes.  Cis Darrabiens et de Caldiens demorroit en la cite de Baldak desuisdit; et a Cair delez Babiloigne demorroit le Califfe des Egipciens; et au Marrok sur la meer doccident demoirroit le Califfe des Barbariens et de Affricaux."—The error is the scribe's.  Read: The caliph of Arabia and Chaldea dwelled in Baldach; at Cairo dwelled the Caliph of Egypt; in Morocco on the Western Ocean dwelled the Caliph of Barbaresques and Africans.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L23">
<P><REF>Sahaladyn.</REF>—Will. Trip.: "ipsum suum calife, qui auctoritate Macometi videbatur esse maior, peremit et sedem calife in Egypto evertit" (ed. Prutz, c. xiv.).  Mandeville goes beyond his authority, a common practice with d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L29">
<P><REF>Gyson somtyme clept Nyle.</REF>—Medieval geography believed that the Euphrates, one of the four springs of Paradise, ran under the Red Sea and reappeared in Egypt as the Nile.  A. Ausfeld, Alexanderroman, traces this to Pausanias (II. 5. 2) and to Philostratos (Vit. Apoll. I. 20. 2) (p. 156 of Ausfeld).  Boldensele repeats it (p. 39).  Bovenschen quotes Honorius Augustodunensis, Imago Mundi: "Geon qui et Nilus iuxta montem Athlantem [Mandeville's Aloth] surgens, mox a terra absorbetur, per quam occulto meatu currens, in littore rubri maris denuo funditur, Aethiopiam circumiens per Aegyptum labitur, in septem ostia divisus, magnum mare iuxta Alexandriam ingreditur" (Migne, Patrol. 172).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P27.L31">
<P><REF>signe of Cancer.</REF>—The four dates for the Flood, Cancer, Leo, Libra and Virgo, are given in Pliny, 5. 57, 5. 90, 18. 167, quoted by Bovenschen.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P28.L7a">
<P><REF>signe.</REF>—Hamelius's edition prints "igne" here; the manuscript reads "signe."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P28.L7">
<P><REF>þei entren betwene theise ryueres.</REF>—Nonsense. Pliny: "revocatur intra ripas in libra" (5. 57).  H.: adonqes elles entre dedeins ces riueres.  Meaning: when the sun is in Libra, the river shrinks back into its banks.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P28.L15"><PB REF="" N="2:46"/>
<P><REF>Morekane.</REF>—Mauritania.  Mandeville sends the Euphrates all the way to Morocco before letting it merge in the Nile!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P28.L18">
<P><REF>Sikonyes.</REF>—H.: sigoignes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P28.L19">
<P><REF>Egypt is a long contree.</REF>—Boldensele: "Et sciendum quod Aegyptus oblonga patria est et in aliquibus partibus constricta propter desertum siccum latera ipsius ambiens et comprimens, de cujus natura etiam ipsa Aegyptus est, nisi quod in quantum exuberante fluvio vel naturaliter vel artificialiter conducto visibiliter fertilis efficitur. … Rarum pluit in ea" (p. 39).  The other source is Hayton, c. 54.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P28.L24">
<P><REF>large of lengthe.</REF>—H.: tant est ly pais largez.  The whole sentence means: Egypt is no wider than the stretch which the floods of Nile serve to fertilise, or than the waters can spread over the land.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P29.L6">
<P><REF>heghte … loweness.</REF>—H.: la haute qest vers Ethiope, et la basse qest vers Arabe.  Cotton's nouns make no sense.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P29.L12">
<P><REF>Coston.</REF>—Sir G. Warner guesses at Kus on the east bank of the Nile, a little below Luxor and at Kosseir, the port opposite to it on the Red Sea.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P29.L13">
<P><REF>cytee of lybye.</REF>—H.: terre de Libie.  Probably the scribe's mistake.  Read: contree of lybye.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P29.L18">
<P><REF>more þan two so moche.</REF>—H.: pluis de ii tant desert.  Meaning: more than twice so much of desert?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P29.L20">
<P><REF>it hath wel.</REF>—H.: y ad bien, meaning: there is about twelve days' travelling in the desert.  Gallicism.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P29.L22">
<P><REF>blake as the Mowres.</REF>—Egerton adds: and þat þai hald a grete bewtee, and ay þe blakker þai er þe fairer þam think þam.  And þai say þat, and þai schuld paynt ane aungell and a fende, þai wald paynt þe aungell black and þe fende qwhite.  And, if þaim think þam noȝt black ynough whan þai er borne, þai vse certayne medecynes for to make þam black withall.—Although this passage is wholly in d'Outremeuse's manner, it does not occur in the French texts known to the editor.  The medicine to blacken the complexion is used by Maugis the enchanter in the Four Sons of Aymon.  In the Alexander romance, the dark queen Candace writes to the Macedonian that the minds of her people are lighter than the brightest among the Greeks (ed. Ausfeld, 1907, p. 97). Jacques de Vitry: "nos autem nigros Aethiopes turpes reputamus, inter ipsos autem qui nigrior est, pulchrior ab ipsis judicatur"<PB REF="" N="2:47"/>
 (Hist. or., ed. 1597, p. 215).  John of Hildesheim writes of the black Nestorian heretics: "Et in ecclesiis suis depingunt Christum et matrem eius et beatum Thomam nigros et diabolos albos in despectum alborum" [text: aliorum], ed. 1878, p. 25.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P30.L1">
<P><REF>Nota, etc.</REF>—This seems to have been interpolated from the margin, as it occurs neither in Brussels nor in H.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P30.L3">
<P><REF>holy heremyte.</REF>—Sir. G. Warner:  "St. Antony, whose encounter with a satyr is described by St. Jerome in his Vita S. Pauli" (Migne, 23. 23)."  The Golden Legend; Mapes, Nug. cur. 2. 15; Gervas Tilb., Ot. Imp., l. 18, are also given as possible sources.  The salvation of this monster is a parallel to that of Hermogenes on p. 11, l. 16, and to that of Job the paynim on p. 197, l. 9.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P30.L4">
<P><REF>þat is to seyne, etc.</REF>—This explanation is missing in the original, and may have been inserted by the Englisher.  The monster is called a satyr and faun in Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxvii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P30.L17">
<P><REF>And ȝit is the hede.</REF>—This seems a bold invention, after the manner of d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P30.L23">
<P><REF>Fenix.</REF>—The source of this legend is in Pliny (X. 3); it became known to the Middle Ages through the Physiologus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P31.L6">
<P><REF>And the tayll is ȝelow &amp; red, etc.</REF>—H.: et la cowe reget [roietz, S.] de trauers de iaune et de rouge.  Meaning: and his tail is striped across, yellow and red.  The Englisher probably read royé, rayé as rejeté, and translated it as cast again!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P31.L11">
<P><REF>Emeraudes.</REF>—Boldensele: In superioribus Aegypti est vena smaragdina, unde ibidem smaragdi melius et in meliori forma habentur, quam in alia mundi parte (p. 41 of 1855 ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P31.L14">
<P><REF>myzs.</REF>—Halliwell, 1866, reads Myrs; Pollard, 1900, mires.  H.: sorez = mice.  Sir G. Warner traces this to Pliny (IX. 179): quippe detegente illo musculi reperiuntur.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P31.L20">
<P><REF>coueren hem.</REF>—Brussels, 10420-5: couuent, i. e. hatch them.  H.: les coeuerent, followed by Cotton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P31.L34">
<P><REF>in a bascat.</REF>—Brussels, 10420-5: en une trocke. Brussels, 11141:  tresque.  Egerton: on a clustre.  Godefroy explains troche as "assemblage, faisceau, masse, troupe, quantité."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P31.L37">
<P><REF>the appull tree of Adam.</REF>—While the slavemarket and incubator are from Boldensele, the information regarding the miraculous fruits rests on a confusion with Jacques de Vitry,<PB REF="" N="2:48"/>
 Hist. Hier. c. lxxxvi.: Sunt ibi aliae arbores poma pulcherrima et citrina ex se producentes, in quibus quasi morsus hominis cum dentibus manifeste apparet; ed idcirco poma Adam ab omnibus appellantur. … Sunt ibi praeter ficus communes quacdam singulares ficorum species, fructus in ipsis truncis absque ramis et foliis facientes, non inter folia vel ramos superiores, sicut fit in aliis arboribus, sed ipsi trunco adhaerentes:  has autem ficus Pharaonis appellant.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P32.L4">
<P><REF>the feld where Bawme groweth.</REF>—Boldensele visited the garden of El-Matariyeh, near Cairo.  His account is supplemented by Mandeville from Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Nat. l. XIII., c. xcix., col. 1008 of 1524 edition; c. lxxxiv., col. 1000). Sir G. Warner and Bovenschen mention many more sources, most of them quoted in the Speculum Naturale.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P32.L8">
<P><REF>with on of his feet.</REF>—H.: vii fontaignes, dount nostre Seignur Ihesu Crist en fist vn de ses piez; i. e. seven wells, one of which made with his feet by Our Lord.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P32.L12">
<P><REF>entre.</REF>—Hamelius notes this word as superfluous and removes it from his text. In the manuscript it is marked for deletion (by subpunction); who made the marks and when, I cannot tell.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P32.L16">
<P><REF>ne falle nought.</REF>—H.: ne flectrissent point, i. e. do not wither.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P32.L23">
<P><REF>Enochbalse, Abebissam, Guybalse.</REF>—These Saracen names are unexplained.  They may have been in use among pharmacists, or d'Outremeuse may have invented them. In the romance of Balan, Fierabras takes two barrels of balm in Rome (G. Paris: Histoire poétique de Charlemagne, 1905, p. 251).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P32.L29">
<P><REF>I haue not seen it.</REF>—The usual joke of the arch liar.  He had not seen the speaking trees!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P32.L32">
<P><REF>take gode kepe for to bye.</REF>—H.: qil se fait bien garder dachater baume, i. e. people had better abstain from buying balm.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P33.L1">
<P><REF>wax in oyle.</REF>—H.: Et ascuns mettent cuire en oile de boys del fruit de baume, i. e.  And some put fruit of balm to boil in wood oil.  The Englisher read cire = wax instead of cuire = boil; his sentence is sheer nonsense.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P33.L24">
<P><REF>it wole take &amp; beclippe the mylk.</REF>—H.: tantost ly lait acoillera et prendra, i. e. the milk will curdle [mod. French: se cailler] at once.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P34.L2">
<P><REF>Gerneres of Joseph.</REF>—Boldensele sensibly writes: "Dicunt simplices haec maxima monumenta fuisse granaria Pharaonis, et sic ea appellant.  Sed nullo modo est, quod nec ad imponendum, nec ad extrahendum, nec ad conservandum annonam aut frumentum locus in ipsis pyramidibus aptus deprehenditur,<PB REF="" N="2:49"/>
 maxime quod a summo usque deorsum plenae sunt maximis lapidibus, invicem bene junctis, nisi quod porta parvula a terra bene elevata remansit et via stricta ac tenebrosa, per quam ascenditur per certum spatium in eisdem, nulla in ipsis reperta latitudine spatiosa (p. 44 of 1855 ed.).  Mandeville's petulant advocacy of the wrong view is thoroughly characteristic.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P35.L5">
<P><REF>because þat.</REF>—H.: come bien qe le pluis pres soit ly pluis digne, i. e. although the nearer way is the worthier. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P35.L24">
<P><REF>hilles.</REF>—H.: islez de Itaille, viz. the islands of Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily.  Cotton's slip may be a scribal blunder.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P35.L36">
<P><REF>bastardes or none.</REF>—H.: bastardz ou de loial mariage.  Cotton's or none is redundant.—E. S. Hartland quotes this in a discussion on changelings (Science of Fairy Tales, 1891, p. 111, fn. 1).  A horse is said to strive to kick a changeling and to lick human children.—Chapter xc. of the Golden Legend, itself founded on Acts xxviii., says: Dicitur quoque, quod omnes qui de progenie illius hominis, qui Paulum de hospitio excepit, nascuntur, a venenosis ullatenus laeduntur, unde cum pueri nati sunt, in cunis eorum patres serpentes ponunt, ut probent, si veri eorum filii sunt.  This is placed in Melita, but is transferred to Sicily in a letter De statu Apuliae et operibus vel artibus Virgilii, mentioned by Bovenschen as inserted in the chronicle of Arnold of Lübeck (l. V. xix., p. 193-196).  According to Sir G. Warner, Pliny (VII. xiii.) reports the same of the Psylli, a tribe of North Africa. Jean d'Outremeuse's Mirror of History writes that women take their children to be tried by a snake in Africa (Vol. I., 1864, p. 298).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L7">
<P><REF>.vij. places.</REF>—H.: vij lieux.  The English translation is correct, but the author mixed his description of Aetna with an echo of Pliny (III. 92-94) describing the seven Lipari islands. According to the Grande Encyclopédie, a saint has shut the devils in an extinct volcano in Lipari.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L13">
<P><REF>weyes of helle.</REF>—H.: chymenes denfern, i. e. chimneys of hell.  This is a mistranslation, unless the Englisher's French original already had chemins for cheminées.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L16">
<P><REF>Greef.</REF>—Brussels, 10420-5: Cret.  Egerton: Greff. H.: Gref.  Sir G. Warner notices that Corfu did not belong to the Genoese, and therefore thinks of Corsica, but Mandeville would not be so particular.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L17"><PB REF="" N="2:50"/>
<P><REF>at Gene.</REF>—H.: as Janeweis, i. e. that belongs to the Genoese.  Gallicism.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L18">
<P><REF>Myrok</REF>, explained by Sir George as Hiericho (Spruner, pl. 84), or Mavrovo in Albania.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L19">
<P><REF>&amp; þere is a Duk at Duras.</REF>—H.: a la cite de Duras qest a Duc de Duras.  D'Outremeuse would remember that the name of Duras was borne by a Belgian family.  The Englisher slightly alters the meaning.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P36.L31">
<P><REF>the Emperour Leoun, etc.</REF>—The Golden Legend (c. lix.) relates how Mark's bones came to Venice.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P37.L6">
<P><REF>lignum aloes.</REF>—Boldensele: Inveniturque in eo et circa ipsum lignum aloë et diversi coloris lapides carneoli (p. 39).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P37.L12">
<P><REF>Babiloyne.</REF>—Chapter viii. is mainly composed of the commonplaces of Crusading geography.  The beginning of ch. ix. follows Boldensele again.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P37.L17">
<P><REF>welle þat Moyses made with his hond.</REF>—Exod. xvii. 5: … and thy rod, wherewith thou smotest the river, take in thine hand, and go.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P37.L20">
<P><REF>welle of Marach.</REF>—Exod. xv. 23-25.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P37.L23">
<P><REF>Elyn.</REF>—Boldensele: Deinde veni in Helym locum valde delectabilem in deserto, ubi sunt 12 fontes at 70 palmae et una de stationibus Israël, ut in Exodo reperitur (p. 46 of 1855 ed.). The author of Mandeville adds two palm trees, as his way is (Exod. xv. 27; Numb. xxxiii. 9).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P38.L1">
<P><REF>largeness in lengthe.</REF>—H.: Elle poet bien auoir vii. lieues de large.  The two meanings of the word large, the English one and the French one, are confusing to the Englisher.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P38.L9">
<P><REF>no man may go on horsbak.</REF>—A deliberate fraud. Boldensele, his source, writes: De Kadro et Babylonia recedens partibusque Aegypti in Arabiam properavi, venique ad montem Synai eques in decem diebus (p. 44 of 1855 ed.).  The ".xij. gode iourneyes" of l. 16 are also a falsification.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P38.L20">
<P><REF>into tyme … langage.</REF>—H.: iusqes atant qe homme sache la langage, i. e. until the time when one knows the language.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P39.L6">
<P><REF>of the Bayes or of Olyue.</REF>—H.: des ramis ou de raies de oliue.  Brussels, 10420-5: de rains ou des branchez de oliue.  My French texts are corrupt; a possible reading may be: des rains ou des baies d'olivier, i. e. twigs or berries of the olive tree. The Englisher would then have repeated the French baies instead of translating it.—Boldensele has no birds and oil story.  Its source is Vincent de Beauvais: De corpore vero eius [Sanctae<PB REF="" N="2:51"/>
 Catharinae] pro sanguine lac emanavit, ipsumque corpus ab angelis mox assumptum est, et ab illo loco [Alexandria] in montem Sina 20 diebus itineris transportatum, atque ibidem in magna miraculorum gloria requiescit.  Nam et ex tumba eius oleum manat, et cuncta debilium membra sanat (Spec. Hist., l. XIII., c. viii., p. 509, ed. 1524). The birds may be an invention of d'Outremeuse's, or a reminiscence of Ezek. xxxix. 17: … birds of every sort … assemble yourselves, etc.  Sir G. Warner refers to Thietmar's Peregrinatio (1217), where the Virgin promises the monks an inexhaustible supply of oil, if they will stay in their convent (ed. Laurent, 1857, p. 46). Les Pelerinaiges pour aler en Jherusalem (ed. 1882, in Itinéraires etc.), report that many wild beasts on the hills get their living merely by licking the tomb of Our Lady St. Catherine (p. 98). Bovenschen refers to Petrus Comestor, Lib. Exod., c. xxix.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P39.L22">
<P><REF>Instrument of syluer.</REF>—This occurs in Boldensele, p. 47, and is transferred to the relics of the Three Kings by John of Hildesheim, 1878: the more the arms of the Three Kings are rubbed with an instrument of silver, the more a sweet perfume spreads throughout the church (p. 33).  As is commonly the case with d'Outremeuse's duplications, the fictitious account precedes the second, which is more or less faithfully borrowed from a source.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P39.L25">
<P><REF>swete of smell.</REF>—H: noirastre, i. e. blackish, a word probably incomprehensible to the Englisher.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P39.L31">
<P><REF>schewen the bussch.</REF>—Boldensele does not claim to have been shown the actual bush!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P39.L37">
<P><REF>his lampe schal lighte.</REF>—In the Chanson de Jérusalem, the election of Godfrey of Bouillon to be king takes place in the same way: the taper in his hand lights of itself, while the other candidates' do not burn.  Once it is lighted by a dove: <Q>
<L>Es vos i blanc colon, volant de randonée</L>
<L>Qui li a devant lui sa candeille alumée.</L></Q><BIBL>(Ed. 1868, canto vii., p. 279.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>Another time, the Lord sends a flame: <Q>
<L>Voient le chierge au duc jeter grant embrasée</L>
<L>Que Dex i envoia par bone destinée.</L></Q><BIBL>(Ib., canto v., p. 190.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>On ever-burning lights in romances see Faral: Recherches sur les sources latines des contes et romans courtois, 1913, pp. 176-177.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P40.L3">
<P><REF>whan ony of hem schall dye.</REF>—That every man may<PB REF="" N="2:52"/>
 foresee the time of his death by viewing his lamp or taper of life is an allegory, still current to-day.  Bovenschen refers to Reinfrid von Braunschweig, fol. 208a, and to W. Grimm, Altdeutsche Wälder, II., 185 ff., ed. K. Bartsch, ll. 26998 ff.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P40.L8">
<P><REF>fynde vpon the awtier the name.</REF>—In the fourteenth century romance of the Knight of the Swan and Godfrey of Bouillon, the barons who leave Godfrey are recalled by a dove laying a parchment letter on the altar (Borgnet in t. III. of Chevalier au Cygne, 1854, p. lxix).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P40.L17">
<P><REF>Mirabilia.</REF>—Perhaps adapted from Ps. lxxi. 17: O God, thou hast taught me from my youth: and hitherto have I declared thy wondrous work.  Jacques de Vitry, describing the Holy Land as the country of wonders, has a chapter on wonderful occurrences in the Holy Land, on earthquakes, thunderstrokes, showers and snowfalls (Hist. or. 1597, c. lxxxiv., p. 165).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P40.L20">
<P><REF>bothe on and oþer how it befell.</REF>—H.: Et lors ils me disoient qe lun et lautre estoit auenuz plusours foitz, i. e.  Then they told me that either miracle had often occurred.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P40.L22">
<P><REF>flye ne todes.</REF>—H.: En celle abbeye ny entrent musches, ne muscherons, ne puices, ne autre tiel ordure, i. e.  In that abbey enter neither flies, nor gnats, nor fleas nor other such vermin.  The Englisher expands, perhaps because he knew no equivalent for moucheron.  The source is Boldensele, p. 47. D'Outremeuse dramatises as is his wont.  Von Dobschütz, article: "Charms and Amulets," in Hastings's Encyclopaedia, p. 422, recalls that flies are types of the demons (Mart. S. Viti. Act. Sanct. June, III., 503).  Virgil expelled every fly from Naples by setting up a brazen fly on the city gates (Gervasius of Tilbury, III., 16 ff., Liebrecht's notes).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P40.L30">
<P><REF>before the ȝate.</REF>—Boldensele: In hoc monasterio est aqua, quam percussione virgae praecepto Dei jussit Moyses emanare (p. 47).  D'Outremeuse carries the well from inside to the space outside the gate!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P41.L6">
<P><REF>Reisins of Staphis.</REF>—As Sir G. Warner has found no other mention of St. John's vine in this neighbourhood, we may assume d'Outremeuse's invention as the source.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P41.L16">
<P><REF>noman knoweth where he was buryed.</REF>—In the Arthurian romances, a traitor called Moses disappears in an abyss. His body will be claimed.  Lancelot is to open the abyss (P. Paris: Romans de la Table Ronde, I., 1868, pp. 145-146).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P41.L29">
<P><REF>the Collect of seynte kateryne.</REF>—Sir G. Warner<PB REF="" N="2:53"/>
 quotes from the Roman Breviary, 25 Nov.: Deus qui dedisti legem Moysi in summitate montis Sinai et in eodem loco per sanctos angelos tuos corpus beatae Catherinae virginis et martyris tuae mirabiliter collocasti, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P42.L7">
<P><REF>Bedoynes.</REF>—Besides Boldensele, Jacques de Vitry (p. 1062) and Odoric, De Terra Sancta are followed.  The romances contain similar accounts.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P42.L18">
<P><REF>þei eten no bred.</REF>—Alexandre, ed. 1846: <Q>
<L>La gent de sa contree manjuent peu de pain</L>
<L>Lait boivent de camel et a soir et au main.</L></Q><BIBL>(p. 114, ll. 27-28.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P42.L21">
<P><REF>hote stones.</REF>—Vincent: Ichtyophagi … in littore maris rubri super petras solis calore ferventes assant pisces (Spec. Hist., I., c. lxxxvi., p. 32, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L8">
<P><REF>Bersabee the wif.</REF>—This lovely etymology is worthy of d'Outremeuse's inventiveness and of his love of indelicate stories.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L14">
<P><REF>an .c. ȝeer.</REF>—Pseudo-Methodius: fecerunt planctum super eum Adam quoque et Eva annis C. (Ed. Sackur, 1898, pp. 60-61).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L18">
<P><REF>Sacerdotall.</REF>—H.: Et si fuist la cite sacerdotale de tribu Iuda.  Et estoit si franche qe homme resceuoit la totes futifs dautre lieu pour lour malfaites.  Bovenschen quotes Eugesippus, p. 103, as the source.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L23">
<P><REF>kyng Dauid.</REF>—Source, according to Bovenschen, 2 Kings v. 5.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L27">
<P><REF>&amp; of Lya.</REF>—Egerton adds: and þai er in þe hingand of þe hill.  And ower þaim es a riȝt faire kirke wele bretist aboute, as it ware a castell, þe whilk Sarzenes kepez riȝt wele. H: … Lie, en le declin de la montaigne.  Et dessur eaux y ad vne bele esglise, kernele [i. e. crénelée = battlemented] en guise dun chaustel, la quelle ly Sarazins gardent mult curiousement. This was probably omitted by the copyist of Cotton.  It is translated from Boldensele, p. 50.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L30">
<P><REF>cristene man.</REF>—Egerton adds: ne Iews, following French.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P43.L36">
<P><REF>Karicarba</REF>, Kirjath-Arba, Joshua xiv. 15.  The source for this page is in the guide-books, such as Eugesippus, who is quoted in Vincent de Beauvais, and Odoric, De Terra Sancta.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P44.L6">
<P><REF>And of þo same.</REF>—H.: La, mesme lieu.  Brussels 10420-5: la mesmes, i. e. in that very place.  This seems sheer<PB REF="" N="2:54"/>
 carelessness of the Englisher.  Boldensele: In hac sancta valle Hebron locus est, ubi Abraham in ostio sui tabernaculi sedens in ipso fervore diei tres vidit et unum adoravit. … In hoc loco etiam ipse vir sanctus angelos Dei hospitio recepit (p. 50 of 1855 ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P44.L10">
<P><REF>Adam formed.</REF>—Burchardus, De Terra Sancta: De spelunca duplici contra occidentem, quantum jacere potest arcus, est ager damascenus, in quo loco plasmatus fuit Adam.  Ager iste in rei veritate valde rubeam habet terram, quae omnino flexibilis sicut cera.  De qua tuli in magna quantitate.  Similiter faciunt peregrini alii et Christiani visitantes loca ista.  Sarraceni insuper terram istam portant camelis in Aegyptum et Aethiopiam et Yndiam et ad alia loca, pro speciebus valde caris vendentes eam.  Et tamen modica apparet fossio illo in loco.  Dicitur enim, quod anno revoluto, quantumcumque magna sit fossio, semper miraculose repletur.  Sed oblitus fui quaerere rei veritatem; hoc tamen dico, quod modica fuit fossio, cum essem ibi, ita quod vix quatuor viri sedissent in ea; nec erat profundior, quam usque scapulas meas. Dicitur tamen, quod, quicunque terram istam secum portat, animal eum non offendit.  Hominem insuper dicitur a casu conservare (ed. 1864, p. 81).  This guarded statement is turned by our text into a bold tale of wonders.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P44.L23">
<P><REF>Cambyll.</REF>—Sir G. Warner has traced this word to the Pandectae Medicinae of Matthaeus Silvaticus (circ. 1317), who defines it as "terra rubea minuta, quae affertur de Mecha" (ed. Lugduni, 1641, fol. xiii.).  Arabic canbîl, kinbîl.  D'Outremeuse may have learned it from the English doctor John de Mandeville. Ducange, Gloss. Graec., s.v.  It is not earth, but a dust-like powder obtained from a shrub.  Modern name: Kamala.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P44.L29">
<P><REF>broþer [sone].</REF>—The last word dropped in Cotton. H.: filz au frere Abraham.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P44.L30">
<P><REF>Mambre.</REF>—Odoric, De Terra Sancta: A Ebron incipit vallis Mambre, quae protenditur fere usque Jerusalem. Non remote ab Ebron est mons Mambre, et in ipso monte stat arbor, scilicet quercus arida, quae ab antiquitate sua speciale sibi nomen meruit habere in universo mundo, et vocatur arbor sicca. Sarraceni dicunt eam dirp.  Haec creditur stetisse a tempore Abrahae, et quidem ab initio mundi, virens, donec passionis Christi tempore siccaretur (p. 154 of 1864 edition).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P44.L33">
<P><REF>drye tree.</REF>—Sir G. Warner states that only Odoric and Mandeville identify the oak of Mamre with the Dry Tree of<PB REF="" N="2:55"/>
 medieval romance, placed somewhere at the confines of the world in the Far East.  Jeanroy, Poésie lyrique, 1904, quotes from the Jeu du Pélerin: <Q>
<L>Bien a trente et chienc ans que je n'ai aresté,</L>
<L>S'ai esté au Sec Arbre et duse'à Dur Esté.</L></Q><BIBL>(from Monmerqué et Michel, Théâtre français au Moyen Âge, p. 97; p. 251 of Jeanroy).</BIBL>  In Cordier's edition of Odoric, 1891, the Biblical passages given as the source of the romance are: Mark xi. § 2, 12-14; Matt. xxi. 18-22; Luke xviii. 6-9; Ezek. xvii. 24.  An alternative name for the Dry Tree is l'Arbre seul, the sole Arabian tree of the Phoenix and the Turtle.  In Baudouin de Sebourg, the Dry Tree is connected with the wood of the Cross (Hist. Litt., Vol. XXV., p. 574.)</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L1">
<P><REF>in the world.</REF>—H.: ou ils dessechcheront, ou ly coers fendi et purissoit, et sunt demorez touz voidez et tot creuez par dedeins, dont il y ad vnqore mointez parmy le monde, i. e. either they dried, or their hearts split and rotted within, and they have ever since remained empty and hollow within, of which there are still many about the world.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P45.L3">
<P><REF>or elles …placez of the world</REF>—Hamelius has a footnote in the text: "Omitted through homoiotel. Restored partly from Eg." The emendation follows Egerton until the final words, "of the world," which are not in that manuscript.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L4">
<P><REF>prophecyes.</REF>—Among works ascribed to the Venerable Bede is a Sibyllinorum verborum interpretatio, printed in Migne, Vol. XC., col. 1181-1186: exsurget rex nomine H animo constans … Judaei convertentur (col. 1185).  R. Taylor, Political Prophecies (1911): "The Last-King-of-Rome story, relating to the successful Crusade of an English king and his death in the Holy Land, was used in prophecies from the thirteenth century on, and was applied to Edward II., Edward III., etc." (p. 109).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L7">
<P><REF>schall wexen grene.</REF>—Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi, ed. 1898 by Sackur, Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen: [Antichristus] Faciet ignem de coelo terribiliter venire, arbores subito florere et arescere.  D'Outremeuse would be familiar with prophecies occurring in Arthurian romances, and connected with the name of Merlin.  Taylor, p. 141.  A Biblical source is Ezek. vii. 10: Behold the day, behold it, it is come: the morning is gone forth; the rod hath blossomed, pride hath budded.  Hartland, The Science of Fairy Tales, discusses second advent theories on pp. 204-220.  On their connection with Nero see Ebert, Literatur des Mittelalters, 1874, I., p. 92.  Ovid, Metamorphoses, l. XV., v. 560:<PB REF="" N="2:56"/>
<Q>
<L>"Utque Palatinis haerentem collibus olim</L>
<L>Quum subito vidit frondescere Romulus hastam</L>
<L>Quae radice nova, non ferro stabat adacto,</L>
<L>Et jam non telum, sed lenti viminis arbor</L>
<L>Non exspectatas dabat admirantibus umbras."</L></Q> </P>
<P>Cf. Numb. xvii. 5: And it shall come to pass, that the man's rod, whom I shall choose, shall blossom.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L13">
<P><REF>the fallynge euyll.</REF>—Sir G. Warner notices that Eugesippus does not mention this curative virtue of the Dry Tree, but only its power to protect a horseman from a fall.  Von Dobschütz, article on "Charms and Amulets" (Hastings's Encycl., p. 418), says that the falling sickness is cured by wearing the names of the Three Kings who fell in worship before the Infant Christ.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L14">
<P><REF>his hors schall not ben afoundred.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. XXXI., c. lix.: Mambre … quercus … incolis cara et medicinalis.  Nam si quis eam siccam portet, non infunditur bestia cui insidet.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L18">
<P><REF>a lityll cytee.</REF>—Boldensele: Est autem Bethleem civitas parvula quantitate loci, licet non virtute mysterii, oblonga est et stricta a lateribus suis, profundis vallibus bene naturaliter communita.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L21">
<P><REF>audiuimus eum.</REF>—Ps. cxxxi. 6 has eam, correctly repeated in French texts, wrongly altered to eum in English.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L24">
<P><REF>corneres.</REF>—H.: kerneux.  Modern French: créneaux, battlements.  Mistranslation.  Egerton: kirnelles.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L28">
<P><REF>feld florissched.</REF>—Sir G. Warner notices that the "champ flori" of the French Itinéraires is elsewhere (éd. Michelant et Raynaud, 1882).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P45.L29">
<P><REF>blamed with wrong.</REF>—H.: encoulpez a tort, i. e. unjustly accused.  Mistranslation repeated in Egerton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P46.L4">
<P><REF>the first Roseres.</REF>—Mr. Robin Flower, of the British Museum, has pointed out the source of this in a manuscript described in Mr. James's Catalogue of MSS. in the Fitzwilliam Museum, 1895, p. 31.  In a Life of the Virgin it is related that Abraham's daughter became pregnant through the smell of a flower on the Tree of the Cross.  Being suspected, she has to enter a fire, which God turns to roses, lilies and eglantines.  The sparks and flames become singing birds.  The girl's son Phanuiaus (Phanuel) gives birth to Anne through his thigh.—The MS. is dated 1323. Mr. James refers to Leroux de Lincy, Livre des Légendes, 1836, pp. 24-29. and to Histoire littéraire de la France,<PB REF="" N="2:57"/>
 t. XVIII., pp. 833-837.  E. Montégut, Heures de lecture d'un critique, 1891, p. 278 fn., refers to the legend as Arabic.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P46.L14">
<P><REF>place where the sterre fell.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. VI., c. xci.: quidam tradunt Bedam voluisse, quod in puteum Bethlehem illico ceciderit [stella] (p.  205).  John of Hildesheim, 1878: stella stetit immobilis et infra muros lapideos et fictiles per modicum intervallum stella cum tanta et tali claritate et fulgore se demersit, sic quod omnia in tugurio et spelunca fuerunt illuminata (p. 15).  Odoric, De Terra Sancta: puteus, ubi videtur stella, quae duxit tres reges ad Christum in praesepio (ed. 1864, p. 153).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P46.L14b">
<P><REF>the .iij. kynges.</REF>—The names are from Petrus Comestor, Hist. evang., c. viii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P46.L21">
<P><REF>Cassak.</REF>—This localisation in India is from friar Odoric, Descriptio orientalium partium, c. iii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P46.L29">
<P><REF>charnell of the Innocentes … seynt Ierome.</REF>—From Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P46.L37">
<P><REF>traces may ȝit ben sene.</REF>—John of Hildesheim 1878: Et in illa capella videtur adhuc lapis, super quem beata virgo sedendo filium lactare consuevit.  Et quadam vice modicum lactis de sua mamilla super lapidem cecidit.  Cuius lactis species usque in praesentem diem super ipsum lapidem permansit, et quanto plus abraditur quanto plus crescit (p. 17).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P47.L4">
<P><REF>þat the cristene men han don let make.</REF>—H.: qe ly Cristiens font faire, i. e. that the Christians get made.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P47.L7">
<P><REF>Alkaron.</REF>—The three names are from William of Tripoli, De statu Saracenorum, ed. in Prutz, Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge, 1883, p. 590.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P47.L20">
<P><REF>holde[n] hem alle acursed.</REF>—H.: Et tignent mout a desesperez touz ceaux qi ent mangent.  Brussels 11141: moult a despit.  Perhaps this is the right reading: all those that eat pork they hold in great despite.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P47.L24">
<P><REF>for it is forbode.</REF>—H.: non pas qe lour soit defenduz, mes par ceo qil en ont poi, i. e. not because it is forbidden, but because they own but few.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P48.L5">
<P>The close of the chapter is from Boldensele and from Odoric, De Terra Sancta, 1864, p. 153.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P48.L11">
<P><REF>cleped Iebus.</REF>—Guérin, La Terre Sainte (1897), quotes St. Jerome, Epitaphium Paulae: "… ingressa est [Paula?] Jerosolymam urbem trinominem, Jebus, Salem, Jerusalem, quae ab Aelio postea Hadriano, de ruinis et cineribus civitatis in Aeliam<PB REF="" N="2:58"/>
 suscitata est" (p. 95).  Odoric, De T. S. 1864, p. 148, has a still larger number of names.  Bovenschen refers to Isidor, Etym. XV. 1, 5; to Honorius: Imago Mundi, I. 16; to Jacques de Vitry, c. lv., p. 93; to Albericus Tr. Font., MGSS. XXIII., p. 811, 7.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P48.L25">
<P><REF>Abowten Ierusalem.</REF>—Both Bovenschen and Sir G. Warner notice that the distances from Jerusalem to the surrounding cities vary from those given by geographical authorities. The blame may be laid either on d'Outremeuse or on his translator, or on the scribes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P48.L30">
<P><REF>seynt karitot.</REF>—The authorities given for this are Eugesippus, Burchard (X. 30, p. 82), etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P49.L2">
<P><REF>in moornynge.</REF>—H.: en peinture, in painting; so the two Brussels MSS.  Mistranslation.  Sir G. Warner quotes Comestor, Evang. 178:  et adhuc compaginati videntur.  Did d'Outremeuse connect the word compago, skeleton, with the radical of pictura?  Here the two blunderers, French and English, are seen at work on the same expression.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P49.L15">
<P><REF>.xl. ȝere.</REF>—Saladin took Jerusalem in 1187.  If the Mandeville had been written forty years later, we should have to place it about 1227, an impossible date.  If the date of 1356, given at the close (p. 210, l. 32) was correct, the distance would be 169 years.  The author of the Travels did not trouble to lie consistently, and he may have blindly copied an earlier writer, as Sir G. Warner suggests.  He may also have put in a figure haphazard. Both Brussels MSS. have: vijxx et xiiij ans.  This would make the date of composition 1341, five years after Boldensele wrote.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P49.L18">
<P><REF>holy Sepulcre.</REF>—Boldensele, 57-59, is followed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P49.L32">
<P><REF>to breke the ston.</REF>—H.: de prendre de la piere ou piece ou poudre, i. e. to take away a fragment or some dust from the stone.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P50.L6a">
<P><REF>and on … by it self</REF>—Hamelius inserts this passage from Egerton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P50.L6">
<P><REF>it lightez agayne by it self.</REF>—This annual miracle of the Holy Fire is traced by Sir G. Warner to the Crusading historians: Albert d'Aix, XII. 33; Baudri de Dol, I. 4; Foucher de Chartres, II. 8.  It should be compared to the miracle by which Godfrey of Bouillon was elected king, p. 39, l. 37, and to the allegory of the lamp of life on p. 40, l. 3.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P50.L11">
<P><REF>set in a morteys.</REF>—H.: Celle roche est fendue et celle fendure homme appelle Galgatha, i. e. this rock is cracked and the crack is called Golgotha.  The Englisher could not translate<PB REF="" N="2:59"/>
 the verb fendre, and therefore fell back on the word mortise from c. II., p. 6, l. 19.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P50.L12">
<P><REF>dropped the woundes.</REF>—Odoric, De Terra Sancta, c. XV.: Mons autem Calvariae, in quo crucifixus erat Dominus, ubi sanguis de latere eius fluens in lapidem sub monte, in parte illa, quae Golgata dicitur, ubi inventum est caput Adae, etc., p. 149 of edition of 1864.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P50.L21">
<P><REF>Otheos</REF>, etc., from Comestor, Hist. Schol. Evang. 179, Migne, cxcviii. 1634: [Greek] Ps. lxxiv. 12: For God is my King of old, working salvation in the midst of the earth.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P50.L28">
<P><REF>Cyos myst</REF>, etc. —Sir G. Warner prints this, after Tobler, as: [Greek] The stone which thou seest is the foundation of the world's faith.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P50.L31">
<P><REF>of all the world &amp;.</REF>—Mistranslation, as appears from the above.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P51.L2">
<P><REF>þei ben bothe trewe.</REF>—Sir G. Warner credits the author of Mandeville himself with this piece of sophistry, and Dr. Bovenschen remarks that it shows great ignorance.  It may be added that it throws ridicule on the prophecies and on the people who believe in and comment on them.  In a year of ten months, each month must needs be longer than in a year of twelve.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P51.L4">
<P><REF>Gayus.</REF>—H.: Gaius Ceser, Brussels 10420-5: Julius Cesar.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P51.L15">
<P><REF>allweys droppen water.</REF>—Boldensele: Circa hunc locum sunt quaedam columnae marmoreae aquam continue distillantes; et simplices dicunt quod defleant et plangant mortem Christi (pp. 60-61).  D'Outremeuse omits the reference to simpleminded people.  The romances of Charlemagne relate that the stone on which the Emperor sat after the disaster of Roncevaux is still wet with his hot tears (Bédier, Légendes épiques, III. 1912, p. 326).  Burchard, De Terra Sancta, 1864, similarly writes of white stone marked with red spots: color sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi apparet hodie in ipsa scissione petrae (p. 71).  And again, of the pillar of scourging: Est autem de lapide porfiritico subnigro, habens maculas rubeas naturaliter, quas credit vulgus tincturas esse sanguinis Christi (p. 71).  Stories of statues or images sweating blood, tears or milk belong to the common stock of romances, especially those of Alexander.  The vessel of Enydros at Constantinople is connected by d'Outremeuse with the same class of fables (see p. 9, l. 31).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P51.L18"><PB REF="" N="2:60"/>
<P><REF>the holy croys was founden.</REF>—The Golden Legend, c. lxviii., is the source for the legend of the Holy Cross.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P51.L27">
<P><REF>a brydill, etc.</REF>—H.: Et del vn des claus fist lemperour Constantin vn frein pur son chiual pur porter en bataille, i. e. And of one of the nails the Emperor Constantine made a bit for his horse to wear in battle.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P52.L2">
<P><REF>be cristen men.</REF>—H.: par la pruesse de eaux, i. e. through their bravery.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P52.L7">
<P><REF>the myddes of the world.</REF>—Sir G. Warner points out an inconsistency: the centre of the world, here placed on the spot where the wounds were washed after the Descent from the Cross by that hero of the Graal romances, Joseph of Arimathia, is elsewhere located in the place where the True Cross revived a dead body (p. 51, l. 22).  A lance pitched here at midday on the Equinox would cast no shadow (p. 121, l. 35).  Sensible people in the Middle Ages disbelieved such stories.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P52.L24">
<P><REF>prestes yndyenes.</REF>—The sect of the Indian Christians, founded by St. Thomas, is often mentioned by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P52.L26">
<P>Hamilius supplies "of breed" from Egerton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P52.L29">
<P><REF>many popes.</REF>—This reference to the Papacy is not openly hostile; still the popes are said to have altered the rites of the Early Church, and the Oriental dissenters are described as devout.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P53.L21">
<P>For the close of this chapter, each particular has been traced to one or more sources by Sir G. Warner and Dr. Bovenschen.  The distance of two hundred paces (l. 10) and the number of pillars (ll. 13 and 15) seem an invention of our author's.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P53.L24">
<P><REF>couered.</REF>—Hamelius's edition prints "c[u]uered" here, yet the manuscript reads "couered."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P53.L25">
<P><REF>wel paued.</REF>—H.: … couerte de plum.  Et ad grande place entour sanz nulle maison; et est la place bien pauee par tot de marbre blanc.  Egerton, like Cotton, omits the reference to the place or square.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P53.L29">
<P><REF>I hadde lettres.</REF>—Boldensele: Soldanus namque Babyloniae fecit mihi singularem gratiam, Dei mediante favore, dans mihi literas, quibus me omnibus subditis recommendabat, ut me ad loca sancta per totum ejus dominium libere ire permitterent sine omni tributo, exactione, teloneo, et me, meos ac mea salvarent, honorarent, ab omni offensa et injuria quorumcumque custodirent.  Multi iverunt ultra mare, magni et parvi, nobiles et ignobiles, sed hujus temporis nullus hoc modo, quod reputo singularem gratiam et donum gratuitum Salvatoris.  Quocumque perveni et illis, quorum intererat, literas soldani monstravi, statim se<PB REF="" N="2:61"/>
 levabant, literas osculabantur, super caput ponebant, me honorabant, aliquoties victualia gratis praesentabant, et se mihi ad beneplacita benevolos exhibebant (ed. 1855, p. 45).  Mandeville, pretending to write as an eye-witness, proves a mere plagiarist.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L1">
<P><REF>grete seel … signett.</REF>—This clause is missing in my French texts and in Boldensele.  Nevertheless, it may be original: from his notarial practice, d'Outremeuse would be familiar with the distinction between a seal and a signet.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L9">
<P><REF>suche as han serued him.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: quilh nont pont seruit, i. e. who have not served him.  Mandeville had pretended (p. 21, l. 20) that he served the soldan as a soldier, and thus earned his privileges.  The truthful Boldensele, who really enjoyed advantages, makes no such claims.  The Englisher or the Cotton copyist omits the negative.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L14">
<P><REF>grettere reuerence to his lettres.</REF>—Here the opposi tion no longer lies between the seal and the signet, but between the letters and the seal or signet, as in Boldensele.  Corpus Domini is the host, ceremoniously worshipped by believers in the real presence.  Still, we need not see here an allusion to the doctrine of transubstantiation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L25">
<P><REF>to Parys.</REF>—H.: a Ayes la Chapelle.  Brussels 10420-25: a Ays la chappelle a vij liwes de Liége, i. e. to Aix-la-Chapelle, which lies seven leagues from Liége.  This passage yields one of the arguments for believing the Mandeville to have been written in Liége.  The distance is correctly stated.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L26">
<P><REF>Peyteres; Chartres.</REF>—Charlemagne's fictitious pilgrimage to Jerusalem is a common theme of romance. The authorities quoted by Sir G. Warner for the preputium story are: De Situ (p. 426), Eugesippus (p. 999), John of Wirtzburg (p. 119), Petrus Comestor (Evang. 6; Migne, cxcviii, 1541) and the Golden Legend (c. xiii.).  Dr. Bovenschen adds Vincent de Beauvais, XXV., c. v., the most likely source.  Poitiers and Chartres, in the French text, appear to be misreadings of d'Outremeuse (possibly of his copyists) for Charroux in Poitou, where a Benedictine abbey was founded by Charlemagne, and where the relic was transferred by Charles the Bald.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L28">
<P><REF>not the temple.</REF>—Sir G. Warner and Dr. Bovenschen agree that no single source has been found for those particulars. Boldensele, the topographers, Scripture and the author's imagination have all contributed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P54.L35">
<P><REF>.xj.<HI REND="sup">Miƚ</HI>cm.<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI></REF>—Total: 11,900.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P55.L1"><PB REF="" N="2:62"/>
<P><REF>.xxx.<HI REND="sup">ti</HI> for o peny.</REF>—This sale is mentioned in the Arthurian romances, P. Paris: Romans de la Table Ronde, I., 1868, p. 140, and in the Golden Legend, c. lxv.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P55.L10">
<P><REF>lynage of Troye.</REF>—The epic tradition of the Middle Ages connected Rome with Troy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P55.L18">
<P><REF>long tyme beforn.</REF>—H.: Cis emperour fist enclore et enmurer lesglise de seint Sepulcre ouesqes la cite, qauant estoit loinz dehors de la cite, i. e.  This Emperor ordered the church of the Holy Sepulchre to be enclosed and walled in with the city, which before lay far outside the city.  Mistranslation.  The Englisher mistook the adverb of space for the adverb of time.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P55.L32">
<P><REF>ben many high stages.</REF>—H.: y a pluis haute estage, i. e. there is a raised (higher) platform.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P55.L35">
<P><REF>cometh noman.</REF>—H.: La ni entroit nulli fors qe luy prelait, i. e. therein entered no man except their high priest. Mistranslation.  The French refers to the past of the Old Testament, the Englisher transfers the statement to his own time.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L5">
<P><REF>but it renneth noght.</REF>—This is not in the sources. It would perhaps be fanciful to apply it to the drying up of the springs of piety in the Church.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L7">
<P><REF>Vidi aquam.</REF>—Sir G. Warner states that this is not directly from Holy Writ, but from an antiphon for the sprinkling of holy water at Easter, Graduale Rom., Paris, 1858, p. 2, itself founded on Ezek. xlvii. 1.  The Anglo-French Pelrinages et Pardouns de Acre (éd. Riant, 1882), p. 231, calls the spring Parays, Paradise.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L10">
<P><REF>þat men clepen Moriach.</REF>—H.: qe homme soleit appeller Moriach.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P56.L12">
<P><REF>Þat//Þat.</REF>—The repetition occurs at the folio break. Hamelius's placement of the error in his edition (two lines following) is wrong. The lineation of this page (56) is off by one, which may have contributed to the mistake.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L15">
<P><REF>the .x. commandementes.</REF>—H.: les tables des x comandementz et la verge Aaron et la verge Moyses.  The English seems past mending.  The two occurrences of the preposition of seem due to the French des.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L22">
<P><REF>honournementes.</REF>—H.: ournementz.  Brussels 11141: aournemens.  Scribe's mistake?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L24">
<P><REF>with .iiij. figures &amp; .viij. names.</REF>—H.: ouesqe vij figures des nouns nostre Seignur.  Brussels 11141: auec vij figures.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L27">
<P><REF>þei bare Cherubyn.</REF>—H.: il y auoit iiii. cherubin dor de xij. palmes de long.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P56.L28">
<P><REF>the Cercle of Swannes.</REF>—H.: le cercle des signes<PB REF="" N="2:63"/>
 du ciel.  The Englisher read cygnes, swans, instead of signes, signs. The French text meant the signs of the Zodiac.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P57.L7">
<P><REF>ȝaf him light,</REF> repeated on l. 14.  The French original omits ll. 6-7: And in this roche … light, probably introduced by the Cotton scribe through homoioteleuton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P57.L36">
<P><REF>turtles.</REF>—H.  adds: et meintenant ont les Sarazins fait roies sur cel aultier pur regarder quelle heure de iour il est ouesqe vne broke qil y a, i. e. and now have the Saracens made lines on that altar to see what time of the day it is with a pin that is there.  This description of a sundial was probably too hard for the translator.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P58.L8">
<P><REF>Salomones scole</REF>, so called after Boldensele, appears to be identical with the temple of Salomon of l. 9.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P58.L9">
<P><REF>right fair &amp; wel pollisscht.</REF>—H.: mult beau et siet en vne grande place et bien plaine.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P58.L10">
<P><REF>duelle</REF>—H.: demorrerent.  The present is a mistranslation.  The order of Templars was abolished in 1312.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P58.L16">
<P><REF>water fro paradys.</REF>—This fiction of d'Outremeuse's was probably suggested by the name of the spring mentioned in the note to p. 56, l. 7.  Ȝit it droppeth sounds like mockery.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P58.L27">
<P><REF>Probatica piscina.</REF>—The pool of Bethesda, John v. 2.  Vincent de Beauvais, l. XXXI., c. lxiv. (of 1624 ed.), connects it with the Legend of the Holy Cross: In Hierusalem est lacus, qui probatica piscina dicitur, cuius aqua singulis sabbatis ab angelo movebatur.  Descendente scilicet ad visitationem ligni Dominicae passionis ibidem absconditi a tempore Salomonis.  Et post aquae motionem sanabatur unus, quicumque descenderet in eam prius Iuxta hunc ergo lacum sanavit Dominus in sabbato Paralyticum, sub templo Domini et monte Syon.  In his Mirror of Histories, Jean d'Outremeuse reports that after the Tree of the Cross was removed from the pool, its water cured diseases after stirring. The tree was laid across as a bridge (vol. I., 1864, p. 324).  On p. 62, l. 34, the bridge spans the brook Kidron.  Boldensele is matter-of-fact, as usual: Non longe versus aquilonem est illa Probatica piscina, curatrix debilium secundum evangelium motu angeli descendentis, et ecclesia sanctae Annae, aviae Christi, ubi beata Virgo concepta et nata fuisse dicitur (p. 55 of 1855 ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P59.L1">
<P><REF>cursed &amp; cruell.</REF>—Sir G. Warner and Dr. Bovenschen agree that Pet. Comestor, Hist. Schol., 2 Macc. xxiii., Evang. 13-18,<PB REF="" N="2:64"/>
 and the Golden Legend, c. x., are the sources for the legend of Herod.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P59.L16">
<P><REF>lete smyte of all the hedes.</REF>—Similar stories were current about Nero and Alexander.  Nöldeke, Alexanderroman, 1890, writes that, aceording to Dinawari, Alexander before his death wanted all prominent citizens and kings' sons to be killed. Aristotle advised him to give them crowns (p. 41).—Kehrer, Die heiligen drei Könige in Literatur und Kunst, 1908, reports that when Nero foresaw his end, his astrologer Babilus advised him to murder his nobles (I. 4).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P59.L25">
<P><REF>name &amp; loos.</REF>—H.: de grant renoun.  The noun loos, i. e. praise, seems inappropriate.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P59.L31">
<P><REF>the left Arm.</REF>—Sir G. Warner knows no source for this or for the piece of St. Stephen's head.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P60.L3">
<P><REF>the ston.</REF>—Bovenschen knows no source; Sir G. Warner traces it to Odoric, c. xxi.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P60.L15">
<P><REF>And þere also, etc.</REF>—H.: La y a auxi vne piere, en pareie delez la porte, de la columpne a quoi nostre Seignur fuist flagelle; the meaning appears to be: Here, within the wall, beside the door, there is also a stone from the pillar which Our Lord was scourged at.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P60.L28">
<P><REF>oure lady herde.</REF>—Sir G. Warner knows no source.  Dr. Bovenschen has nothing.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L6">
<P><REF>þan the oþer syde.</REF>—H.: qe de nulle autre, i. e. than on any other side.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L12">
<P><REF>cast vp.</REF>—H.: Et la est ly lieu ou li Iuys voloient iecter ius le corps nostre Dame, i. e. And there is the spot where the Jews wanted to throw down the body of Our Lady. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L14">
<P><REF>seynt Petir wepte.</REF>—Chapel of St. Peter ad Gallicantum.  Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. XXXI., c. lxiv. (ed. 1624): In loco Lycostratos ter Dominum Petrus negavit, et loco quae dicitur Gallicantus amare flevit.  The Mandeville follows Boldensele.  The Galylee of l. 19 is variously placed by Sir G. Warner's authorities, and often identified with the Gallicantus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L22">
<P><REF>reysed the mayden,</REF> the daughter of Jairus in the Gospel, placed here by Eugesippus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L30">
<P><REF>hond of Absalon.</REF>—From Boldensele, who refers to 2 Kings = 2 Sam. xviii. 18: "… and it is called unto this day, Absalom's place."  Boldensele: In hac etiam valle [Josaphat] in pede montis, super quem civitas sancta constituta est, sub terra<PB REF="" N="2:65"/>
 quodammodo sunt natatoria Syloe, fons scilicet Christi evangelio non ignotus.  Ex opposito ejus statua quaedam lapidea bonae magnitudinis et artificiosa discernitur, quam, ut dicitur, Absalon ob memoriam sui fieri praecepit, et in libro Regum manus Absalon appellatur (p. 64, ed. 1855).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L33">
<P><REF>synagoge.</REF>—Not mentioned in the Itineraries.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P61.L34">
<P><REF>sarrazins.</REF>—H.: Pharisenz, right.  The mistake is the Cotton scribe's.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P62.L2">
<P><REF>Iacob Alphe.</REF>—Alphe or Alphei, in MS.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P62.L7">
<P><REF>pilgrymes grauen.</REF>—Jean d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories has more about Aceldama: ilh en achaterent [with the 30 pennies] unc lieu por pendre et destruire les malfaiteurs; et la ilh metteroient les corps de cheaux qui moront en la citeit de Jherusalem, de strangnes gens, sicom pelerins et aultres (Vol. I., 1864, p. 409).  The method of expansion is characteristic.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P62.L24">
<P><REF>þat þe lyoun mette withall.</REF>—H.: qe ly leoun assembla touz, i. e. whom the lion all collected.  Continuateur de Guillaume de Tyr (éd 1882): A iij archiéez de Jherusalem avoit une cave que l'en apeloit le charnier du Lyon.  En cele cave au tenz le roi Cosdroé furent .xij. m. martyrz pousséz par le lyon (p. 171).  Chanson de Jérusalem, éd. Hippeau, 1868: <Q>
<L>Dex affait tex miracles, ains si beles ne vis</L>
<L>… …</L>
<L>Et tot no Crestien sont assés près de chi</L>
<L>i lions les a mis, par la Jhesu merchi</L>
<L>Ens en i bel carnier, onques plus bel ne vi.</L></Q><BIBL>(Chant VIII., p. 356, ll. 9079-9083.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>The Englisher has mistranslated his original.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P62.L34">
<P><REF>ouerthwart lay a tre.</REF>—See note to p. 58, l 27.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P62.L36">
<P><REF>is ȝit entered.</REF>—H.: est vnqore en terre, i. e. still in the earth, interred.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P63.L9">
<P><REF>out of the flom̄e of paradys.</REF>—See notes to p. 56, l. 7, and to p. 58, l. 16.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P63.L14">
<P><REF>into the vale And þat þei.</REF>—H.: pur ceo qe … luy murs soient cheuz et tombez en la vallee et qils laient ensi reemplie et la terre enhaucez, i. e. because the walls have fallen into the valley and have thus filled it and raised the ground.  The blunder may be the scribe's; then we ought to read: And þat it hath ben so filled, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P63.L17">
<P><REF>the erthe hath so ben clouen.</REF>—H.: la terre est ensi creuee de luy mesmes, i. e. the earth has grown of itself.  Mistranslation. The verb croître is correctly rendered in l. 19: wexeth &amp;<PB REF="" N="2:66"/>
 groweth.  That the surface of the earth is constantly changing is a fact recognised by Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Naturale, l. VI., c. xx., de Montibus: … Sicut aqua putei crescit post ablationem, ita crescere contingit terram humorosam, i. e. as water rises in a well after some has been removed, so the moist ground will rise sometimes. Earthquakes were interpreted as miracles.  According to the Chanson de Jérusalem, when Christ entered the Holy City on Palm Sunday, the earth bent under his feet: <Q>
<L>La chités fu plorans, la terre si ploia</L>
<L>Sos les piés Jhesu Crist, ainc puis ne redrecha.</L></Q><BIBL>(éd. Hippeau 1868, Canto II., p. 37.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>Such wonders were added by d'Outremeuse to Boldensele's sensible remark: In hujus vallis principio a sinistris est ecclesia beatissimae Virginis, in quam descenditur per plures gradus lapideos, quae pro majori parte sub terra est, quod credo etiam ruinis civitatis Hierusalem vallem replentibus accidisse, which corresponds to ll. 10-16 of our Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P63.L30">
<P><REF>apperen the fyngres.</REF>—The Anglo-French text of the Chemins (éd. Riant, 1882): En cel liu aperent les deys des mains Nostre Seignur (p. 195).  Burchard, De Terra Sancta (1864) knows of other marks in stone: knees and hands (p. 69), hair and neckbone (pp. 68-69).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P63.L30b">
<P><REF>putte hem in the roche.</REF>—H.: sapona a la roche, i. e. leant against the rock.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P63.L35">
<P><REF>Iosaphath was kyng.</REF>—Odoric, De Terra Sancta (1864), c. xxviii.  Deinde in valle Josaphat, dicta a rege Josaphat ibi sepulto … (p. 151).  Both Sir G. Warner and Dr. Bovenschen think that the medieval legend of Barlaam and Josaphat (Golden Legend, c. clxxx.) gave rise to the sentence in ll. 35-37. Hermits are mentioned as living in the valley by Joh. v. Würzb. (VI. 509).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L6">
<P><REF>vpon þat mount.</REF>—H.: de celle montaigne, i. e. from the hill-top.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L6b">
<P><REF>manye of the stretes.</REF>—H.: auqes par totes les rues, i. e. nearly through all the streets.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L16">
<P><REF>wrot it.</REF>—Besides the Itineraries, the romances of the Holy Grail allude to the writing of the Lord's Prayer in the stone.  P. Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, 1868, I., p. 220.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L18">
<P><REF>Marie Egipcyane.</REF>—Not in the sources.  Sir G. Warner notices a tomb of St. Pelagia on Mount Olivet. D'Outremeuse altered the name.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L24"><PB REF="" N="2:67"/>
<P><REF>Symon leprous.</REF>—Sir G. Warner states that his identity with Julian the Harbourer is disputed in the Golden Legend, c. 30.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L35">
<P><REF>long fro.</REF>—H.: loinz de, i. e. far from.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P64.L37">
<P><REF>place where oure lady appered.</REF>—The spot where the Girdle was given to incredulous Thomas is not, according to Sir G. Warner, particularised in the Golden Legend (c. cxix.) or clsewhere.  It seems an invention of d'Outremeuse's, like the stone of p. 65, l. 4, where the Lord shall sit on Doomsday.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L6">
<P><REF>mount of Galilee.</REF>—D'Outremeuse seems to have forged this story by confounding the Mount of Galilee (otherwise called Mount of Offence) of Odoric (p. 154) with the cave in Mount Sion called the Galilee, p. 61, l. 19 (Sir. G. W.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P65.L10">
<P><REF>er fyue myle.  Ierico.</REF>—Hamelius supplies from Egerton, though altering the spelling of "Ierico."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L11">
<P><REF>somtyme a lityll cytee.</REF>—H.: Ierico soleit estre vne bele cite, i. e. Jericho used to be a beautiful town.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L19">
<P><REF>refressched &amp; fed.</REF>—H.: qar elle auoit recelez et repastez les messagers, i. e. for she had hid and fed the messengers.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L24">
<P><REF>mede of the prophete.</REF>—Egerton: he schall take hyre of a prophete (Matt. x. 41).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L30">
<P><REF>by a mountayne &amp; þorgh desert.</REF>—H.: par vne montaigne deserte, i. e. across a desert hill.  Boldensele: deserto quodam montoso medio existente (p. 65).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L31">
<P><REF>a day iorneye.</REF>—H. gives this as the distance from Bethany to the Jordan, adding: De Bethanie vers orient iusqes a la grant montaigne ou nostre Seignur ieuna xl iours y a vi lieux. The Englisher (or the Cotton scribe) runs the two sentences into one, mixing up the grammar and the topography.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P65.L34">
<P><REF>—tempted him.</REF>—Page 69, l. 36 contains another reference to the Temptation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P66.L17">
<P><REF>hous of Ieremye.</REF>—No source known.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P66.L20">
<P><REF>Alom &amp; of Alkatran.</REF>—H.:  Entour celle mer croist mult dalum et dalketran.  Sir G.  Warner quotes J. of Würzburg: supra ripam maris praedicti multum aluminis et multum catrani ab incolis reperitur et colligitur (p. 179).  Diez, Etymol. Wörterb. der romanischen Sprachen, 1887, p. 93, knows forms with the article al in Portuguese and in Spanish, while the French guitran, goudron, the Italian catrame follow the Medieval Latin catarannus.  Like the word cambil, the form alkatran betrays a derivation from Arabic, perhaps through books of medicine. This is a reason for believing the real doctor John de<PB REF="" N="2:68"/>
 Mandeville to have had a hand in the composition of our fictitious book of Travels.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P66.L22">
<P><REF>the bawme.</REF>—Burchard, De Terra Sancta (1864): In circuitu montis illius [Engaddi] et in ipso erat vinea balsami sed tempore Herodis Magni Cleopatra, regina Aegypti, in odium ipsius Herodis favente Antonio transtulit eam in Babylonian Aegypti (p. 61).  The present tenses "make" (l. 22) and "beren" (l. 23) correspond to preterites in the French original.  H.: homme fist traire les arbresseaux et les porta homme plantier a Babiloigne.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P66.L26">
<P><REF>cave þat men clepen karua.</REF>—Sir G. Warner quotes John of Würzburg: supra lacum Asphaltitem in descensu Arabiae Karnaim spelunca in monte Moabitarum, in quem Balac, etc. (p. 179), and identifies the name with that of Ashtaroth Karnaim of Gen. xiv. 5.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P66.L28">
<P><REF>dede see.</REF>—Sir G. Warner mentions Josephus as the ultimate source of these fables, widely current in the Middle Ages.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L1">
<P><REF>made moyst.</REF>—Prof. C. F. Brown has proved this to be the source of Cleanness, ll. 1027-8: <Q>
<L>and þer water may walter to wete any erþe,</L>
<L>Schal neuer grene þer-on growe, gresse ne wod nawþer.</L></Q><BIBL>(The Author of Pearl, 1904, p. 150.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L3">
<P><REF>lond chaungeþ.</REF>—Josephus relates that the water changes its colour thrice a day (Sir G. W.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L5">
<P><REF>gretness of an hors.</REF>—Josephus: as large as headless oxen.  Cleanness, ll. 1037-8: <Q>
<L>And þer waltez of þat water in waxlokes grete,</L>
<L>Þe spuniande aspaltoun þat spyserez sellen.</L></Q><BIBL>(C. F. Brown, Author of Pearl, 1904, p. 151.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L11">
<P><REF>ne may not dyen.</REF>—Josephus, Bell. Jud. iv. 4, reports that Vespasian threw in men unable to swim, with their limbs bound (Sir G. W.).  Cleanness: <Q>
<L>If any schalke to be schent wer schowued þer-inne,</L>
<L>Þaȝ he bode in þat boþem broþely a monyth,</L>
<L>He most ay lyue in þat loȝe in losyng euer-more,</L>
<L>And neuer dryȝe no dethe, to dayes of ende.</L></Q><BIBL>(C. F. Brown, Author of Pearl, 1904, p. 150.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L17">
<P><REF>jren þerein.</REF>—Sir G. Warner notices a contradiction between the Medieval sources: Comestor declares that the heaviest things are cast up by the Dead Sea, while Antoninus Martyr (ed. Tobler, p. 97) states that everything sank in it.  That iron should<PB REF="" N="2:69"/>
 float and feathers sink seems a characteristic invention of d'Outremeuse's. It is repeated in Cleanness, ll. 1025-6: <Q>
<L>For lay þeron a lump of led and hit on loft fletez,</L>
<L>and folde þer-on a liȝt fyþer and hit to founs synkkez.</L></Q><BIBL>(C. F. Brown, Author of Pearl, 1904, p. 149.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>This quotation leaves no doubt that its source is a French Mandeville.  H.: Et qi metteroit fer dedeins, il noeroit par dessure; et qi mitteroit vne plume dedeins, elle irroit au founz.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L19">
<P><REF>aȝenst kynde.</REF>—The law of kind (i. e. of Nature) is often discussed in the Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P67.L20">
<P>Hamilius supplies "aȝenst kynde," on analogy to Egerton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L21">
<P><REF>faire apples.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist. I., c. lxvii.: Nam pro scelere incolarum de coelo descendit ignis, qui regionem illam in cineres aeternos dissolvit; cuius umbra quaedam et species in favillis et arboribus ipsis etiam adhuc videtur.  Nascuntur enim ibi poma virentia sub tanta specie maturitatis, ut edendi desiderium gignant, quae si carpas, fatiscunt, ac resolvuntur in cinerem, et fumum exhalant, quasi adhuc ardeant (p. 25).  The corresponding passage in Cleanness bears some evidence of being derived from the French: Bot quen hit [viz. the fruit] is brused oþer broken (p. 151), H.: qi les brusera ou trenchera parmy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L24">
<P><REF>brente &amp; sonken.</REF>—H.: ardz del feu denfern.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L25">
<P><REF>lake dalfetidee,</REF> corrupt from Asphaltites, the classical name of the Dead Sea, no doubt influenced by foetidus, = stynkynge.  Nöldeke, Der Alexanderroman, 1890, p. 27, states that the stinking sea was opposed to the clear seas.  Boldensele: mare Mortuum, foetens et horridum, lacus detestabilis et abjectus (p. 66).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L26">
<P><REF>flom of deueles.</REF>—Mare Diaboli, the name used in Crusading times.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P67.L27">
<P><REF>for þe water … stynkand.</REF>—Hamilius supplies from Egerton. Like a number of his emendations, this one is not absolutely necessary for sense or syntax.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L32">
<P><REF>sett vpon an hill.</REF>—Boldensele: Et prope est civitas parvula Segor, quae oratione Loth salvata est, cui mons supereminet, etc. (p. 66).  Similarly H.: qar elle seoit a dessouz vne montaigne. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P67.L33">
<P><REF>aboue the water.</REF>—H.:  dessouz leawe.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P68.L1">
<P><REF>doughtres.</REF>—The commentators take no notice of such immoral passages, or of their bearing on the literary and historical position of the author of Mandeville.  Yet they are too many to be negligible.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P68.L14">
<P><REF>dwelleth ȝit.</REF>—H.: demorra.  Mistranslation.<PB REF="" N="2:70"/>
 Boldensele (p. 66) and Burchard (p. 59 of 1864 ed.) both state that they could not see the statue of salt!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P68.L19">
<P><REF>.iij.<HI REND="sup">xx</HI> ȝeer and .x.</REF>—H.: iiii.<HI REND="sup">xx</HI> dis ans.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P68.L21">
<P><REF>another sone ysmael.</REF>—H.: vn aultre fitz Ismael, qi auoit XIIII. anz, qele il auoit engendrez en Agar sa chambrere. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P68.L29">
<P><REF>renneth the flom.</REF>—Boldensele: Hic fluvius non est magnus nec multum profundus, limosum fundum habens, bonos pisces et dulcis saporis aquam continens … in radice montis Libani scaturiens, ex duobus fontibus, ut dicitur, Jor et Dan collectus re et nomine trahit originem.  Per mare Tiberiadis fluens, prope locum ubi Christiani communiter balneantur, in mare Mortuum praedictum dilabitur, et non apparens ulterius inibi absorbetur (ed. 1855, p. 67).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P68.L34">
<P><REF>laboch.</REF>—As various French texts give initial l, instead of capital I, the misspelling is probably d'Outremeuse's.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P69.L5a">
<P>Hamelius deletes the manuscript reading ("men") rather than emending it.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P69.L5b">
<P><REF>And gon the hilles.</REF>—Sir G. Warner remarks that the topographers write that the valley of the Jordan (not the hills of Lebanon) extend to the desert of Pharan.  D'Outremeuse misinterpreted his sources, and was followed by the Englisher.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P69.L10">
<P><REF>as a mannes heued.</REF>—Bovenschen states that Thietmar (c. 29, p. 53) saw apples of that size from cedars, but denies that the cedars of Lebanon bear any fruit.  D'Outremeuse adopted the more startling view.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P69.L12">
<P><REF>Betron.</REF>—Explained by Sir G. Warner as Bostra, now Buzrah, about eighty miles south of Damascus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P69.L13">
<P><REF>Meldan in Sarmoyz.</REF>—H.: qe homme appelle Meldan en Sarazinois, ceo est a dire Foire ou Marchee en Romancz, i. e. which is called Meldan in the Saracen language, that is to say fair or market in French, because fairs are often held in that plain. The course ascribed to the Jordan in ll. 12-15 is that given to the Dan by Vincent de Beauvais, l. XXXII., c. lxi.  Meldan is the form given by Eugesippus to the word spelt Medan by Vincent and known in the East as meidan, Arabic for a square or open space.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P69.L17">
<P><REF>And in þat flom.</REF>—Boldensele: In hoc sacratissimo fluvio Dei filius a beatissimo praecursore Johanne baptizatur; vox Dei Patris auditur, Spiritus sanctus in specie columbae descendens cernitur, lavacrum regenerationis efficitur. … Hunc fluvium filii Israël sicco vestigio transierunt duodecim lapides de ipsius fundo secundum numerum tribuum assumentes et totidem aliunde sumtos<PB REF="" N="2:71"/>
 in ejus medium reponentes in memoriam miraculi perpetuo recordandi.  Undis hujus fluvii Naaman Syrus a lepra curatur. … Circa hunc fluvium plura sunt monasteria ubi Christiani … ducunt vitam: et prope est civitas Hai per Josue expugnata.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P69.L31">
<P><REF>cytee of Haylla.</REF>—H.: la citee de Hay, la quelle Iosue assailly et prist.  Englisher's blunder: he takes the French article la to be part of the name of the city.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L7">
<P><REF>Carak en Sarmoyz.</REF>—Boldensele: Ultra mare Mortuum versus orientem, extra fines terrae promissionis est castrum fortissimum in montanis, quod Latine Mons Regalis dicitur, in Arabico autem Krak. … Dicitur, quod sub castro in villa, quae Sobak dicitur, ac in terminis ejus Christianorum scismaticorum circa 40 milia commorentur de illis partibus oriundi (pp. 66-67). Boldensele confused the Kerak East of the Dead Sea with another Kerak, also called Montreal, and lying south of the Dead Sea. D'Outremeuse adopts his blunder.  The Englisher took the French word sarasinois, describing the Arabic language, for the name of a country, like on p. 69, l. 14.  Moreover, he read in as m.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L7b">
<P><REF>Ryally.</REF>—H.: roialment, misspelling for royal mont, i. e. royal mount.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L8">
<P><REF>Baldwyn … of France.</REF>—No Baldwin ever was king of France.  Jacques de Vitry states that Mons Regalis [i. e. the Southern Krak] was founded by Baldouinus de Burgo, de regno Franciae, i. e. Baldwin II., third Christian king of Jerusalem (ed. Bongars, t. I., pt. II., p. 1068).  Hence d'Outremeuse's blunder.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L15">
<P><REF>.iij. iourneyes.</REF>—Boldensele: De his locis processi versus provinciam Galileae per mediam Judaeam et Samariam in tribus diebus, et … perveni in Ramatha Sophim, in montem Ephraïm altum, ubi Helcana et beata Anna Samuelis mater commorati sunt; ibidemque sanctus ille propheta Samuel natus et defunctus est.  [Samuel's grave in Mountjoy is mentioned on p. 62, l. 27.]  Sic igitur procedens veni ulterius in Silo, … ubi arca Dei sub Heli sacerdote longo tempore servabatur, sicut astruit liber Regum.  Hic vota et sacrificia populi Domino reddebantur, Samueli primo Deus locutus est et sibi inter cetera de mutatione sacerdotii intimavit et revelavit.  Prope a sinistris est Gabaon, et ex opposito Gabaa, de propinquo Rama Benjamin, quorum locorum sacra historia recordatur.  Inde procedens veni in Sichem vel Sichar, ubi est provincia Samaritanorum.  Vallis est pulcherrima ac fecunda civitasque bona, quae nunc Neapolis appellatur, juxta quam circa viam versus Judaeam Dominus cum muliere Samaritana<PB REF="" N="2:72"/>
 prope puteum loquebatur, qui adhuc ibidem ostenditur, sed aliquantulum obstructus est; supra quem locum olim pulchra erat ecclesia, nunc plurimum dissipata (pp. 68-69).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L33">
<P><REF>womman of Samaritan.</REF>—H.: la femme Samaritane, i. e. the Samaritan woman.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L35">
<P><REF>Roboas.</REF>—Jeroboam (Kings xii. 28).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P70.L37">
<P><REF>cytee of Deluze.</REF>—H.: cite de Luze.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L7">
<P><REF>Dyne.</REF>—Gen. xxxiv.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L10">
<P><REF>Garasoun.</REF>—Guérin mentions a convent of Saint Gérasime in the plain of Jericho (Terre Sainte, ed. 1897, p. 262). Is this the source of d'Outremeuse's strange spelling?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L17">
<P><REF>hill of Aygues.</REF>—H.: montaignes.  The Englisher misread n as u, mistook the second syllable for a proper name, and translated "mont" as "hill"!  Boldensele: Nune Sebaste dicitur et multum assimilatur civitati sanctae in situ (p. 69).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L18">
<P><REF>of the .xij. tribes.</REF>—Boldensele: In hac fuit caput et sedes regni 10 tribuum (p. 69).  H.: x. tribuitz.  The mistake may be the Englisher's or the copyist's.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L20">
<P><REF>Iohn the Baptist.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais and the Golden Legend, c. cxxiv., may be the sources.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L21">
<P><REF>Abdyan.</REF>—Abdias in the Golden Legend.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L22">
<P><REF>Macharyme.</REF>—Macheron by the Dead Sea.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L26">
<P><REF>askes in the wynd.</REF>—According to Ernoul's Itinéraire, this is the reason why children used to burn bones on St. John's eve.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L30">
<P><REF>in to the hill.</REF>—The Golden Legend, written by an Italian, says that the finger was carried beyond the Alps and laid down in St. Martin's Church [at Tours?].  Sir G. Warner refers to Eugesippus and John of Würzburg, who state that St.  Thecla conveyed it to Maurienne among the Alps of Savoy.  A virgin called Tecla figures in the epic cycle of Charlemagne, Paris: Hist. poét. de Charlemagne (1905), p. 280.  Oeuvres de St. Charlemagne, t. II., col. 1366, in vol. 98 of Migne.  The original French reading of d'Outremeuse is doubtful.  It may be: entre les Alpes, or outre les Monts, or outre les Alpes, or entre les Monts.  The close of this sentence was linked up by the Englisher with the beginning of the next.  H.: A Sebaste, en celle lieu mesmez, soloit auoir vne bele esglise.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L34">
<P><REF>in the wall.</REF>—Sir G. Warner states that the head is reported to have been immured, not at Samaria, but in Herod's palace at Jerusalem.  He quotes the Cursor Mundi:<PB REF="" N="2:73"/>
<Q>
<L>Here nu quat Herodias did;</L>
<L>In a wall his heued sco hid.</L></Q><BIBL>(p. 758, ll. 13228-9.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P71.L35">
<P><REF>cloth all blody.</REF>—According to the Golden Legend, the head was wrapped in a cloth of imperial purple, and taken to Rome.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L3">
<P><REF>hundred ordres.</REF>—H.: noinaignes cordelers, i. e. nonains cordelières, i. e. Franciscan nuns.  The Englisher read the initial c. as a numeral, and the latter part of the word as [monastic] orders!  Mistranslation!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L3b">
<P><REF>broylly.</REF>—H.: bruille, ensi qe demy ars, i. e. charred, like half burnt.  Brûlé seems to be confused with brouillé.  A verb bruillir occurs in Godefroy, meaning: être brûlé.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L7">
<P><REF>be Popes.</REF>—An obvious piece of impertinence.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L10">
<P><REF>at Gene.</REF>—The Golden Legend says that the ashes are at Genoa.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L11">
<P><REF>Sarazynes also.</REF>—A piece of flippancy characteristic of d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L16">
<P><REF>holt him apayd.</REF>—Neither Dr. Bovenschen, who suspects "oral tradition" as the source of this passage, nor Sir G. Warner has pointed to the impudence of such jokes against the Papacy and against the worship of relics.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L19">
<P><REF>chaungeth his colour.</REF>—Both commentators give Isidore, Etym. xiii. 13, 8 (Migne, lxxxii., 483), and Jacques de Vitry, c. lxxxv., p. 166, as the sources.  We may suspect a sly intention in the collocation of this miracle with those worked by St. John's relics.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P72.L21">
<P><REF>Samaritanes.</REF>—Boldensele: Hi nec legem Christianorum aut Judaeorum aut Saracenorum, sed nec paganorum sectantur, sed unum Deum dicentes, opiniones, ritus colendi ac modos vivendi mirabiles tenent, se solos reputantes de numero salvandorum.  Et etiam in habitu ab aliis distinguuntur quia, cum in his partibus habitantes generaliter involvant capita linteis longissimis, Christiani quidem flavis, Sarraceni albis, Judaei glaucis, horum capita rubeis involvuntur; et se dicunt Dei electissimos inter omnes (p. 69).  The only change from this introduced in the Mandeville is that in the colour of the turban: Christians wear yellow in Boldensele, and Jews blue.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P73.L7">
<P><REF>From this contree.</REF>—Follows Boldensele, with additions from Eugesippus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P73.L16">
<P><REF>Cedar.</REF>—Odoric, De Terra Sancta, 1864, p. 148:<PB REF="" N="2:74"/>
 Quinto miliario a Corrosaim est Cedar, civitas excellentissima, de qua in psalmo: Habitavi cum habitantibus Cedar (Ps. cxix., A.V. cxx. 5).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P73.L18">
<P><REF>Antecrist.</REF>—Odoric, De T. S.: Mare autem Galileae sumit initium inter Bethsayda et Capharnaum, et terminatur Corrosaim, in qua nutrietur Antichristus.  De hiis duabus civitatibus ait Jesus: Ve tibi, Betsayda, ve tibi Corrosaim! (p. 148) (Matt. xi. 21; Luc. x. 13).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P73.L19">
<P><REF>Babyloyne.</REF>—This reads like another attack on the Papacy and on the Roman Church, which was by heterodox sects of the Middle Ages called the impure Babylon of Revelation (Jundt Le Panth. 1875, p. 31).  It agrees with Adso, see note to p. 25, l. 1.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P73.L22">
<P><REF>schal come a worm.</REF>—Sir G. Warner knows no source for this.  It may have been current among opponents of the Papacy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P73.L23">
<P><REF>schall be norysscht.</REF>—Pseudo-Methodius: Hic nascitur in Chorozaim et nutrietur in Bethsaidam et regnavit in Chaparnaum et letabitur Chorozaim, eo quod natus est in ea, et Chaparnaum ideo, quod regnaverit in ea.  Propter hanc causam in euangelio Dominus tertio sententiam dedit dicens: Ve tibi Corozaim, ve tibi Bethsaida, et tibi Chaparnaum, si usque in celum exaltaveris, usque ad infernum discendes (p. 93 of Sackur's edition, 1898).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L5">
<P><REF>&amp; his wif Canee.</REF>—H.: et la femme Cananee.  Mistranslation. Matt. xv. 22: a woman of Canaan.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L7">
<P><REF>Architriclyn.</REF>—Architriclinus, the governor of the feast, John ii. 8.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L9">
<P><REF>mownt hendor or hermon.</REF>—Endor is a town, and Hermon a mountain.  But Endor was called a mountain in the early Itineraries.  Boldensele refers to the hills of Gilboa.  The author of Mandeville mixes up all his sources, as Dr. Bovenschen has shown in detail.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L11">
<P><REF>Torrens Cison.</REF>—Eugesippus: Supra Naim mons Endor, ad radicem cuius supra torrentem Raduinum, qui est Cison, etc.  Judges v. 21: … that ancient river, the river Kishon.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L11b">
<P><REF>sometyme was clept.</REF>—H.: autrement est appellez.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L12">
<P><REF>Abymelech.</REF>—Judges v. 1: Barak the son of Abinoam.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L13">
<P><REF>with sone of Delbore.</REF>—H.: ouesqe le filz Delbore. The article has been omitted by the copyist.  D'Outremeuse seems responsible for the treatment of the Biblical narrative.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L16"><PB REF="" N="2:75"/>
<P><REF>zeb and zebee &amp; Salmana.</REF>—According to the Pseudo-Methodius (ed. Sackur, 1898) the leaders of the Ishmaelites in their fight against Israel were Oreb, Zeb, Zebe and Salmana (p. 18 of Introduction, p. 68 of text).  Psalm lxxxiii. gives the names Zeeb, Zebah and Zalmunna (v. 9-11); Judges c. vii.-viii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L28">
<P><REF>nouþer dew ne reyn.</REF>—Burchard archly remarks that David's curse did not stop the rain, for visiting the hills of Gilboa on St. Martin's day, he was soaked to the skin (ed. 1864, p. 52).  The Mandeville never has such touches of homely truthfulness.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P74.L33">
<P><REF>Nazareth.</REF>—Boldensele is followed and amplified from other sources.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P75.L2">
<P><REF>lady.</REF>—Hamelius's edition prints "l[a]dy" here, although the manuscript clearly reads "lady."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P75.L10">
<P><REF>a lityll resceyt.</REF>—H.: vn petit caseu.  Godefroy, Dict. etym. verbo: cassel, casel, caissel explains the word as loge, logette, cahute, i. e. niche, box or recess.  The readings of my two Brussels manuscripts are impossible.  Boldensele: In hoc loco pulchra fuit ecclesia atque magna; sed heu!  quasi destructa est; parvulus tamen locus est in ea coopertus et a Sarracenis diligentius custoditur, ubi circa quandam columnam marmoream asserunt veneranda conceptionis mysteria esse perfecta (pp. 71-72). D'Outremeuse irreverently converts the tabernacle where the Immaculate Conception is said to have taken place into a box for collecting the pilgrims' money!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P75.L24">
<P><REF>Sephor.</REF>—Identified by Sir G. Warner with the modern Seffûrieh.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P75.L26">
<P><REF>lepe of oure lord.</REF>—The substitution of Our Lady is probably an oversight of the Cotton scribe's.  Boldensele: Prope ad unum miliare locus est, qui Saltus Domini appellatur, ubi, cum Christus ductus esset, ut praecipitaretur de montis cacumine, ipse transiens per medium illorum ibat, evangelio attestante (p. 72). The additions are either from the "folklore of charms" (Sir G. Warner) or from d'Outremeuse's imagination.  The reading of Brussels 10420-5 differs from H., and reads as follows, in modernised spelling: À demi-lieue de Nazareth est le Saut Notre Seigneur, car les Juifs le menèrent sur une haute roche pour le jeter aval, mais il connaissait bien leur male pensée, si passa parmi tous eux et saillit en une autre roche bien outre et dit l'Écriture: Jesus autem transiens per medium illorum ibat.  Et quiconque dit ce dit de la Sainte Écriture il peut passer sûrement parmi les larrons en ayant souvenance comment Notre Seigneur passa parmi les Juifs qui étaient les larrons et les brigands qui le voulaient faire mourir.  Et<PB REF="" N="2:76"/>
 dit-on avec ces deux vers du psautier: Irruat, etc.  Ces choses dit l on trois fois et puis passe l'on sans péril.—Dr. Bovenschen remarks that the verses here ascribed to the psalter are from Gen. xv., xvi., where I could not find them.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P75.L29">
<P><REF>ȝit ben the steppes … sene.</REF>—Not in the sources.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P76.L8">
<P><REF>.xv. ȝeere old.</REF>—Golden Legend, c. cxix.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P76.L14">
<P><REF>the scole of god.</REF>—Boldensele: Ibi enim Christus frequenter discipulos docuit, arcana secretorum coelestium revelavit, ut ex hoc non immerito singularis schola Domini nuncupetur, etc. (p. 72).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P76.L19">
<P><REF>slayn Abymelech.</REF>—H.: occis Amalech.  Scribe's mistake.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P76.L26">
<P><REF>Lord it is gode.</REF>—Matt. xvii. 4.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P76.L28">
<P><REF>Hic est filius.</REF>—Matt. xvii. 5: This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P76.L31">
<P><REF>day of doom.</REF>—No particular source known except the common belief of the Middle Ages.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P77.L8">
<P><REF>mount heremon.</REF>—See note to p. 74, l. 9.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P77.L12">
<P><REF>sones.</REF>—H.: le filz Zebedee et le filz Alphee.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P77.L24">
<P><REF>&amp; renneth.</REF>—H.: Et court ly flum Iordan parmy, i. e. and the river Jordan flows through it.  Mistranslation. Boldensele: Est autem hoc mare locus multum magnus, scilicet forsitan circa 30 miliaria in circuitu continens, per cujus medium fluvius Jordanis currit; bonos habet pisces in magna copia, etc. (p. 73).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P77.L27">
<P><REF>gret brigge.</REF>—Sir G. Warner has found this bridge mentioned in Ernoul (Itinéraires, p. 57).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P77.L31">
<P><REF>Traconye.</REF>—H.: Traconyde, i. e. Trachonitis.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P77.L34">
<P><REF>Ienazareth.</REF>—Genezareth.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L1">
<P><REF>whan he began.</REF>—H.: qi estoit auqes noie dedeinz la mer, i. e. who was nearly drowned in the sea.  Boldensele: dum in ipso mergi coepisset (p. 73).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L3">
<P><REF>Modice fidei.</REF>—Matt. xiv. 31: O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L6">
<P><REF>rowed.</REF>—H.: nagea, an archaic use.  Boldensele: In hoc mari saepe Dominus navigavit (p. 73).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L9">
<P><REF>the table.</REF>—The spot called Mensa is not a table, but, according to the Survey (I., p. 369), "a small artificial square plateau" outside (not in) the city of Tiberias (Sir G. Warner).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L11">
<P><REF>Et cognouerunt.</REF>—Luke xxiv. 35: he was known of them in breaking of bread.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L15">
<P><REF>an brennynge dart.</REF>—Les Pelerinaiges pour aller en Jherusalem:  A Thabarie est ly tysons que li Juif geterent apres<PB REF="" N="2:77"/>
 Nostre Seignor, quant lor monstra comment il devoient faire la tainture; et le tison tint a .j. mur et crut maintenant en un grant arbre (Itinéraires, ed. 1882, p. 102).  Odoric, De Terra Sancta (1864): Ubi accidit, quod, cum puer Jesus cum quodam cognato suo moram ibi traheret, commotus homo predictus arripuit facem ardentem, et post Jesum proiecit, volens eum percutere; sed fax infixa terrae in arborem crevit maximam, quae usque in hodiernum diem flores et fructus producit (p. 147).  See note to p. 45, l. 7.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L20">
<P><REF>Saphor.</REF>—Boldensele (73) writes Saphet, meaning the Crusading castle of Safed.  D'Outremeuse confounds it with the Sephoris of p. 75, l. 24 (Sir G. Warner).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L24">
<P><REF>Centurioes hous.</REF>—This was at Capernaum (Matt. viii. 5).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L25">
<P><REF>taken to tribute.</REF>—H.: baille as tribuitz de Zabuloun et de Neptalim, i. e. granted to the tribes of Zabulon and Naphtali.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L31">
<P><REF>toward the north into the South,</REF> slavishly translated from H.: vers bise iusqes vers mydy.  The right reading is in Brussels 11141: de vers bise jusques vers midy, i. e. from north to south.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L32">
<P><REF>&amp; of lengthe.</REF>—H.: Et de large, i. e. And in width. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L34">
<P><REF>myle of lombardye.</REF>—As the distances in the Mandeville are often incorrect or even fanciful, one may suspect a joke in his account of little miles and great miles.  The length of the Holy Land is 180 miles in the Mandeville, 140 (variant 160) in Boldensele!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P78.L36">
<P><REF>prouynce of Almayne.</REF>—H.: ne de Prouince ne Dalemaigne, i. e. nor of Provence, nor of Germany.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L2">
<P><REF>Cecyle.</REF>—H.: Cilicie.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L5">
<P><REF>west see.</REF>—Boldensele's mare Mediterraneum.  The list of Syrian provinces is shorter and less orderly than in Boldensele.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L16">
<P><REF>senden hem þus.</REF>—H.: les enuoient quere por porter lour lettres, i. e. the lords send for the pigeons to carry their letters.  The Englisher seems to have read quar = car = therefore instead of querre = quérir = fetch.  Mistranslation.  The Crusading epic refers to the pigeon post of the Saracens.  Chanson de Jérusalem, éd. Hippeau, 1868: <Q>
<L>A chascun colon soit la chartre au col fremée,</L>
<L>Et par devant la gorge en la plume botée,</L>
<L>Que Franchois n'es perchoivent, cele gent parjurée.</L></Q><BIBL>(p. 101, ll. 2537-39).</BIBL><PB REF="" N="2:78"/></P>
<P>Sir G. Warner refers to Foucher de Chartres, III. 47; Albert d'Aix, V. 9; R. de Aguilers, c. 19; Baudri, IV. 6; Jacques de Vitry, p. 1105.  The Crusaders brought the pigeons down with arrows or hawks, read the messages, and dispatched the carriers with deceitful letters.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L25">
<P><REF>seyut Iame conuerted hem.</REF>—Sir G. Warner: "De Vitry rightly says that they had their name, not from St. James the apostle, but 'a quodam magistro suo dicto Jacobo cujusdam (Theodosii) Alexandrini patriarchae discipulo,' meaning Jacob al-Baradai, or Baradaeus, a monk of Constantinople in the sixth century, by whose energy the sect was organised; and he [viz. Jacques de Vitry] is responsible for the statement that saint John baptised them, only in so far as he incidentally mentions St. John the Baptist in speaking of the confession of sins."  The whole trend of the Mandeville's argument is obviously as heterodox as was possible in his day.  Auricular confession was often opposed by dissenters from Roman Catholicism.  Jundt, Histoire du panthéisme populaire au M.A. (1875) quotes the Dominican Étienne de Belleville (1223) on the Vaudois: … "Ils enseignent qu'il suffit de confesser ses péchés à Dieu et que Dieu seul a le droit d'excommunier" (p. 31).  In d'Outremeuse's own time, the Lollards were accused of denying confession to the priest: <Q>
<L>Sed hoc Lollardi renuunt,</L>
<L>Cum soli Deo instruunt</L>
<L>Nostras culpas detergere.</L></Q><BIBL>(Wright: Political Poems and Songs, I., 1859, p. 240).</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L27">
<P><REF>only to him.</REF>—H.: qar a cely homme se doit rendre coupable contre qi il mesprint, i. e. for to him against whom one has trespassed should one avow one's guilt.  Slight change of meaning.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L32">
<P><REF>Confitebor.</REF>—Ps. cxi. 1: I will praise the Lord with my whole heart.  A formula repeated in ix. 1, and in cxxxviii. 1.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L33">
<P><REF>Delictum meum.</REF>—Ps. xxxii. 5: I acknowledged my sin unto thee.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L34">
<P><REF>Deus meus.</REF>—Ps. cxviii. 28: Thou art my God and I will praise thee.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P79.L35">
<P><REF>Quoniam cogitacio.</REF>—Sir G. Warner refers to Ps. xciv. 11: The Lord knoweth the thoughts of man.  This is not very near.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L2"><PB REF="" N="2:79"/>
<P><REF>Natheles seynt Austyn.</REF>—H.: Et nientmoins seint Augustin et seint Gregory dient.  Brussels 10420-5 (modernised): Et toutefois nous lisons en saintes écritures qu'aucuns des auteurs (B. 11141: autres) des saints hommes s'accordent à leurs opinions, si que saint Augustin, saint Grégoire, saint Hilaire.  In the Brussels version, those Fathers of the Church are definitely pitted against the Papal doctrine of auricular confession.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L4">
<P><REF>Qui scelera.</REF>—Whoso ponders on his sins and feels converted, let him hold himself pardoned.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L5">
<P><REF>Dominus pocius.</REF>—The Lord considers thoughts more than words.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L6">
<P><REF>Longorum temporum.</REF>—Sins committed long before perish in the twinkling of an eye once repentance is born in the heart.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L15">
<P><REF>was first.</REF>—H.: Et verite est qe ceste confessioun est primitiue et naturelle.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L16">
<P><REF>seynt peter.</REF>—H.: Mes ly seintz pieres apostoilles qi sunt depuis venez, i. e.  But the Holy Fathers the Popes who have come since.  Mistranslation.  The French original opposes Scripture and the Primitive Church to the Papal authority.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L21">
<P><REF>medicyne.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: Et ainsi ne peut-on donner penance convenable, qui ne sait la qualité [MS. quantité] du fait, i. e. Similarly, one can give no appropriate penance unless one knows the character of the deed.  The Englisher has followed H.  The orthodox conclusion of d'Outremeuse's unorthodox argument is from Jacques de Vitry, who inveighs against the Jacobites: Pereunt ex defectu doctrinae, vulnera sua medicis spiritualibus abscondentes, quorum est inter lepram et lepram discernere, et peccatorum circumstancias pensando poenitentias iniungere, etc. (quoted by Bovenschen, p. 263).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L26">
<P><REF>Surienes.</REF>—From Jacques de Vitry, c. lxxv., p. 138, and Haiton, c. 14.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L29">
<P><REF>therf bred.</REF>—H.: et font le sacrement dun pain leuez.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P80.L32">
<P><REF>Georgyenes.</REF>—From Jacques de Vitry, c. lxxx. p. 156.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P81.L3">
<P><REF>gyrt abouen.</REF>—H.: ceintz par dessure.  Burchard, De Terra Sancta, writes of the Syrians: In habitu concordant cum Sarracenis, nisi quod tantum per cingulum laneum discernuntur (ed. 1864, p. 89).  Another derivation of the name is from Our Lady's Girdle, given to St. Thomas at the Assumption (D'Anglure,<PB REF="" N="2:80"/>
 Le Saint Voyage, ed. by Bonnardot and Longnon, S.A.T.F., 1878).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P81.L4">
<P><REF>Arryenes.</REF>—No Arians appear among the sects of Medieval Palestine.  D'Outremeuse brings them in.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P81.L5">
<P><REF>of Ynde &amp; summe.</REF>—H.: Yndiens, qi sont de la terre Preistre John, i. e. Indians who are of Prester John's land. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P81.L7">
<P><REF>to othere þei ben varyaunt,</REF> i.e. from others they vary.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P81.L21">
<P><REF>Helizeus Damascus.</REF>—Eliezer (Genesis xv. 2). From Eugesippus and other Itineraries.  Vincent de Beauvais, XXXII., c. 61.  Most other data in the notice of Damascus are from Boldensele.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P82.L15">
<P><REF>Sardenak</REF>—Prutz, Kulturgesch.  d. Kreuzzüge (1883), calls the monastery Sebedany, and places it in the Anti-Lebanon (p. 65), and reports similar stories from Our Lady's Church near Tripoli and from that at Tortosa (p. 66).  Schefer, in his edition of Bertrandon de la Broquière (1892), gives the modern name as Sidnaya, the Medieval ones as Sardenay, Sardan, Sardenal and Notre-Dame de la Roche (p. 65).  All the Itineraries report the miracle, which may be connected with the Jewish practice of anointing stone pillars with oil (Gen. xxviii. 18; xxxv. 14, etc.). See the miracle of St. Catherine, p. 39, l. 23.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P82.L20">
<P><REF>vowt.</REF>—H.: voute.  Boldensele: In casali pulchro, quod sub monasterio est, Christiani scismatici commorantur, bono vino satis abundantes (77).  D'Outremeuse seems to have read some such word as cava, caverna, vault, instead of casale, village!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P82.L24">
<P><REF>þat turneth into flesch.</REF>—H.: qi se conuerty en char.  The French convertit was probably meant as a preterite. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P82.L25">
<P>At this point, three leaves of the manuscript are missing. Hamelius's note in the text reads: "A long gap here occurs in the Cotton MS.  As the only alternative text is in a more Northern dialect, we print it in appendix." I have removed it from the appendix (pp. 212-217) and inserted it here.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P82.L26">
<P>The account of the Tartars is from the Historia Mongolorum of the Franciscan Joannes de Plano Carpini, included in Vincent de Beauvais' encyclopedia.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P82.L26a">
<P>The long gap in the Cotton MS, filled in here with the Egerton MS, ends at this point and Cotton resumes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P82.L26b">
<P><REF>eten houndes.</REF>—Pseudo-Methodius, ed. Sackur, 1898: Comedebant enim hi omnes cantharo speciem omnem coinquinabilem vel spurcebilem, id est canes, mures, serpentes, etc. (pp. 72-73).  Alexander asks God to enclose those impure nations between the Uber mountains.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P83.L8">
<P>Batho (d. 1255), grandson of Yenghiz and khan of the Golden Horde (Orda) received Carpini's vi it (Sir G. Warner).<PB REF="" N="2:81"/>
 He was dead when the Mandeville was written.  Batho is mentioned by Hayton, p. 157 of 1906 ed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P83.L11">
<P><REF>to sowen jnne.</REF>—H.: Il serroit bon pais a semer de feuchere et de genest et des espines et de rounces, i. e. It would be a good country for sowing fern and broom and thorns and brambles.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P83.L18">
<P><REF>Daresten.</REF>—Sir G. Warner guesses at Dorostena or Drestra, the old name of Silistria.  But the irresponsible d'Outremeuse may have thought of the Dur-Este of romance mentioned, e. g. in the Chanson de Roland.  See note to p. 44, l. 33.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P83.L35">
<P><REF>Scleyes.</REF>—H.: soleiez.  Brussels 10420-5: seleis. Egerton: sleddes.  The original reading probably was scleyes, cognate with esclisse = traîneau in the abridged edition of Godefroy, 1901.  D'Outremeuse might know the Middle Flemish word sledde, slee = sledge.  Grandgagnage, Dict. étym. de la langue wallonne, t. II., 1880, gives the form sclite, meaning sledge.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P84.L18">
<P><REF>of here lawe.</REF>—The word law was used in the Middle Ages with the meaning religion, especially of the Jewish, Christian and Saracen laws.  Renan, Averroès (1866), p. 166.— In the Liégeois version of the Crusading cycle, the three are said to be equally false.  Cornumarant says to Godfrey of Bouillon: <Q>
<L>En tiere sont trois lois, il est bien vérités,</L>
<L>Et chascuns est si bien en sa foi abusés,</L>
<L>Juis et Sarrasin et les crestienés</L>
<L>Que chascuns cuide en foi estre bien asenés.</L></Q><BIBL>(P. Paris, Histoire littéraire, Vol. XXV., p. 533.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P84.L21">
<P><REF>Meshaf.</REF>—William of Tripoli, De Statu Saracenorum, ed. in Prutz, Kulturg. d. Kreuzz: Postquam dictum est de egressu Macometi et suorum, progressu eorum atque occasu, restat videre, quid sentiendum est de eorum lege seu libro Alcoranum, Meshaf seu Harine (c. xxv., p. 590).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P84.L27">
<P><REF>place of delytes.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Locus deliciarum est, in quo quisque habebit nonaginta novem virgines delicatas, quibus omnibus fruetur omni die et semper inveniet illas illibatas et integras.  Ad nutum etiam desiderii rami arborum fructum porrigent optatum ori comedentis, flumina lactis et mollis meri et liquidissime limphe deorsum defluent, menia et mansiones pro meritis singulorum assignabuntur singulis ex lapidibus preciosis edificate et ex auro precioso Ofir (Prutz, 596).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P85.L9">
<P><REF>crist spak als sone as he was born.</REF>—Will. Trip.: The relatives of the Virgin ask: Quomodo loquitur infans in<PB REF="" N="2:82"/>
 cunabulis?  Et ipse puer dixit: … Deus … me fecit benedictum prophetam (ed. Prutz, p. 593).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P85.L13">
<P><REF>The Angel.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Et apparuit [Spiritus] ei [Mariae] in similitudine viri et dixit Maria territa: Invoco Deum misericordem, si tu es Taquius. (Glosa Sarracenorum: Taquius erat quidam incantator, qui subito intrabat super virgines et supprimebat eas speciosus et pulcher ut angelus.)  Et dixit: Ego sum nuncius Dei tui: donabitur tibi filius innocens et purus (ed. Prutz, c. xxxii., p. 592).  D'Outremeuse has followed this so closely that no conclusion is possible as to his own views on the Immaculate Conception.  Dr. Bovenschen rightly points out that the gross calumnies of Medieval Christians against Islam and its founder, known to the author of Mandeville through Vincent de Beauvais, Jacques de Vitry, and other writings, have not been repeated here.  Sir G. Warner explains the name Taquius as a mistranslation of a word in the Koran (Transl. Rodwell, 1876, p. 112).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P85.L24">
<P><REF>childed vnder a palme tre.</REF>—Will. Trip., c. xxxiii.: Quomodo peperit [Maria] et natus eam consolatur.—Item in alio loco demonstrat [Alcoran] quomodo filium, quem conceperat, peperit et quomodo filius natus de ea matrem consolatur et dicit sic: Concepit Maria filium et abiit cum eo in locum longinquum et remotum. Et cum advenisset tempus partus, peperit sub palma.  Et tunc dixit: O ut mortua fuissem, antequam hoc evenisset mihi et oblivioni fuissem tradita!  Et mox natus de ea dixit: Ne tristeris, ait, posuit sub te Deus secretum.  Trahe ad te ramum palme cum fructu et super te cadet fructus electus maturus; comede ex eo et bibe et esto leta (ed. Prutz, 592).—Montégut, Heures de lecture d'un critique (1891), maintains that these episodes bear a striking likeness to the story of the conception and birth of the enchanter Merlin (p. 308, fn.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P86.L3">
<P><REF>full of claritee.</REF>—Hamelius emended the text to read "full of c[h]aritee." In the second volume of his edition, however, he noted: "The original reading, claritee, is correct.  Will. Trip.: … evangelium, in quo est directio et lux et veritas (ed. Prutz, p. 594)."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P86.L9">
<P><REF>Missus est Angelus.</REF>—An Evangelium from Luke i. 26, often repeated in the liturgy, I am told by a learned Benedictine: "And in the sixth month, the angel Gabriel was sent from God unto a city of Galilee, named Nazareth."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P86.L19">
<P><REF>neuere crucyfyed.</REF>—William of Tripoli is more hostile to the Mahometans: Mendacium Sarracenorum et fabula de Christi morte et eius cruce.  Dicunt hic glosatores Alcorani, quod<PB REF="" N="2:83"/>
 Judei non crucifixerunt Christum, set Judam proditorem, qui dum quereret magistrum suum in spelunca, ut caperetur, mutatus est vultus eius in faciem Jesu; quem ministri tollentes crucifixerunt, et idcirco dicunt, quod christiani non habent scientiam de Deo, quia dicunt Christum crucifixum ab impiis Judeis, qui non fuit crucifixus nec mortuus, sed vivus ascendit in celum iterum descensurus. Item dicunt, quod Deus contra suam iusticiam egisset, si permisisset Christum innocentem occidi (ed. Prutz, pp. 594-595). This is the doctrine called Doketism, which was common among heretics both before and after d'Outremeuse's time.  Ch. Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, II., 1849, pp. 36-37; A. Jundt, Hist. Panth., 1875, p. 142.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P87.L2">
<P><REF>þei gon so ny oure feyth.</REF>—Will. Trip.: ipsi sunt vicini fidei christiane (ed. Prutz, p. 596).—Et sic simplici sermone Dei, sine philosophicis argumentis sive militaribus armis, sicut oves simplices petunt baptismum Christi et transeunt in ovile Dei. Hoc dixit et scripsit, qui auctore Deo plus quam mille iam baptizavit (ibid., p. 597-598).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P87.L6">
<P><REF>the lawe of Machomete schall fayle.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Attrahit etiam eos ad veram fidem credulitas et quedam communis conceptio in cordibus omnium tamquam prescientia sita, quod doctrina Macometi et fides sit in brevi casura, sicut et Mosayce legis cultura et sola fides Christi cum populo christiano semper sit, quamdiu mundus durabitur, stabilis et mansura (ed. Prutz, p. 596).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P87.L8">
<P><REF>ȝif ony man aske.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Si quis enim querat ab ipsis quenam sit fides eorum, nesciunt aliud dicere nisi hoc tantum: Credimus Deum creatorem omnium, diem iudicii, in quo remunerabuntur merita hominum, et vera esse, que Deus locutus est per ora sanctorum proplietarum omnium (ed. Prutz, p. 596).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P87.L12">
<P>Hamelius leaves the manuscript reading ("thay") unemended, questioning whether "thay = the day, phonetic or scribal?" Note the same phrase, fully expressed, a few lines above.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P87.L16">
<P><REF>.ij. wyfes.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Habeas uxores duas et tres et quatuor et ita usque ad novem, et concubinas, quot poterit emcre dextera manus tua.  Et si in oculis tuis displiceat uxor, trade ei libellum repudii et abire permittas (ed. Prutz, p. 596).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P87.L20">
<P>Hamelius does not emend the manuscript reading ("hem").</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P87.L23">
<P><REF>.iij. persones.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Mirantur, quando audiunt divine et deifice trinitatis mysterium, sine cuius cognitione non habetur de Deo vero vera scientia.  Nam cum audiunt, quod Deus, quem colunt, ut aiunt, est creator coeli et terre et creaturarum omnium, qui creavit omnia ex nichilo verbo suo sibi coaeterno, concedunt gaudientes, quod Deus habeat verbum, per quod creata<PB REF="" N="2:84"/>
 sunt universa et sine ipso factum est nichil.  Item cum audiunt, quod Deus, qui est verbalis, hoc est habens verbum, ut vivus et vita vitarum, vitam tribuens viventibus cunctis, in vita vivens, fons vite indeficiens, unde vitam hausit omnis creatura corporalis et spiritualis, concedunt Deum habere vitam sive spiritum, quem dicimus sanctum (ed. Prutz, p. 597).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L4">
<P><REF>Moyses.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Abraham est amicus Dei, Moyses autem prolocutor Dei, Jesus, Marie filius, verbum et spiritus Dei et Macometus est Dei nuncius.  Inter quos quatuor Jesus verbum Dei est maior, cuius magnitudinis laudes et preconia monstrata sunt supra (ed. Prutz, p. 596).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L9">
<P><REF>feyth as cristene men han.</REF>—H.: loy parfite et foy solonc Cristiens.  The French original is less orthodox than the English translation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L16">
<P><REF>ben þei repreued.</REF>—H.: Et pur ceo sunt ils persecutours de veraiz sages, qi espiritalment lentendent, i. e. therefore they persecute the really wise, who understand it after the spirit.  Mistranslation.  The French original accuses the foolish infidels, who take Scripture literally, of persecuting the wise who interpret it aright.  A heretic position.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L18">
<P><REF>viuificat.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 adds: Mais qui lentent espiritalment, il la croit parfaittement.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L19">
<P><REF>þei han defouled the lawe.</REF>—Will. Trip.: … in hoc Sarraceni se preferunt Judeis et Christianis, quod dicunt, Judeos violasse legem et Christianos violasse evangelium, et se suum in sua virtute et integritate servasse divinum librum Alcoranum (ed. Prutz, p. 591).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L23">
<P><REF>the Soudan tolde me.</REF>—Dr. Bovenschen accepts this as truthful and autobiographical.  Sir G. Warner looks upon it as fiction and compares it to the commonplaces of satirical literature in the Middle Ages.  The sinfulness of Christians is dwelt upon in William of Tyre (see Caxton's Godfrey of Bouillon, E.E.T.S., 1893, p. 31).  Prutz refers to Jacques de Vitry (I. 70, p. 128-129); to Guilelm.  Neubrig. (III. 14); to Caesarii Heisterbac., Dial. mirac. (IV. 15 ed. Strange, I. 187-188), and to Ricoldus de Monte Crucis.  Montégut instances the tale of the Jewish merchant in Boccaccio's Decameron (First Day, Tale Second).  Gröber refers to a tale by Bosone da Gubbio (d. after 1345) as the source of Boccaccio (p. 11 of Gröber's Introd. to Decameron).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P88.L29">
<P><REF>ȝee cristene men.</REF>—Brussels, 10420-5: voz gens.<PB REF="" N="2:85"/>
 Brussels 11141: vos prebstres.  H.: voz flamynes.  The latter two readings, containing an attack on the clergy, are obviously right, as opposed to the lewed peple of l. 31.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P89.L1">
<P><REF>fighten.</REF>—H.: baretter, i. e. cheat.  The MS. used by the Englisher probably read: battre.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P89.L4">
<P><REF>now swerded, now daggered.</REF>—Sir G. Warner gives variants:—S.: ore broudez ore contaillez.  G.: ore broudes ore court taillies.  Brussels, 10420-5: ou broisde ou contailles. Brussels 11141: broude puis decope et entretaillie.  We may guess that contaillé or entretaillé means slashed, as a tailoring term.  The Englisher probably thought of coutel, couteau, i. e. knife, and therefore introduced words derived from sword and dagger.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P89.L19">
<P><REF>þat knowe we wel be oure prophecyes.</REF>—De Reiffenberg, in his Introduction to Vol. II. of the romance of the Chevalier au Cygne et Godefroi de Bouillon, quotes Robert le Moine, where the soothsayer Calabre says:  A centum annis et infra invenerunt patres nostri in sacris Deorum responsis et in sortibus et divinationibus suis et animalium extis, quod christiana gens super nos esset ventura nosque victura.  Concordant super hoc aruspices, magi, arioli, et numinum nostrorum responsa et prophetarum dicta (pp. xl.-xli.).  The fourteenth-century verse says: <Q>
<L>Par forche conquesteront la nostre mançion;</L>
<L>Et prenderont oussy le temple Salemon.</L>
<L>Vous en serés livrés à grant destrucion.</L></Q><BIBL>(p. 12, ll. 3650-3652.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P89.L26">
<P><REF>contres of cristene kynges &amp; princes.</REF>—H.: des courtz des princez.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P89.L27">
<P><REF>messangeres.</REF>—Such a spying expedition is reported in the Crusading epics.  Cantos xii.-xviii.  of the romance of Godefroi de Bouillon, edited by Hippeau (1877), tell how King Cornumarant of Jerusalem comes to Bouillon as a palmer to survey the power of his future opponent Godfrey.  The text edited by de Reiffenberg has a similar episode: <Q>
<L>Or est Cornumarans par son fier hardement</L>
<L>Passés deçà la mer, de quoy il se repent</L>
<L>Pour véoir vostre estat et vo demainement.</L></Q><BIBL>(Vol. II., 1848, p. 55, ll. 4656-4658.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P89.L29">
<P><REF>of clothes of gold.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: de musk. Can the Englisher have read damask and thus reached cloth? Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P90.L12"><PB REF="" N="2:86"/>
<P><REF>Seynt Gabriell.</REF>—Will. Trip.: … Macometus habens etatis vite 45 annos cepit dicere se esse prophetam Dei, Gabriele archangelo nunciante ei voluntatem divinam (ed. Prutz, p. 590).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P90.L14">
<P><REF>born in Arabye.</REF>—Will. Trip.: puer videlicet orphanus, egrotativus, pauper et vilis, custos cameli, natione Arabs (ed. Prutz, p. 576).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P90.L19">
<P><REF>Eremyte,</REF> the Nestorian monk Sergius, otherwise called Bahira, William of Tripoli's Bahayra.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P90.L21">
<P><REF>the entree began to wexe.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Hic ponunt Sarraceni primum miraculum, quod Deus operatus est, ut dicunt, pro famulo suo adhuc parvulo, dicentes, quod parva porta curie monasterii, per quam transibant ad presentiam pueri, dum vellet intrare parvulus, ita divino nutu crevit dilatata et arcualiter exaltata est, ut curie imperialis videretur hostium aut introitus domus regie magestatis (ed. Prutz, p. 576).  The same miracle occurs in the Moniage Guillaume, when William of Orange knocks at Bernard's door (Bédier, Légendes épiques, I. 1908, p. 349).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P90.L26">
<P><REF>gouernour &amp; prince.</REF>—H.: gouernour de la terre al prince de Corodane, i.e. governor of the country of the prince of C.  Mistranslation.—William of Tripoli calls the first husband of Khadidjah a wealthy merchant.  D'Outremeuse raises him to princely rank.  Sir G. Warner identifies Corodane as the name of Khorasan in the Crusading historians.  Vincent de Beauvais (Sp. Hist., l. 23, cap. xxxix.) writes of Eadiga, lady (domina) of Corozania.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P90.L30">
<P><REF>the grete sikeness.</REF>—H.: de la grant maladie, ceo est de la caduke.  Vincent de Beauvais: Post haec vero Machomet caepit cadere frequenter epileptica passione.  Quod Eadiga cernens valde tristabatur, quod nupsisset impurissimo homini et epileptico. Quam ille placare desiderans, talibus sermonibus demulcebat eam dicens; quia Gabrielem Archangelum loquentem mecum contemplor, et non ferens splendorem vultus eius, utpote carnalis homo deficio et cado.  Credidit ergo mulier, et omnes Arabes, et Ismahelitae, quod ex ore Archangeli Gabrielis illas susciperet leges, quas suis discipulis dabat, eo quod Gabriel Archangelus saepe a Deo mittatur hominibus sanctis (ed. 1524, p. 913).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P91.L2">
<P><REF>generacioun of ysmael.</REF>—Will. Trip.: natione Arabs de genere Ysmaelis (ed. Prutz, p. 576).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P91.L4">
<P><REF>Ismaelytenes.</REF>—Honorius, Imago Mundi, Migne,<PB REF="" N="2:87"/>
 Vol. CLXXII., col. 125 (lib. I., c. xv.), describing Western Asia: In ea sunt gentes multae, Moabitae, Ammonitae, Iduamaei, Sarraceni, Madianitae, et aliae multae.  (Col. 126 c. xvii.): In hac [Palestina] etiam Sarraceni, a Sara dicti, qui et Agareni, ab Agar.  Item Ismaelitae ab Ismael nuncupati.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P91.L9">
<P><REF>heremyte.</REF>—Identical with the Eremyte of p. 90, l. 19, according to the legend.  Our text seems to separate him into two.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P91.L14">
<P><REF>wente Machomete.</REF>—Will. Trip.: Ad praedictum magistrum suum Bahayram frequentius veniebat et in veniendo et moram faciendo apud ipsum sodales gravabat, quem tamen ipse libenter audiebat et multa pro eo faciebat.  Ob quam causam sodales cogitaverunt Bahayram interficere, sed timebant magistrum. Accidit igitur quadam nocte, ut gravati longa collatione, qua tenuit magistrum reclusus, cum cernerent magistrum tremulentum, pugione ipsius Machometi iugulaverunt virum sanctum nocte illa, imponentes eidem magistro, quod nimia ebrietate alienatus suum interfecerat magistrum et auctorem.  Mane autem facto dum Machometus sanctum virum quaereret licentiam accepturus et dicturus vale, inveniens ipsum mortuum vehementer contristatus cepit quaerere homicidas, et cum argueretur a sodalibus tamquam auctor sceleris ebriosus, credens verum esse, quod dicebant, conscius quod ebrius exstiterat nocte illa et videns proprium gladium cruentatum, contra ebrietatem et vinum ebrietatis causam maledixit omnes vini portitores [potatores?] venditores et emptores, ob quam causam Sarraceni devoti vinum non bibebant nec bibunt Racabitarum more (ed. Prutz, p. 577).—This may be compared to the killing of Clitus by Alexander.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P91.L32">
<P><REF>Galamell.</REF>—Sir G. Warner: For sugarcanes, "calamelli, calami pleni melle," and "canamellae, de quibus zucchara ex compressione eliquatur," see J. de Vitry (pp. 1075, 1099).  They are noticed also by the crusading historians, e. g. Alb. of Aix (v. 37), "calamellos mellitos, … quos vocant zucra, suxit populus," and Will. of Tyre (xiii. 3).  But though the canes and the sugar are mentioned, the drink is not.  For the medicinal properties of sugar (it is gode for the breest) see Alb. Magnus, De Veget. vi. 37, "Lenit etiam pectus," etc. (ed. Jessen, p. 470).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P91.L36">
<P><REF>Archiflamyn.</REF>—The Oxford English Dictionary, under flamen, writes that Geoffrey of Monmouth used archflamen and flamen to denote the two grades of alleged sacerdotal functionaries<PB REF="" N="2:88"/>
 in heathen Britain, whose place was afterwards taken by bishops and archbishops.  Here, as in the variant quoted in our note to p. 88, l. 29, an ironical side-glance at the Roman hierarchy may be suspected.  The words are not in William of Tripoli.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P92.L2">
<P><REF>La ellec, etc.</REF>—Sir G. Warner gives the Arabic as: Lâ ilâh illâ illâh, Muhammad rasûl allâh.  The formula is from William of Tripoli.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P92.L6">
<P><REF>here lettres.</REF>—Sir G. Warner: This alphabet is found in the Cosmographia of Aethicus … it has strong affinities with the Sclavonic alphabet known as Glagolitic.—According to Gaster (see note to p. 13, l. 12), many Medieval heresies were of East-European or Slavonic origin.  See Introd., pp. 21-22.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P92.L12">
<P><REF>þorn &amp; ȝogh.</REF>—H.: nous auons en nostre parleure en Engleterre deux lettres pluis qils nount en lour a b c, cest assauoir þ et ȝ, qi sont appellez thorn et ȝogh.  If, as the present editor believes, d'Outremeuse wrote the Mandeville, he would have learned the names and shapes of those two letters from a traveller, possibly from the English doctor Sir John Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P95.L4">
<P><REF>the more &amp; the less.</REF>—H.: la moindre, i. e. Cairo. Babylon the Great was in Mesopotamia.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P95.L9">
<P><REF>.iiij. flodes.</REF>—Only three are named.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P95.L12">
<P><REF>Persye.</REF>—Ausfeld points to the form Persis (Persidis) as the name of a town [Persepolis?] (Alex. Rom., 1907, p. 70).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P95.L17">
<P><REF>the grete see.</REF>—A term applied to the Euxine in the Middle Ages (Sir G. Warner).  See note to p. 170, l. 9.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P95.L21">
<P><REF>Thamy.</REF>—The Tanaïs or Don.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P95.L23">
<P><REF>Albanye.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Albania est a colore populi nuncupata, eo quod albo crine nascantur.  Haec ab oriente sub mari Caspio surgens, per ora oceani septentrionalis usque ad Maeotides paludes per deserta et inculta extenditur. Huic terrae canes ingentes sunt, tantaeque feritatis, ut tauros premant, leones perimant (Sp. Hist., l. I., c. lxix., p. 26 of 1624 edition). According to a footnote to Dan. de Thaurisio's Responsio ad errores impositos Hermenis (ed. 1906, p. 593), the country of the Albanians, or Aghouans, comprises three parts: Armenia, Shirvan and Azerbeidjian.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P96.L3">
<P><REF>the see more high þan the lond.</REF>—Jean d'Outremeuse, Miroir des Histoires: Libe … la mere y est asseis plus grant et plus hault qui n'est la terre; et se soy sourtient dedens ses metes<PB REF="" N="2:89"/>
 en teile manere, qu'ilh ne chiet et ne gote sour la terre (Vol. I., 1864, p. 295).  The fourteenth-century version of the Chevalier au Cygne places the high sea near Paradise: <Q>
<L>Et puis le haulte mer qui paradix costie,</L>
<L>Et la mist Dieu Adam et Eve son amie.</L></Q><BIBL>(Vol. III., 1854, ll. 21769-21770.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>Compare Dante's hill of Paradise and Purgatory, arising in the midst of the Antipodean sea like Mandeville's mountayne, l. 6, of p. 96 (John of Hildesheim, ed. 1878, p. 30).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P96.L20">
<P><REF>Pountz,</REF> Pontus Euxinus or the Black Sea.  Here d'Outremeuse begins to follow friar Odoric's account of his travels in the East.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P96.L23">
<P><REF>Quicumque wlt,</REF> the first words of the Athanasian Creed, which is not now believed to be by Athanasius.  The story of his quarrel with the Pope, described by Sir G. Warner as highly fanciful, really contains one more attack upon the Papacy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P97.L7">
<P><REF>old castell.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: j chastel anchien dont les meurs sont pres tous couers de eder que nous appelons ivy et siet sur vne roche, i. e. an old castle, the walls of which are nearly all covered with ivy, which we call [in English] ivy, and which stands on a rock.  The fiction of an English authorship is again supported by the introduction of an English word.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P97.L9">
<P><REF>Layays.</REF>—Laias, modern Laiazzo, Pharsipee, modern Perschembé, and Cruk, modern Korgho or Guiaourkeui, all lie in Cilicia, or Little Armenia, on the Mediterranean coast, right away from Trebizond on the Black Sea.  Hayton of Armenia, an author familiar to d'Outremeuse, had been a lord of Cruk.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P97.L13">
<P><REF>lady of fayrye.</REF>—The lady Melior, sister of Melusine, in the romance of that name, written down 1387, after d'Outremeuse had finished the Mandeville, and edited in 1891, for the E.E.T.S., by A. K. Donald.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L4">
<P><REF>sone of a pore man.</REF>—This part of the tale is not included in the romance of Melusine, nor is the knyght of the temple of l. 10.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L21">
<P><REF>Artyroun.</REF>—Odoric: Et de la m'entournay en Armenie la grant qui a nom Artiron.  Ceste cité est moult bonne et riche et seroit encore plus se ne feussent Tartre et Sarrazin qui la ont destruitte car on y treuve encore pain et char et tous autres vivres en tres grant habondance fors de vins et de fruit.  Ceste cité est moult froide car les gens dient qu'elle sciet au plus hault<PB REF="" N="2:90"/>
 terroir qui soit aujourduy habité.  En ceste cité a moult bonnes eaues, et est la cause car cestes eaues du fleuve de Euffrates qui cuert a vne journée pres de ceste cité a my voye de Trapesonde et la cité de Thoris (ed. Cordier, 1891, pp. 5-6).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L24">
<P><REF>þat maketh gret cold.</REF>—H.: et si fait grant froide, i. e. it is very cold.  Gallicism.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L27">
<P><REF>a iorneye besyde þat cytee.</REF>—H.: a vne iournee pres de celle cite, i. e. a day's travelling from that city.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L28">
<P><REF>vnder erthe.</REF>—This marvel is not in Odoric.  It is a duplicate of what d'Outremeuse had written about the Nile (p. 28, l. 10).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L29">
<P><REF>resorteth.</REF>—H.: resourt, i. e. rises again, from sourdre.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L31">
<P><REF>Sabissocolle.</REF>—Odoric: Sabissa colloasseis, explained by Cordier as Hassan-kaleh, east of Erzerum (pp. 6 and 15).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L32">
<P><REF>Ararath.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Sp. Nat., l. VI., c. xxi., col. 383 of 1524 ed.: Ararat est mons Armeniae, in quo Arcam historiæ post diluuium resedisse testantur, unde et usque hodie ibidem lignorum eius videntur vestigia (from Isidore).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P98.L33">
<P><REF>Taneez.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: chano.  Cordier quotes from Chardin I., p. 219: Ce mont [Ararat] a encore deux autres noms dans les livres persans, savoir Cou-nouh, c.à.d. Mont-Noé, et Sahet-toppus, c.à.d. heureuse butte.  Sir I. Gollancz drew my attention to the identity of the first component with the Persian word koh = mountain, e. g. in Koh-i-Noor = mountain of light.  Daniel de Thaurisio calls Ararat mons Noe. His commentators summarise the legend of a monk James, who tries to ascend to the top, but falls asleep on the way, and finds himself at his starting-point again when he awakes.  After several fruitless attempts, an angel tells him that God takes pity on him and gives him a piece of the ark, which was first preserved in St. James's monastery, and is now at Etchmiadzin (Dan. de Th., 1906, p. 592).—Prof. C. F. Brown quotes from Cleanness: <Q>
<L>On þe mounte of Mararach of Armene hills,</L>
<L>Þat oþer-wayez on ebrv hit hat þe thanes.</L></Q><BIBL>(ll. 447-8, quoted in Author of Pearl, 1904.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>The author of Cleanness probably followed the Mandeville, while d'Outremeuse may have obtained his Persian word from some<PB REF="" N="2:91"/>
 Jewish source, oral or written (John of Hildesheim, ed. 1878, p. 26).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P99.L4">
<P><REF>nouþer somer ne wynter.</REF>—H.: et en estee et en yuer, i. e. both in summer and in winter.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P99.L8">
<P><REF>of the montayne.</REF>—Here the French MSS. insert the legend of the monk as in ll. 10-20.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P99.L8b">
<P><REF>Dayne.</REF>—Sir G. Warner: The ruins of Ani, once the capital of Armenia, are about sixty miles north-west of Ararat, near Kars.  Its thousand churches are mentioned by Rubruk in 1253 as then existing (p. 389); but the whole city was destroyed by earthquake in 1319 (St. Martin, Mém. sur l'Arménie, 1818, I., pp. 111-114).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P99.L9">
<P><REF>Any</REF> is a mere duplicate of Dayne, according to d'Outremeuse's familiar method.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P99.L21">
<P><REF>Thauriso.</REF>—Odoric: Thoris … jadis ot nom Faxis autres dient Sussis (ed. Cordier, 1891, p. 19).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P99.L37">
<P><REF>gode ryueres.</REF>—Odoric only mentions good water. D'Outremeuse adds the rivers and ships!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L2">
<P><REF>Cassak.</REF>—Odoric: … cité des trois roys. … Et appelle on ceste cité de Cassan, cité royal de grant honneur, mais Tartre l'ont moult destruite.  Cordier hesitates between Qaschân, three days from Ispahân and four from Ardistân and Sawah = Saba, mentioned in Marco Polo and lying between Soldania and Yezd (ed. 1891, pp. 41-42).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L9">
<P><REF>Geth.</REF>—Sir G. Warner hesitates between Yezd and a place immediately to the north of Ispahan, now called Gez.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L10">
<P><REF>gravely see.</REF>—Mentioned again as in Prester John's land on p. 181, ll. 19-29.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L12">
<P><REF>clepen flessch þere Dabago, etc.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: La appellent ilz la char dalbago et le vin vape.  So in B. 11141. H. has Dabago and Vapa.  Sir G. Warner, following the Egerton MS., which omits all mention of wine and meat, tries to interpret these two words as place names.  But vappa is only the Latin for flat wine, as in Massinger's Believe as you list: <Q>
<L>………. Your viper wine,</L>
<L>So much in practice with grey-bearded gallants,</L>
<L>But vappa to the nectar of her lips.</L></Q><BIBL>(Act IV, Scene 1.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>As for dalbago, it bears some resemblance to albacore, explained in the Oxford English Dictionary as meaning a certain fish, and<PB REF="" N="2:92"/>
 derived from Arabic al + bukr, pl. bakārat, a young camel, a heifer.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L17">
<P><REF>Cornaa.</REF>—Cordier's Odoric has seven variants, and identifies the site with Istakhr, the ancient Persepolis (pp. 49-50), where Yule notes a modern name, Kinara.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L23">
<P><REF>lettres of Persaynes.</REF>—The French texts and Egerton give another alphabet here.  Sir G. Warner identifies it as "given by J. G. Eccard, De origine Germanorum libri duo, 1750, pl. IV., p. 192, from an unspecified MS. at Ratisbon, said to be of the eleventh century.  It there professes to be Chaldaic.  This MS. also contains six other alphabets; and it is significant that among them, in addition to the Hebrew, is included the so-called Egyptian alphabet of Mandeville."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L29">
<P><REF>Sweze.</REF>—Sueta in Eugesippus (p. 994) lies below Damascus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P100.L29b">
<P><REF>Theman,</REF>—also in Eugesippus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L1">
<P><REF>Are of Gosra.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: are de bosra. Sir G. Warner: For the account of Job, identified with "Jobab the son of Zerah of Bozrah" (Gen. xxxvi. 33), see Isidore, De ortu et obitu Patrum, cap. 24 (Migne, lxxxiii., 136).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L5">
<P><REF>after his lawe.</REF>—A hint that one religion is as good (or as bad) as another.  John of Hildesheim writes that it is a moot point among the Jews how the Lord could praise Job, though he was but a Gentile (ed. Köpke, 1878, p. 10).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L9">
<P><REF>to heere estate.</REF>—H.: et a hautesse de rechief, i. e. and to high estate again.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L15">
<P><REF>Manna.</REF>—Odoric: La treuve on le manne meilleur et en plus grant habondance que en nulle partie du monde (p.59-60). The rest is from Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Nat., 1624, l. IV., cc. lxxxiv.-lxxxv.: Manna est ros cadens super lapidem aut arborem et fit dulcis et coagulatur, sicut mel … visum acuit, pulmoni confert, et renibus ac vesicae. … Et est bonum stomacho et epati … laxat ventrem … habet autem virtutem depurandi et mundificandi sanguinem (col. 285-286).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L20">
<P><REF>congeleth.</REF>—H.: se coagule = coagulates.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L25">
<P><REF>Caldee.</REF>—Odoric: De la vins en Caldée, qui est uns grans royaume.  Si passai par la terre de Babel qui est à iiii. journées près de Caldée.  En ceste Caldée ont leur propre langaige des gens du pays (p. 63).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L26">
<P><REF>gret in sownynge.</REF>—This praise of the Chaldaean language is not in Odoric.  No source has been traced for it.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L31"><PB REF="" N="2:93"/>
<P><REF>In þat reme, etc.</REF>—H.: En le roialme de Caldée sont ly hommes belles et vont mult noblement parez ouesqez creuechiez dorrez, et lour draps auxi sont aoernez des orfraies et des grossez perlez et de pieres preciouses mult noblement.  Similarly, the two Brussels MSS.  Meaning: In the kingdom of Chaldea, men are fair and go most nobly arrayed, with gilded head-dresses, and their garments also are adorned with orphreys and large pearls and precious stones very nobly.  The Englisher has not translated couvre-chefs, i. e. coverchiefs, kerchiefs.  Odoric: Les hommes y sont beaux et les femmes laides.  La vont les hommes aournez ainsy que cy vont nos femmes et portent sur leurs chiefs d'or clos et chappeaux de perles (p. 63).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P101.L35">
<P><REF>large wyde.</REF>—The French original has only large, which the Englisher preserves along with its proper equivalent: wide.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P102.L4">
<P><REF>Hur.</REF>—Jean d'Outremeuse, Miroir des Histoires: Tharé le pere Abraham le patriarche … vient … demoreir en la terre de Caldée, en une citeit c'on nommoit Hur, qui est a dire en franchois Feu. … Astoit roy de Asserie Nynus, liqueis fondat en sa terre marchissant à la thour de Babel, une mult belle citeit … Nynyve (Vol. I., 1864, p. 10).  The ultimate source is Gen. xi. 27-xii. 6.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P102.L22">
<P><REF>here after.</REF>—Both the Brussels MSS. and some of those used by Sir G. Warner here insert an alphabet, not recognisable to that learned palaeographer.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P102.L23">
<P><REF>Amazoyne.</REF>—The story of the Amazons is an episode of the Medieval epic cycle of Alexander.  Dr. Bovenschen refers especially to the Historia de preliis of the archpriest Leo. The French romance of Alexander and Gautier de Châtillon's (alias Gautier de Lille's) Latin poem of Alexandreis are a more likely source.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P102.L26">
<P><REF>wommen wil not suffre no men.</REF>—Bovenschen (p. 279) quotes the Letter of Prester John, ed. Zarncke: Mariti praedictarum mulierum non morantur cum eis nec audent ad eas venire nisi statim vellent mori.  Statutum est enim, quod quicumque vir intraverit praedictam insulam ipso die morietur.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P102.L30">
<P><REF>Colepeus.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist.: Duo reges juvenes Ylinos et Scolopitus … per insidias trucidantur; quorum uxores, arma sumentes, viros, qui domi remanserant, interficiunt: tunc armis pace quaesita finitimorum concubitus ineunt.  Mares, qui nascebantur, interficiunt, virgines reservant,<PB REF="" N="2:94"/>
 quas non lanificio, sed armis et equis et venationibus assuefaciunt inustis infantium dexteris mammis, ne sagittarum ictus impediretur. His duae fuere reginae, Marthesia et Lampeto vicissim terminos defendentes (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. xcvi., p. 36, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P102.L33">
<P><REF>as creatures out of wytt.</REF>—H.: come desesperez.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P103.L3">
<P><REF>male scholde duell.</REF>—H.: ne qenfant madl fuist norry entre elles.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P103.L5">
<P><REF>þei drawen hem.</REF>—Gautier de Châtillon narrates the loves of Alexander and the queen of the Amazons, named Thalestris: <Q>
<L>… Visendi succensa cupidine regis</L>
<L>Gentis Amazoniae venit regina Thalestris</L>
<L>Castraque virginibus subiit comitata ducentis.</L>
<L>……</L>
<L>Laeva papilla manet et conservatur adultis,</L>
<L>Cuius lacte infans sexus muliebris alatur.</L>
<L>Non intacta manet, sed aduritur altera, lentos</L>
<L>Promptius ut tendant arcus.</L>
<L>……</L>
<L>Se venisse refert, ut pleno ventre regressa</L>
<L>Communem pariat cum tanto principe prolem</L>
<L>……</L>
<L>…… Fuerit si femina partu</L>
<L>Prodita, maternis potietur filia regnis:</L>
<L>Si mas exstiterit patri reddetur alendus.</L>
<L>……</L>
<L>… tandem pro munere noctem</L>
<L>Ter deciesque tulit.</L></Q><BIBL>(Alexandreis, ed. Mueldener, 1863, l. VIII., ll. 8-47, pp. 173-174.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>The distinction made between aristocratic girls, who lose the left breast, and the infantry, who lose the right, seems a characteristic duplication, imagined by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P103.L29">
<P><REF>Tarmegyte.</REF>—Sir G. Warner refers to Brun. Latini, who locates Termegite east of the Caspian (I. 4. 123, p. 158).  He identifies it with Alexandria Margiana, now Merv, the foundation of which is attributed also to Seleucus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P103.L36">
<P><REF>est partie &amp; in the meridionall partie.</REF>—Isidore: Duae sunt autem Aethiopiae, una circa solis ortum, altera circa occasum in Mauretania (Etym. XIV. 5, 16-17, quoted by Bovenschen). Isidore's west becomes the Mandeville's south through carelessness.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L4">
<P><REF>a well.</REF>—Honorius d'Autun: Apud quos [Garamantes] est fons tam frigidus diebus, ut non bibatur; tam fervidus<PB REF="" N="2:95"/>
 noctibus, ut non tangatur (Imago Mundi, Migne, 172, l. I., c. xxxiii.).  Vincent de Beauvais: fons qui friget calore diei, et calet frigore noctis (Spec. Nat., l. XXXII., c. xv., 1524).—Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires improves upon this: ilh at une fontaine en Egypte mult mervelheux qui chandelles esprise estindent, et les estintes resprendent (Vol. I., 1864, p. 294).  In the Arthurian romances, the Duke of Bellegarde having struck off King Lancelot's head, it falls into the brook.  When the Duke dips his hand into the water, which had been very cold, it begins to boil with such violence, that he hardly has time to withdraw his fingers, which are burning to coal (P. Paris: Romans de la Table Ronde, I., 1868, p. 351).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L16">
<P><REF>folk þat han but o foot.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Legimus Monosculos quoque ibi [in India] nasci, singulis cruribus et singulari pernicitate, qui ubi defendi se velint a calore, resupinati plantarum suarum magnitudine inumbrentur (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. xciii., p. 34, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L20">
<P><REF>þei ben all ȝalowe.</REF>—H.: ils sont totes chanuz, i. e. white-haired.  Can the Englisher have read jaune?  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L21">
<P><REF>þat ȝalowness turneth, etc.</REF>—H.: ils ont les cheueux touz noirs.  The Englisher seems to have mixed up cheueu and chenu.—Vincent de Beauvais: Apud Ctesiam legitur feminas semel parere, natosque canos illico fieri.  Esse rursum gentem alteram, quae in juventa cana sit, in senectute nigrescat, ultra aevi nostri terminos perennantem (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. xciii., p. 34, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L26">
<P><REF>Emlak.</REF>—H.: Euilac, i.e. the Havilah of Gen. ii. 11.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L31">
<P><REF>the water becometh Cristall.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Traditur, quod sit [chrystallus] nix glacie durata per annos (Spec. Nat. l. VIII., c. lxii., col. 525, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P104.L33">
<P><REF>ȝalow Cristall, etc.</REF>—H.: cristal ianuastre trehant a colour doile, i. e. yellowish crystal, the colour of which is like that of oil.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L1">
<P><REF>Arabye.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais has a similar list of four kinds of diamond: Indian, Arabic, Macedonian and Cyprian (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. xl., col. 514, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L7">
<P><REF>out of gold.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: In metallis repertus est auri modo, nec nasci videbatur nisi in auro (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. xxxix., col. 513, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L19"><PB REF="" N="2:96"/>
<P><REF>male &amp; femele.</REF>—Sir G. Warner quotes from a Lapidary edited by Pannier, Les Lapidaires français, 1882: <Q>
<L>Inde Arrabe est mere et mamele</L>
<L>Dou dyamaunt, masle et femele.</L>
<L>D'Ynde li brun d'uel coulor</L>
<L>Sont li droit masle et li millor;</L>
<L>D'Arabe sont li blanc femeles,</L>
<L>Bones sont, ne sont pas si beles.</L></Q><BIBL>(p. 283.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>Union pearls are begotten in that way according to Vincent de Beauvais: Naturaliter tamen aperit se contra rorem caeli, ipsumque in se recipit, et continet tanto tempore, quanto mulier foetum gestat in utero suo (Spec. Nat. l. VIII., c. cvii.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L20">
<P><REF>dew of heuene.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais reports this of pearls, not of diamonds: Gignitur autem de caelesti rore, quem certo anni tempore conchae hauriunt (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. lxxxi., col. 534).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L22">
<P><REF>I haue often tymes assayed.</REF>—Probably a hit at the alchemists.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L26">
<P><REF>congeleth.</REF>—H.: se congree et fait et soy engrosse, i. e. joins and acts and grows pregnant.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L30">
<P><REF>on his left syde.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: gestatus in lacerto sinistro (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. xxxix., col. 513).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L31">
<P><REF>the strengthe of here growynge.</REF>—H.: la force de lour naissance vient deuers septentrion, i. e. the strength of their nativity comes from the North.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P105.L33">
<P><REF>&amp; the left partie of man is, etc.</REF>—H.: la sinistre partie de homme, quant il tourne sa face vers orient, i. e. the North is on the left side of man when he faces East (as Medieval maps are oriented).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P106.L2">
<P><REF>hardyness.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Adamas fortem facit hominem contra hostem, somnia vana repellit, venenum fugat et prodit, fertur enim sudore madere si venenum adhibeatur prope, prodest lunaticis, ac daemone repletis.  Ex contactu etiam prodesse dicitur insanis (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. xxxix., col. 514, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P106.L10">
<P><REF>sorwe &amp; mischance.</REF>—H.: luy sortilegies ou ly enchantementz, i e. those bewitchings and enchantments.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P106.L20">
<P><REF>violastres.</REF>—Godefroy mentions violat, as a medicine or syrup made of violets.  Egerton: of violet colour.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P106.L33">
<P><REF>I tarye my matere.</REF>—H.: ieo proloigne ma matiere.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P107.L14"><PB REF="" N="2:97"/>
<P><REF>the ademand draweth not the nedle.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: [Adamas] cum magnete lapide dissidet intautum ut juxta positus ferrum non patiatur trahi a magnete, aut (si admotus magnes ferrum comprehenderit) rapiat atque auferat (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. xxxix., col. 513, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P107.L24">
<P><REF>Eles of .xxx<HI REND="sup">ti</HI>. fote long.</REF>—Medieval geographers and romancers place these in the Ganges.  Sir G. Warner refers to the Romance of Alexander in Weber's Metrical Romances (1810, I., p. 202); Bovenschen to Honorius, I. 12, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P107.L26">
<P><REF>.v. M<HI REND="sup">ƚ</HI>. Iles.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: In India traduntur fuisse quinque millia oppidorum praecipua capacitate, populorum 9000.  Diu etiam credita est tertia pars terrarum, nec mirum sit, vel de hominum, vel de urbium copia, cum soli Indi nunquam a natali solo recesserint (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. lxiii., p. 24).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P107.L27">
<P><REF>þat men duellen in.</REF>—H.: En Ynde et enuiroun Ynde sont pluis de v. mil isles habitables, bones et grandes, sanz celles qui sont inhabitables; i. e. In and about India are over five thousand inhabitable isles, good and large, without those that are uninhabitable.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P108.L3">
<P><REF>þei neuere gon out.</REF>—Besides the preceding quotation from Vincent de Beauvais, this is stated in Alexander's last epistle to Didimus: quia mutare patriam vestram non valetis, laudatis (Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. lxxi., p. 136, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P108.L6">
<P><REF>firste clymat.</REF>—Medieval geographers divided the inhabited part of the Northern hemisphere into seven climates, and both the Liégeois d'Outremeuse and the Englishman Mandeville lived in the seventh.  Sir G. Warner quotes Barth. de Glanville: For, as Ptholomeus saythe, the moone maketh a man unstable, chaungeable and remeuynge aboute fro place to place (VIII., 29, 30 ff., 129, 131).  In Roger Bacon's Metaphysica, ed. Steele, the house of Jupiter, the ninth, "est peregrinacionum atque itinerum," etc.  The moon is the house of mendacity! (p. 49). D'Outremeuse's astronomical geography seems made up of illdigested recollections.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P108.L22">
<P><REF>Crues.</REF>—Here Odoric is followed again.  One of the variants there for Hormuz is Ornez, the source for the Mandeville's distortion of the name (c. ix., p. 69 of Cordier's edition).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P108.L29">
<P><REF>oynementes.</REF>—H.: oignement restrinctif et refrigeratif. Such medical jokes may be adduced as arguments for the authorship of the English doctor Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P108.L31"><PB REF="" N="2:98"/>
<P><REF>in ryueres.</REF>—Bovenschen, p. 285: the letter of Alexander to Aristotle, ed. Alexander Achillinus, 1516, reports that the people of Ormuz escape from the heat by spending the day in the water up to their chins.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L1">
<P><REF>schippes withouten nayles.</REF>—The Mandeville appears to stand alone in explaining this method of shipbuilding from the vicinity of the loadstone rocks, placed by Vincent de Beauvais on the shore of the Indian Ocean (Spec. Nat., viii., 21).  They also appear in the romance of Ogier le Danois, dear to Jean d'Outremeuse (Child, Popular Ballads, I., 1882, p. 319); in Huon de Bordeaux (E.E.T.S. 1882-4, p. 370); in Herzog Ernst (ed. Bartsch, p. cxlviii., etc.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L10">
<P><REF>Chana.</REF>—Identified by Cordier with Marco Polo's Thana, now Thána or Tanna, in the island of Salsette and in the Presidency of Bombay (p. 89 of Cordier's Odoric).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L13">
<P><REF>ouercomen it.</REF>—Brussels, 10420-5: apeticie; Brussels 11141: apeticee = modern rapetissée, made smaller. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L16">
<P><REF>worschipe the sonne.</REF>—In Vincent de Beauvais, St. Thomas of India, a favourite hero of d'Outremeuse's, is ordered to worship a golden statue of the sun (Spec. Hist., l. IX., c. lxvi., p. 345, ed. 1624).  Hayton writes of the Chinese: La creance de ceste gent est molt diverse, car aucuns croient es ydoles de metal, autres croient en le solail, autres en la lune, autres es esteiles, autres es natures, au feu, autres à l'ève, autres a arbres, autres a bues; por ce que laborent la terre dont il vivent; et aucuns ne ont point de loi, ne de creance, ains vivent come bestes (Flor des Estoires, ed. 1906, l. I., c. i., p. 121).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L20">
<P><REF>symulacres &amp; ydoles.</REF>—Sir G. Warner and Bovenschen point to a similar distinction in Isidore, Etym., VIII., xi., 4-14.  But the Mandeville seems more logical in contrasting natural and unnatural or monstrous images.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L25">
<P><REF>.iiij. hedes, on of man, etc.</REF>—H.: vne ymage a iiii. testes, ou vn homme a teste dun chiual, etc.  The French original opposes many-headed figures, like the ones seen in India, to those with heads of animals, as in Egypt.  The Englisher collects the heads of several species on one trunk.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L28">
<P><REF>sum worthi man.</REF>—Euhemerism is here carried so far as to justify idolatry.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P109.L31">
<P><REF>god of kynde.</REF>—Haiton also tries to reconcile idolatry and monotheism: Et por ce que les habiteors de celes<PB REF="" N="2:99"/>
 contrees estoient touz ydolatres, les Tartars comencierent aorer les ydoles; mes tout ades confessoient le Deu inmortel, plus grant que les autres (Flor des Est., 1906, p. 157).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P110.L9">
<P><REF>the ox is þe moste holy best.</REF>—Was d'Outremeuse thinking of the worship of the golden calf?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P110.L13">
<P><REF>god of an ox, etc.</REF>—Odoric: Les gens de ce pais aourent une autre ydole laquelle ilz paignent la moitié homme et l'autre moitié beuf (p. 101).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P110.L20">
<P><REF>gode meetynge.</REF>—These general remarks on omens and superstition have not been traced to any single source. Jacques de Vitry writes that some Orientals worship the first thing that they meet in the morning (Michaud, Bibl. d. Cr., I., 1829, p. 170).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P110.L33">
<P><REF>foules of raveyne.</REF>—In the romance of the Conquête de Jérusalem, Godfrey of Bouillon with one arrow kills three birds of prey flying, and thus saves two white doves from death.  The quarry fall <Q>
<L>Delés la sinagoge Mahom et Tervagant.</L></Q> </P>
<P>The Franks rejoice, and the paynim foresee their downfall.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P111.L4">
<P><REF>enformed &amp; taught.</REF>—H.: abeuerez = abreuvés.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P111.L17">
<P><REF>Chana.</REF>—After his apology for unbelievers, d'Outremeuse returns to Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P111.L19">
<P><REF>als grete as houndes.</REF>—Rats of the size of a large mastiff occur in Gulliver's Travels (ed. G. R. Dennis, Bell, 1905, p. 95).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P111.L25">
<P><REF>Sarchee.</REF>—Sir G. Warner suggests Panche, fourteen days' journey from Tana, in one MS. of Odoric, corresponding to Jourdain de Séverac's Paroth (Baroach), p. 90 of Cordier's Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P111.L28">
<P><REF>lomb.</REF>—Odoric's Poliobum [Polumbum], p. 84, identified with modern Quilon, on the coast of Malabar.  See below, note to p. 112, l. 36.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P111.L29">
<P><REF>Combar.</REF>—Odoric: La province ou le poivre croist a nom Minibar, et en nulle partie du monde ne croist poivre fors en ce pays.  La forest ou il croist a bien xviii. journées de long.  En ceste forest a deux nobles citez: l'une a nom Flandrine et l'autre Singulir (p. 99).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P112.L7">
<P><REF>Long peper, blak peper &amp; white peper.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: quae cum primo flores producit, flores in unum reducuntur, et constringuntur in longum, fitque piper longum, quod<PB REF="" N="2:100"/>
 macropiper dicitur.  Postea producunt interius parvos fructus, qui leucopiper, idest piper album dicuntur, quia albi sunt.  Efficacius est piper nigrum (Spec. Nat., l. XIV., c. lxiv., col. 1051, ed. 1624). Quod incorruptum ab igne, piper album (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P112.L8">
<P><REF>Sorbotyn.</REF>—There is no evidence connecting this with the radical of sherbet, French sorbet.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P112.L9">
<P><REF>Fulfull.</REF>—According to Sir G. Warner, the common Arabic name, given by medical writers, such as Matth. Silvaticus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P112.L20">
<P><REF>serpentes.</REF>—That snakes feed on white pepper is twice stated in Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Nat., l. XX., c. xiii., col. 1468, ed. 1624 and Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. lviii., p. 133, ed. 1624), once in connection with the Alexandrian legend.  That fires are lighted near the pepper forest is from Isidore (Etym., XVII., viii., 8).  The refutation seems d'Outremeuse's own invention.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P112.L29">
<P><REF>þei enoynten.</REF>—H.: Mes ils se oignent des peez et les mains del iutz de lymons et dautres choses, dontz ly serpentz doutent le odour, i. e. but they anoint their feet and hands with lime-juice and with other things, of which the snakes fear the smell.  Instead of limon = lime, the Englisher understood limace = slug.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P112.L30">
<P><REF>with an oynement.</REF>—Supplied by Hamelius based on Egerton.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P112.L36">
<P><REF>Polombe.</REF>—Variants in Cordier's Odoric: Ploubir, Palombo, Colonbio, Plombum.  Explained as Quilon, on the Malabar coast, called Koulam in Arabic (ed. 1891, p. 100).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P113.L1">
<P><REF>mountayne.</REF>—Ogier the Dane visits this country according to Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires: he finds a well springing under two fir-trees, which has the flavour of all spices, and is called the fountain of Youth.  He drinks from it with all his people.  It cures all ills that men may feel or suffer, unless there be death in them.  The further adventures of Ogier also resemble the narrative in the Mandeville (Vol. III., ed. 1873, p. 58).  A different version of Ogier's experiences at the Well is summarised in Ward's Catalogue of Romances, I., ed. 1883, p. 609. One of the cantos of the Romance of Alexander, edited by Michelant, 1846, is devoted to the Fontaine de Jouvence (pp. 347 ff.).  Sir G. Warner refers to Huon de Bordeaux (p. 434 of the E.E.T.S. reprint).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P113.L16">
<P><REF>In þat lond.</REF>—Odoric: Les gens de ce pais aourent un beuf pour dieu.  Ce beuf ilz nourrissent six ans, etc. (pp. 100-101).  To the close of the chapter Odoric is closely followed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P113.L26"><PB REF="" N="2:101"/>
<P><REF>Archiprothepapaton.</REF>—The protopope, is a chief priest in the Greek Church.  Prester John's Letter (ed. Zarncke, p. 94) mentions the archiprotopapaten, in the accusative.  Perhaps d'Outremeuse here intended a satire against the papacy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P114.L4">
<P><REF>brennen his body.</REF>—In Jacques de Vitry, Didymus the Indian blames Alexander for burning dead bodies, instead of restoring them to the soil that gave them birth (Historia orientalis, ed. 1597, p. 205).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P114.L6">
<P><REF>þei brenne hire.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Apud eos [viz. the Indians] lex est, ut uxor charissima cum defuncto marito cremetur.  Haec ergo contendunt inter se de morte viri, et ambitio summa certantium est testimonium castitatis digna morte decerni (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxxi., col. 2396, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P114.L18">
<P><REF>wommen drynken.</REF>—Odoric: Les femmes y boivent vin [viz. in Polombe] et non li homme.  Item les femmes y font rere leur barbe et non li homme.  Cordier traces this nonsense to a misinterpreted Latin text: mulieres etiam faciunt sibi abradi frontem et barbam homines non (ed. 1891, p. 102).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P114.L22">
<P><REF>Mabaron.</REF>—Odoric: Mobarum.  Cordier: the Coromandel coast.  Arabic: Ma'bar (p. 117).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P115.L2">
<P><REF>in a vessell.</REF>—The correct French reading probably is that of two variants given by Sir G. Warner: S, dehors le vessel; G, dehors du vaissel, i. e. outside his shrine.  Brussels 10420-5 is corrupt: a dehoirs dun vaisseau.  The Englisher mistranslates. The sources for the judgments delivered by the dead saint's hand are, according to Sir G. Warner and Bovenschen, Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia (III., xxvi., p. 969), where the hand reaches the host to the faithful, and withholds it from the unworthy.  John of Hildesheim denies that such a miracle takes place among the Nestorian heretics (1878, p. 32).  The romance of the Knight with the Swan relates that an image of orpiment, standing in the Emperor's hall at Nimegue, raises its finger against him who judges unjustly: <Q>
<L>Qui fu faite par art, en tel devisement,</L>
<L>Qu'à celui tent son doit qui fait faus jugement.</L></Q><BIBL>(éd. Hippeau, Vol. I., 1874, p. 116.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>Two ladies of romance, the fair maid of Astolat (Malory, xviii., 20) and the lady Blanchefleur, similarly move their hands after death: the former hands a letter to King Arthur (Rhys, Stud.<PB REF="" N="2:102"/>
 Arth. Leg., 1891, p. 149), the latter always points towards the sun (A. Thijm, Karolingische Verhalen, 1851, p. 337, following Diederik van Assenede).  Jean d'Outremeuse, Miroir des Histoires, Vol. III., 1873, p. 59, agrees exactly with the Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P115.L26">
<P><REF>seynt Iames.</REF>—H.: seint Iake de Galice.  The Englisher imagined that Galicia was a place away from St. James of Compostella.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P117.L12">
<P><REF>.cc. or .ccc. persones.</REF>—Odoric only states that five hundred die every year.  He often expresses abhorrence of the heathen practices which he notes briefly instead of expatiating upon them with the cynical zest of the Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P117.L31">
<P><REF>ledynge him.</REF>—H.: vont deuant lydole a grant feste menant.  Et cil qi se doit occire ad vn cotel, etc., i. e. they go before the idol, showing great joy.  And he that will slay himself has a knife, etc.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P118.L18">
<P><REF>Lamary.</REF>—Odoric: De l'isle Lamori, alias Samorj. Cordier: one of the kingdoms in the island of Sumatra, near Atjeh.  Arab travellers often mention this kingdom (p. 136).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P118.L20">
<P><REF>scornen.</REF>—Odoric was mocked in this way, but he does not indulge in an argument about Adamism, which was a common topic of orthodox and unorthodox thinkers of the Middle Ages.  Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Nat., l. XXX., c. lxxv., col. 2271, ed. 1624) takes the side of the Church.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P118.L26">
<P><REF>beleeuen in god.</REF>—Odoric has no such praise of the Adamites.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P118.L29">
<P><REF>þei synnen.</REF>—John of Hildesheim says the same about the Nicolaïte heretics (ed. 1878, p. 27).  Jacques de Vitry accuses medical men of advising sin: sub obtentu purgationis consulunt fornicari (Funk, Jacob von Vitry, 1909, p. 72); cf. Jundt, Hist. Panth., 1875, p. 112.  Such attacks against monogamy were common in the Netherlands (Baluze, Miscell., II., 1761, Errores … hominum intelligentiae, p. 289).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P119.L14">
<P><REF>cursed custom.</REF>—This seems to imply tacit approval of the community of wives and goods.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P119.L27">
<P><REF>Antartyk.</REF>—This star seems to have been invented by d'Outremeuse by his familiar process of turning the world topsy turvy.  Vincent de Beauvais quotes St. Augustine about the roundness of the earth (Spec. Nat., l. VI., c. x., col. 376, ed. 1524).  He also knows that a star cannot be visible from all quarters of the globe: stellae, quae in uno climate apparent, in alio non apparent.  Canopes stella quae ab Aegyptijs videtur, a<PB REF="" N="2:103"/>
 nobis non videtur, quod nunquam contingeret si terra plana esset (ib. c. IX., col. 375).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P119.L31">
<P><REF>the lodesterre … appereth not.</REF>—Odoric says he lost sight of the North Star in Lamory (p. 135).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P120.L3">
<P><REF>after þat I haue seyn.</REF>—So H.: solonc ceo qe iay veu.  The two Brussels MSS. are much more positive: selon ce que jay essaiet, i. e. according to my experience.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P120.L16">
<P><REF>I haue gon.</REF>—This seems an echo of the Directorium of Pseudo-Brocardus: transiens infallibiliter sub et ultra tropicum estivalem, sub equinoctio me inveni, quod probatur ex tribus demonstrativis evidencius argumentis.  Primo quod in loco illo in quantitate diei ac noctis, nullo anni tempore, alicujus hore seu eciam momenti sensibilis differencia notabatur; secundo quod existente sole in primo gradu Arietis et Libre, erat ibi in meridie umbra recta; tercio quod stellas, que cireumeunt propinquius polos mundi videbam in aliqua parte noctis istas, scilicet ad aquilonem, illas autem ad meridiem super circulum orizontis simul et equaliter elevatas.  Obmitto causa brevitatis multa alia argumenta, licet essent auribus curiosa.  Processi ultra versus meridiem ad locum ubi polum nostrum articum non videbam, et videbam polum antarticum circa xxiiii. gradibus elevatum.  Ab isto loco ulterius non processi (ed. Kohler, 1906, pp. 383-384).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P121.L16">
<P><REF>feet aȝen feet.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Nat., l. VI., c. x., col. 376) admits Antipodes, but denies the possibility of circumnavigation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P121.L35">
<P><REF>scheweth no schadwe.</REF>—Sir G. Warner refers to Arculf's pilgrimage (ed. Tobler, I., 13), where a column in the centre of Jerusalem is said to cast no shadow in the summer solstice. Honorius writes that no shadow appears in summer in Meroe in Egypt (Im. Mund., l. I., c. xxxvi., col. 131; Migne 172).  Vincent de Beauvais writes that the Arabs have those shadows on the left, that we have on the right (Spec. Hist., l. I., ch. lxxxviii).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P122.L11">
<P><REF>befallen.</REF>—H.: Et pur ceo mad il souenuz meinfoithe dune chose qe ieo oy conter, i. e. and therefore I have often remembered a thing that I have heard told.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P122.L16">
<P><REF>fond an yle.</REF>—In the fourteenth-century version of the Knight of the Swan by the anonymous author of Liége whom we believe to be d'Outremeuse himself, Ponce and the abbot of St. Trond, travelling from Jerusalem, mistake their way and instead of returning to Ponthieu or Flanders, they arrive at a new forest of<PB REF="" N="2:104"/>
 Ardennes and a new castle of Bouillon (Hist. Litt., Vol. XXV., p. 516).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P122.L17">
<P><REF>callynge on oxen.</REF>—H.: toucher les boefs i. e. goad the oxen.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P123.L10">
<P><REF>qui suspendi.</REF>—Job, xxvi. 7: He stretcheth out the north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing.  Honorius quotes this: Qui appendit terram super nihilum (Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Nat., l. VI., c. iv., col. 372, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P123.L14">
<P><REF>For, for the gretness, etc.</REF>—H.: Qar, pur la grandeure de la terre et de la mer, homme purroit aler par mil et mil autres voies, qe nul nadresseroit parfitement vers les parties dont il mouverout, si ceo nestoit dauenture ou de droit grace de Dieu, i. e. for, on account of the extent of the earth and sea, one might go thousands of other ways, without ever making straight for the country that one came from, except through luck or through the grace of God.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P124.L4">
<P><REF>D.C. furlonges.</REF>—H.: stadies.  The Englisher used furlong for stadium, which the French text took over from Vincent de Beauvais.  The length of a stadium is given as 125 paces, or 606 ft. 9 in. English.  Vincent gives seven hundred furlongs to a degree, while our Cotton MS. gives only six hundred on p. 124, l. 4.  Similarly H.: Et sachez qe solonc lez autours dastronomie dc. stadies de terre respondent a vn degre du firmament, cez sont iiii.xx. vii. et iiii. stadies.  Ore soi ceo si multipliez par cccxl. foithes, cez serront xxxi. mil dc. miles, chescune de viii. stadies, solonc miles de nostre pais.  Vincent de Beauvais: Comperta igitur magnitudine unius partis terrarum circulum terrae diffiniuit: stadiorum ducentorum quinquaginta duorum millia, id est miliaria xxx. et unum milia et D. (Spec. Nat., l. VI., c. xiii., ed. 1524, vol I., col. 378).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P124.L10">
<P>The Englisher follows H., which differs entirely from Brussels 10420-5 to the close of the chapter.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P124.L18">
<P><REF>not of the.vij.clymates.</REF>—This contradicts p. 108, l. 14.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P124.L19">
<P><REF>betwene high</REF>—H.: en trehant, i. e. drawing towards the roundness of the world.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P124.L21">
<P><REF>lowe contree.</REF>—Does d'Outremeuse mean Liége, and reckon it in the Low Countries? or does he mean England, as lying low, i. e. far to the west of Jerusalem?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P124.L25">
<P><REF>Sumobor.</REF>—Odoric: Sinohora, Sumoltra, etc. Cordier: that kingdom in Sumatra which gave its name to the whole island (p. 154).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P125.L4"><PB REF="" N="2:105"/>
<P><REF>Betemga.</REF>—Cordier quotes Yule as spelling this Resengo and explaining it as Rejang, while himself tentatively suggests Bengkoelen, in the island of Sumatra (p. 159).  Sir G. Warner thinks of Batang, south of Singapore.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P125.L16">
<P><REF>the notemuge bereth the maces.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Sunt autem cortices quidam qui reperiuntur circa nuces muscatas sicut circa avellanas (Spec. Nat., l. XIV., c. liii.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P125.L26">
<P><REF>ben all.square</REF>—H.: ont vn quarreu dor et vn autre dargent.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P125.L29">
<P><REF>enleved.</REF>—H.: enleuez, i. e. in relief.  Odoric: entaillies, i. e. carved (p. 162).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L6">
<P><REF>Pathen.</REF>—H.: qest appelle Thalamassy, et en autre langage homme lappelle Paten.  Odoric: Bien près de Fana (i. e. Java) est une autre isle qui a nom Natem (var. Panthen), autrement est nommée Calamasi (p. 173).  Cordier: Bandjermasin, on the southern coast of Borneo (p. 177).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L8">
<P><REF>beren mele.</REF>—Odoric: En ee pays a arbres qui portent farine, et aucunes fois portent miel et aucunes fois vin. Et si y a pluseurs autres arbres qui portent venin le plus périlleux qui soit, etc. (p. 173).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L11">
<P><REF>beren hony.</REF>—The same joke occurs in accounts of the land of Cockayne.  Poeschel quotes Ovid: <Q>
<L>Flavaque de viridi stillabant ilice mella.</L></Q><BIBL>(Met., I., 111, etc.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>and Horace, Ode to Bacchus: <Q>
<L>… truncis lapsa cavis … mella.</L></Q><BIBL>(Carm., II., xix., 9-12.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>(Schlaraffenland, in Paul u. Braune's Beiträge, 1878.)</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L11b">
<P><REF>beren venym.</REF>—H.: et des autres qi portent vin, et des autres qi portent venim.  Sir G. Warner explains the wine as palm-wine, referring to Marco Polo (II., p. 274), and the poison as that of the upas tree.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L13">
<P><REF>here propre leves.</REF>—H.: de ses propres fiens. Odoric: Cest que cilz qui a pris de cest venin, il preigne fiente de l'homme, et la destrempe avec eaue et boive de celle eaue, il en garra (pp. 173-174).  Two MSS., S. and G., give variant feuilles for fiente in Sir G. Warner's edition.  The Englisher followed them.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L16">
<P><REF>the Iewes.</REF>—This is not in Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L21">
<P><REF>beren wyn.</REF>—See above, note to p. 126, l. 11. Sentement, i. e. scent.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L22"><PB REF="" N="2:106"/>
<P><REF>how the mele cometh.</REF>—Odoric describes the process in nearly the same way, but without mentioning the mill, which is also missing from Cordier's description of the preparation of sago (p. 183).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L32">
<P><REF>it schall neuere comen vp aȝen.</REF>—Odoric: L'eauo de ceste mer cuert adès vers midj et se aucuns y cheoit jamais n'en pourroit estre resqueux ne trouvés (p. 175).  Sir G. Warner explains this as referring to the strong currents of the Southern Ocean.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L34">
<P><REF>cannes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais quotes from Alexander's letter to Aristotle on India: flumen cuius ripam arundo pedum sexagenum vestiebat (Spec. Nat., l. XII., c. lxvii.).  The Roman d'Alexandre says: <Q>
<L>d'ambes II pars la rive fu parcreus li ros,</L>
<L>xxx. piés ot de haut et iii. toises de gros.</L></Q><BIBL>(éd Michelant, 1846, p. 280, ll. 19-20.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>Sir G. Warner has traced the name Thaby to Brun. Latini (I. 4. 123, p. 158), who applies it to the reeds and to Solinus (50, § 2), who applies it to a sea.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P126.L37">
<P><REF>.iiij. quarteres of a furlong.</REF>—H.: quatre arpentz ou pluis.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P127.L2">
<P><REF>precious stones.</REF>—Odoric, p. 176.  The stone was called bezoar or snakestone (Cordier, pp. 184-186).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P127.L6">
<P><REF>on no partye.</REF>—H.: par nul arme, i.e. by no weapon. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P127.L16">
<P><REF>ne beren on to the erthe.</REF>—H.: ne leuer haut de terre.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P127.L17">
<P><REF>Calonak.</REF>—Odoric: Campe, explained by Cordier as Tchampa, in the peninsula of Indo-China, conquered by Annam in 1471 (pp. 188-193).  The form Calonak has not been explained.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P127.L19">
<P><REF>many wyfes.</REF>—Expanded and exaggerated from Odoric: Le roy qui en ce pays regnoit quant je y fus, avoit bien CC. enfans, que fieux que filles: car il avoit pluseurs femmes espousées et grant plante de concubines (p. 187).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P127.L29">
<P><REF>.xiiij. Mil Olifauntz.</REF>—Odoric gives the number of children as two hundred, that of tame elephants as 14,000 (p. 187). The reference to the use of elephants in wars may be from the Alexandrian or from the Crusading romances.  Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Nat., l. XIX., cc. xxxviii.-l., on elephants, is not closely followed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P128.L2"><PB REF="" N="2:107"/>
<P><REF>Warkes.</REF>—Brussels 10420-25: varkes.  The word is unexplained.  Sir G. Warner suggests Isidore's barrus: "apud Indos autem [elephas] a voce Barrus vocatur," or the French vache, after the Latin luca bos.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P128.L4">
<P><REF>all manere of fissches.</REF>—Odoric is closely followed down to p. 128, l. 19.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P128.L18">
<P><REF>do reuerence.</REF>—Isaiah, c. lxvi. v. 23: And it shall come to pass, that … shall all flesh come to worship before me, saith the Lord.  Pseudo-Methodius says that fishes will obey the Arab invaders of Christendom: … pisces mari natantia, etiam et aquis maris obaudient eis (ed. Sackur, 1898).  In Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires, Adam is described as sitting in the waters of Jordan after the Fall and as saying to the water: "Je toy dis, aighe de Jordan, que tu moy weulhe condoleur, et vos assembleis deleis moy tous les noians qui asteis en fluis.  O Jordan, ilh moy circuient, et si pleurent awec moy!  Ilh ne soy plandent mie, mais moy plandent, car ilh n'ont mie pechiet."  Tantost vinrent toutes les biestes entour luy, et enssi estut-ilh de cel heure sens movoir XVIII jours (Vol. I., 1864, p. 311).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P128.L21">
<P><REF>Crescite, etc.</REF>—Not in Odoric.  According to Gibbon, the saint, in the Magian [Zoroastrian] religion, is obliged to beget children, etc. (I., p. 201, ed. 1900).  But the explanation may be d'Outremeuse's own.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P128.L36">
<P><REF>Snayles.</REF>—Odoric: En ceste contrée vy je une lymace qui estoit si grande que ce estoit merveille.  Elle estoit plus grande que le clochier Saint-Martin de Padue, se il feult ainsi tournez comme maison de lymace (p. 188).  Cordier and all the commentators agree that Odoric meant a tortoise and that his authority for its size was literary.  Vincent de Beauvais writes of the people of Taprobane: pastationibus delectantur, praesertimque testitudinum quarum superficie domus familiarum capaces operiunt (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. lxxix., p. 28, ed. 1624).  Sir G. Warner thinks Odoric may have seen an enormous sculptured turtle, and Cordier suggests a heap of shells mistaken for a single one (p. 195).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L3">
<P><REF>white wormes.</REF>—Sir G. Warner refers to Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Hist., I., 86) and to the Ep. Alex. (p. 56).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L7">
<P><REF>And ȝif a man, etc.</REF>—Odoric: Quant aucuns homs meurt en ce pays on ensevelist sa femme avec lui, car ilz dient que drois est que elle demeure avec lui en l'autre siècle (p. 188).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L12">
<P><REF>Caffolos.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: … a nom kaffo. Les gens de ce pais, etc.  The article became attached to the<PB REF="" N="2:108"/>
 preceding word, which seems the name of Caffa in the Crimea, mentioned by Hayton (ed. 1906, p. 162, fn. 1) as a Genoese trading centre.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L13">
<P><REF>þei hangen hem.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Sybarini senes, quos dilexerunt, suspendunt in patibulo.  Hyrcani volucribus et canibus semivivos proiiciunt, Caspi itidem bestiis mortuos. Scythae eos, qui a defunctis amati sunt, vivos infodiunt cum ossibus mortuorum.  Caprij canibus ad hoc nutritis subiiciunt senes (Sp. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxix., col. 2394 of 1524 ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L14">
<P><REF>Angeles of god.</REF>—This pious reason is invented by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L23">
<P><REF>Milke.</REF>—Sir G. Warner guesses at Malacca or even Malay.  He also refers to the "Malichu insula" of Pliny (VI. 175.—Warner's p. xxv.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L26">
<P><REF>Dieu.</REF>—So in the French original, probably meant as a satire against the doctrine of transubstantiation.  Egerton: þare es na drink þat þai lufe so wele as mannes blude, and þat þai say es Godd.  The original Englisher missed the point, or chose to evade it.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L30">
<P><REF>euery of hem … drynke of oþeres blood.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais writes of Scythians: haustu mutui sanguinis foedus sanciunt (Spec. Hist., I. 88).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P129.L36">
<P><REF>Tracoda.</REF>—A name probably invented after the precious stone called draconitis, because taken from a dragon's brain; on p. 130, l. 8 it appears as Tracodoun.  Brussels 10420-5: tracodite.  The hissing cave-dwellers are Vincent de Beauvais' Troglodytes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P130.L12">
<P><REF>Nacumera.</REF>—Odoric: De l'isle Vacumeran, alias Nychoneran (p. 201).  Cordier: Nicobar islands, perhaps Nancoury, one of their number (pp. 203-204).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P130.L15">
<P><REF>—Canopholos.</REF>—The Cynocephali of ancient and Medieval geography and of Alexandrian and Crusading romances. The name is not in Odoric.  (Roman d'Alexandre, éd. Michelant, 1846, pp. 319, 336.—Jean d'Outremeuse, Miroir des Histoires, I., 1864, p. 281.)</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P130.L33">
<P><REF>whan þei chesen.</REF>—Haiton: et quando rex illius insulae debet coronari, lapidem illum manibus suis tenet, et sedens super equo circuit civitatem et tunc oboediunt sibi tamquam regi (c. vi., quoted by Bovenschen).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P131.L2">
<P><REF>Cane of Cathay.</REF>—From Haiton.  Cordier's note, p. 218.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P131.L9"><PB REF="" N="2:109"/>
<P><REF>Silha.</REF>—Odoric:  Sillam, alias Silan (p. 219). Odoric's text is closely adhered to.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P131.L33">
<P><REF>And for the vermyn.</REF>—H.:  Et pur le vermine qest dedeins ils se oignent les bracz et les iambes del iucz de lymons, cest vn manere de fruit come pesches petites, i.e And for the vermin that is within they anoint their arms and legs with the juice of limes, which are a kind of fruit like small peaches, etc. The Englisher mistranslated pêches=peaches, as pois=pease.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P132.L9">
<P><REF>gees þat han .ij. hedes.</REF>—Hornbills.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P132.L10">
<P><REF>lyouns all white.</REF>—Not in Odoric, but from the Alexandrian romances (Rom. d'Alex., éd. Michelant, 1846, p. 288).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P132.L13">
<P><REF>the see is so high.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 96, ll. 3-5.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P132.L20">
<P><REF>Dondun.</REF>—Odoric: Dondiin.  Cordier: the Andaman Islands, described out of Odoric's imagination (pp. 237-239). Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires takes Ogier the Dane to Dondiin: Puis vient Ogier a Dondine ou at des gens qui sont nomeis Quespois, et sont tuis agoyans et n'ont que une oeilh emy le front; et ly unc mangnoit l'autre: ly fis son pere, la feme son marit; et y at des lyons blans comme nois; si y at des gances; ce sont oywes qui ont dois tiestes (Vol. III., 1873, p. 62).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P132.L22">
<P><REF>the sone [eteth] the fader.</REF>—While following Odoric, d'Outremeuse also agrees with the Alexandrian romances. The Persian guards called immortals are converted by Jacob van Maerlant into the people of Triballe, who live so long, that it is lawful for the son to kill his parents (Alexander, éd. Franck, 1882, p. lxi.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P133.L6">
<P><REF>hondes vpon his mouth.</REF>—H.: ly met vn pain sur la bouche, i.e. put a piece of cloth over his mouth.  The Englisher read main = hand for pain = pannus = cloth.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P133.L12">
<P><REF>And alle þo, etc.</REF>—Odoric: Tous les amis et parens du mort qui à le mengier ne sont point appellé en sont moult honteulz et se tiennent à moult villennez et vergondez (p. 238). D'Outremeuse reverses Odoric's statement.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P133.L19">
<P><REF>whan the flesch is tendre,</REF> etc., as far as l. 25, missing in Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P133.L30">
<P><REF>geauntes.</REF>—Odoric is abandoned and Medieval accounts of monsters, such as Vincent de Beauvais and the Alexandrian romances, are followed.  The main source for monsters is Spec. Hist., II., 92-93.  The remoter sources are listed by Bovenschen, pp. 292-293.—Cyclopes eadem India gignit, dictos Cyclopes,<PB REF="" N="2:110"/>
 eo quod unum habere oculum in fronte media perhibentur (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxvi., I., ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P133.L34">
<P><REF>non hedes.</REF>—Leucanos in Lybia credunt truncos sine capite nasci, et os et oculos habere in pectore (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxvii., col. 2393, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L2">
<P><REF>in here schuldres.</REF>—Alios sine cervicibus gigni, oculos habentes in humeris (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L3">
<P><REF>face all platt.</REF>—Aliae sine naribus, aequali totius oris planicie, informes habentes vultus (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L7">
<P><REF>the lippe aboue the mouth.</REF>—Aliae labro subteriori (i.e. lower!) adeo prominenti, ut in solis ardoribus totam ex eo faciem contegant dormientes (ibid.).  Brussels 10420-5 follows the Latin in mentioning the nether lip, while the Englisher follows H.: dessour la bouche = upper lip.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L10">
<P><REF>to so meche.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: doxis foys tant plus grans = twice as large.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L12">
<P><REF>lytyll round hole.</REF>—Alijs concreta ora esse modico tantum foramine calamis avenarum pastus haurientes (Vincent, as in note to p. 133, l. 34).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L13">
<P><REF>þorgh a pipe or a penne.</REF>—H.: ouesqe vne tuel de plom ou daltre chose = with the quill of a feather or of some other thing.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L14">
<P><REF>no tonge.</REF>—Nonnulli sine linguis esse dicuntur, inuicem pro sermonibus utentes nutu sive motu (Vincent, as above).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L15">
<P><REF>hissynge as a nedder.</REF>—See note to p. 129, l. 36.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L17">
<P><REF>as monkes don.</REF>—The stricter monastic orders, such as the Carthusians, are forbidden to speak, but allowed to express themselves by means of gestures.  Brussels 10420-5: comme moines ou mowes ou nonains = like monks or monkeys or nuns. This is anti-clerical.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L18">
<P><REF>grete eres.</REF>—Panothios [greek] apud Scythiam esse ferunt tam diffusa magnitudine aurium, ut omne corpus ex eis contegant (Vincent, as above).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L20">
<P><REF>hors feet.</REF>—Hippopodes in Scythia sunt, humanam formam et equinos pedes habentes (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L22">
<P><REF>gon vpon hire hondes.</REF>—Hirthabacitae in Aethiopia proni ut pecora ambulare dicuntur (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L26">
<P><REF>bothe man &amp; womman.</REF>—Vincent simply mentions the existence of hermaphrodites (c. cxxviii).  D'Outremeuse's licentious imagination does the rest.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L27"><PB REF="" N="2:111"/>
<P><REF>but o pappe.</REF>—See p. 103, ll. 11-16.  Duplication.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P134.L33">
<P><REF>vpon here knees.</REF>—Ultra hos et Riphaeum iugum regio est assiduis obsessa nivibus, ubi humani pedes flexi nisibus crurium, serpunt potiusquam incedunt, et pergendi usum lapsu magis destinant quam gressu (Vincent, as in note to p. 133, l. 34).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P134.L34">
<P><REF>merueyllously.</REF>—This word may have been corrected in the manuscript. It's impossible to tell from the microfilm at hand. See the same correction on p.141 below and the note there.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P135.L5">
<P><REF>Mancy.—Odoric: Mangy, p. 245.—ynde the more.</REF>—Odoric: la Haulte Inde, explained by Cordier as China, while Mangy is Southern China, p. 248.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P135.L15">
<P><REF>thynne berdes.</REF>—Hayton writes of the Cathayans or Chinese: Et se trovent entre eaus meints beaus homes e fames, selonc luer nacion, mès touz ont les oils petiz et ont poi de barbe (ed. 1906, p. 121).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P135.L21">
<P><REF>Albanye.</REF>—Not in Odoric.  Duplicate from p. 95, l. 24.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P135.L22">
<P><REF>Latoryn.</REF>—Odoric: Tesculan (p. 247) (Censcalan in Yule's edition).  Cordier: Canton, called Sin Kîlân by Muhammadan travellers (p. 256).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P135.L27">
<P>Hamelius's textual note: "Words between brackets here and on p. 136 missing because the parchment is torn.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P135.L28">
<P><REF>white gees.</REF>—The Guinea-goose or swan-goose, anser cygnoides.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P135.L29">
<P><REF>crest.</REF>—H.: boce = bump.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P136.L1">
<P><REF>gode cytees.</REF>—This passage follows Odoric's description of Cartan, alias Catan (p. 263).  Cordier: Zaïtoun (p. 268).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P136.L11">
<P><REF>beren white wolle.</REF>—Silk-fowl, Gallus lanatus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P136.L12">
<P><REF>vnmaryed.</REF>—Odoric: Les dames mariées y portent une corne sur leur chief et par celle corne recognoist-on les dames mariées des autres (265-266).  This agrees with the original French Mandeville.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P136.L17">
<P><REF>loyres.</REF>—The Middle French name of the otter, the use of which for catching fish is mentioned by Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Nat., XIX., 89.)  Odoric (p. 266) describes fishing in Chinese rivers with tame cormorants.  In his perplexity, the Englisher retained the French word, which he probably could not understand.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P136.L23">
<P><REF>Cassay.</REF>—Odoric: Casay, alias Catusaie (299). Cordier explains that Hangchow is called the City of Heaven by mistake (p. 306).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P136.L27">
<P><REF>before euery ȝate, etc.</REF>—H.: deuant chescun porte a .iii. lieues ou .iiii. long ad ville ou cite bien grande, i.e. before each gate, at a distance of three or four leagues, there is a very large town or city.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P137.L1"><PB REF="" N="2:112"/>
<P><REF>Bigon.</REF>—Cordier cannot explain this word: he thinks it is Persian, and the ending goun marks colour.  Odoric spells it bigum, bigni, bigini (p. 302).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P137.L15">
<P><REF>smyteth on the gardyn ȝate, etc.</REF>—H.: sonne vne clokette dargent, qil teigne en sa main, i.e. rings a little silver bell that he holds in his hand.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P137.L16">
<P><REF>clyket.</REF>—A clapper.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P137.L19">
<P><REF>comen in.</REF>—H.: se rengent, i.e. line up.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P137.L24">
<P><REF>bestes ben soules.</REF>—Cordier remarks that the Bodhisattvas, or beings predestined to become Buddhas, often appear in the shape of monkeys (p. 331).  D'Outremeuse follows Odoric closely, otherwise his account of Buddhist almsgiving to beasts must appear a satire on the doctrine of Purgatory and on the sale of indulgences, which diverts alms from the poor (Montégut, Heures de lecture, 1891, pp. 322-323).  That animals, not beggars, ought to be given the leavings of rich men's meals is the opinion of the Saracen Cornumaran in the fourteenth-century version (by d'Outremeuse?) of the Crusading epic (Hist. Litt., Vol. XXV., p. 518).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P137.L24b">
<P><REF>þat resemblen,</REF> etc. —H.: qi sont entrez en celles nobles bestoilles, i.e. that have entered those noble animals. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P138.L4">
<P><REF>Chilenfo.</REF>—Odoric: Gilenfo (p. 341).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P138.L10">
<P><REF>Balay.</REF>—Odoric: Talay (p. 345).  Cordier: Talaï, Mongolian for the sea, applied to the Yang-tse-Kiang (p. 347).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P138.L14">
<P><REF>Pigmans.</REF>—Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires takes Ogier the Dane to visit the Pygmies in the city of Janichay (see p. 139, l. 4); they are three feet high, marry when half a year old, and the women bear children when two years of age.  They live six or seven years; if they live eight, they grow quite wrinkled (Vol. III., 1873, p. 64).  Vincent de Beauvais: Perhibent in India gentem esse foeminarum quae quinquies concupiunt, et octavum vitae annum non excedunt (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxiv., col. 2391, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P138.L21">
<P><REF>gold, syluer, etc.</REF>—In Odoric they only work cotton (p. 347).  Jean d'Outremeuse appears to have added the silk, and the Englisher the gold and silver.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P138.L24">
<P><REF>bryddes.</REF>—Odoric: Ces Pymains ont tousjours guerre aux grues et aux cygnes du pays qui là sont plus grans que les Pymains (p. 346).  Vincent de Beauvais: In montibus Indiae<PB REF="" N="2:113"/>
 Pygmaei sunt cubitales, quibus bellum est contra grues (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxviii., col. 2394).  H.: Et si ont souent guerre as oisealx de pais, qi les preignent et qi les mangent, i.e. the birds eat the pygmees.  The Englisher reverses the relation.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P139.L4">
<P><REF>Ianichay.</REF>—Odoric: Jamathay, alias Jansu (p. 357).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P139.L9">
<P><REF>Cumantz.</REF>—Odoric: tumans (p. 358).  Cordier explains that tuman in Persian is a loan-word from the Mongolian language, and means ten thousand (pp. 315-316).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P139.L27">
<P><REF>Menke.</REF>—Odoric: Mente (p. 359).  Yule interprets this as Ningpo, Cordier as Tchin-kiang, at the meeting of the Imperial Canal and of the Kiang River (pp. 362-363).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P139.L33">
<P><REF>Lanteryne.</REF>—Odoric: Lancerny (p. 365).  Cordier: Lin-tsing-tcheou (p. 381).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P139.L36">
<P><REF>Caramaron.</REF>—Odoric: Caramorian (p. 365). Cordier: Kara mouren, the Black River, is the Mongol name of the Hwang-ho or Yellow River (p. 384).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P140.L14">
<P><REF>Sugarmago.</REF>—Odoric: Ingarmato (p. 366).  Cordier: Marco Polo's Singui matu, now Tsi-ning-tcheou (p. 389).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P140.L19">
<P><REF>Caydon.</REF>—Odoric: Cayto (p. 367).  Cordier: Ta-tou, or the Great Court, the Mongol City, built 1267 to the north-east of Peking (pp. 400-401).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P141.L14">
<P><REF>rede skynnes.</REF>—R.: cuirs rouges, i.e. red leather. Odoric: les parois sont toutes couvertes de rouges peaux, et dit-on que ou monde n'a point plus nobles peaux (p. 368).  Odoric probably meant the walls were hung with Russia leather.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P141.L15">
<P><REF>Panteres.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Panthera … rugitum magnum emittit cum odore suavissimo quasi omnium aromatum (Spec. Nat., l. XIX., c. xcix., col. 1436).  D'Outremeuse would naturally think of this on smelling Russia leather.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P141.L23">
<P><REF>mountour.</REF>—Odoric: Ou milieu de ceste salle a une grant pigne, c'est-à-dire un pignetaire un grant vaissel là ou on met piment et buvrage (p. 368), i.e. in the centre of the hall is a large jar or vessel where spiced wine and beverage are put.  The Middle French pignate, peignate, pinate is a metal kettle.  The Middle Latin pinna also seems to mean some drinking-vessel, according to the example in Du Cange: Ut presbyteri non eant ad potationes nec ad pinnas bibant.  This meaning d'Outremeuse seems to have combined with that of pinna, pinnacle, and rendered by montour.  The latter word, I am told by Prof. Aug. Doutrepont,<PB REF="" N="2:114"/>
 one of the editors of the Dictionnaire de la langue wallonne, exists to-day in the Walloon dialect, meaning a stile (échalier), and corresponding with a French form *monteur.  This is not unlike Rabelais's montouoir: "… je coupe à quelqu'une [mule] l'estrivière du costé du montouoir" (Pantagruel, l. II., c. xvii., Vol. I., p. 410 of Didot's third edition of Oeuvres).  In the Mirror of Histories, by d'Outremeuse, montoir occurs twice (Vol. I., pp. 289-290), meaning a hill or mount.  Grandgagnage, Dict. étym. de la langue wallone, t. II., 1880, verbo monteie gives monteû (échalier); propr. = fr. montoir.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P141.L26">
<P><REF>.iiij. serpentes.</REF>—Odoric: A chascun anglet de celle pigne a un serpent qui halette et bat ses elles moult fort, par certains conduis qui sont en la court du roy administrant cil serpent le buvrage, i.e. At each corner of that jar there is a dragon which pants and flaps its wings right strongly; this dragon pours out the beverage by means of certain pipes which are in the king's court (p. 368).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P141.L33">
<P><REF>merueylleousely.</REF>—Hamelius's footnote implies that this word was corrected in the manuscript. It's impossible to tell from the microfilm at hand; the long "s" may have been written over. The editor has indicated the same correction on p. 134 above.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P141.L35">
<P><REF>throne.</REF>—What follows is expanded from Odoric, pp. 369-370.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L4">
<P><REF>Pecokes.</REF>—Odoric: En ce palais a moult de paons fais tous de fin or.  Et quant aucuns Tartres veult en ce palais faire aucune feste à son seigneur, il bat les mains ensemble et tantost ces paons espandent les elles et alettent et semble droit que ilz dancent tellement; sont faits cilz paon par science d'homme ou par art de diable, i.e. In the palace are many peacocks all made of fine gold.  And when some Tartar wants to give some entertainment to his lord in the palace, he claps his hands together and anon those peacocks spread their wings and pant and they truly seem to dance; so are those peacocks made through man's skill or devil's craft (pp. 368-369).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L7">
<P><REF>maken gret noyse.</REF>—R.: et en fait homme des grantz museries, i.e. and people take great pleasure in it. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L11">
<P><REF>moste sotyle men.</REF>—Hayton: Cestes gens, qui tant sont simples en lur creance e ès choses espiriteus, sont plus sages et plus sotils que totes autres gens es euvres corporels.  Et dient les Cataïens que il sont ceus qui voient de II. oils, e des Latins disent q'il voient d'un oil mes les autres nacions dient que sont avuegles.  Et verraiement l'om voit venir de celui païs tantes choses estranges et merveilloses, et de sotil labour, que bien semblent estre la plus soutils gens du monde d'art et de labour de<PB REF="" N="2:115"/>
 mains (Flor des Estoires, l. I., c. i., p. 121, ed. 1906).  Those people, who are so simple in their belief in things spiritual, are wiser and more skilful than any other people in works of the body. And the Cathayans say that they are those that see with both eyes, and the Latins, they say, see with one eye, but the other nations they say are blind.  And truly from that country so many strange and marvellous things and of subtle craft are seen to come, that they truly seem to be the subtlest people in the world, with art and craft of their hands.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L22">
<P><REF>vyne.</REF>—This vine is from the Alexandrian romances.  Sir G. Warner quotes Epistol. Alex. de Situ Indiae, ed. 1706, p. 22; Bovenschen, Historia de proeliis, c. lxxxi.  Guérin traces it to Josephus, where it adorns the doors of the Temple rebuilt by Herodes (Antiqu. Jud., l. XV., c xi., quoted in Guérin: La Terre Sainte, 1897, p. 64).  Vincent de Beauvais describes it in Solomon's Temple: grandes uvae aureae cum pampinis aureis (Spec. Hist., l. II., c. lxxvii., fol. 71, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L26">
<P><REF>cristall &amp; of berylle, etc.</REF>—In Lamprecht's Alexander, the Macedonian wants to be taught the virtues of precious stones (ed. Kinzel, p. 373).  Kinzel's note, p. 518, refers to Revelation xxi. and to Exodus xxviii., and to the spiritual interpretation of those passages.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L28">
<P><REF>Alabraundynes.</REF>—R.: alabaundines.  Almandine.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P143.L30">
<P><REF>Garantez.</REF>—R.: geracites.  Brussels 10420-5: geratices.  Pliny's hieracites.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P144.L1">
<P><REF>desportes.</REF>—R.: reuoryes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P144.L7">
<P><REF>Vessell of syluer is þere non.</REF>—Neither the account of precious stones nor the contempt of silver occurs in Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P144.L15">
<P><REF>my felawes and I.</REF>—Odoric here speaks of himself and his fellow Franciscans.  D'Outremeuse again assumes the guise of a warrior as on p. 21, l. 20.  Duplicate.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P144.L28">
<P><REF>the lordes here.</REF>—R.: Qar ly seignur par de cea ont au mointz de noumbre de gent qil poent, i.e. lords in our parts have as few retainers as they can.  Complaints about the niggardliness of lords who keep down the number of their dependents were common in the Middle Ages.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P145.L29">
<P><REF>Sem toke Affryk.</REF>—These commonplaces from Genesis and from the Medieval commentators are deliberately perverted by d'Outremeuse, in order to derive the Asiatic Khan's title from the Biblical Cham, the owner of Africa.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P146.L7">
<P><REF>monstres.</REF>—From p. 30, l. 4.  Duplication.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P146.L26"><PB REF="" N="2:116"/>
<P><REF>more þan .viij<HI REND="sup">xx</HI>. ȝeer.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais dating the rise of the Tartars in 1202 (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxix), this passage seems to have been written after 1362, when Jean d'Outremeuse was 24 years old, and Sir John Mandeville had still ten years to live.  The earliest dated MS. belonging to the year 1371, a date soon after 1362 for the composition is not impossible.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P147.L3">
<P><REF>knyght Armed all in white.</REF>—From Hayton, p. 148, ed. 1906.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P147.L10">
<P><REF>whan he cam.</REF>—R.: quant il vient a matyn, i.e. when it came to be morning.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P147.L21">
<P><REF>vpon a blak fertre.</REF>—R.: sour vn feutre noir, i.e. upon a black felt.  The Englisher understood Lat. feretrum, a litter, a bier.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P147.L28">
<P><REF>Ysya Chan.</REF>—Hayton: Multa alia bona exempla et mandata dedit eis Changuis Can, que adhuc reverenter a Tataris observantur.  Et in ydiomate ipsorum dicuntur Yasac Changuis Can, id est constitutiones Changuis Can (p. 289 of 1906 ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P148.L30">
<P><REF>Owle syttynge.</REF>—Sir G. Warner recalls that Mahomet is said to have been saved in a similar way by a spider's web spun across the mouth of the cave where he was in hiding.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P149.L12">
<P><REF>mount Belyan.—Baldjouna or Diloun</REF>—Bouldac, or Kentaï, in the Khanlla range of mountains, N.W. of Peking, S.E. of Irkoutsk and of Lake Baïkal (Hayton: La Flor des Estoires, etc., ed. 1906, l. III., c. i., p. 147 fn.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P150.L4">
<P><REF>in .iij. places.</REF>—R.: de iii. liens, i.e. with three strings.  The Englisher may have followed a MS. like G, which has: en iii. lieus de iii. liens, i.e. in three places with three strings.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P150.L20">
<P><REF>in .iij. places.</REF>—R.: de iii. liens.  Here the sense is weakened by the translation.—This well-known apologue is less tersely told in Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires, Vol. V., 1867, p. 185.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P150.L32">
<P><REF>After Ecchecha, etc.</REF>—Haiton's Flor des Estoires is less faithfully followed from this passage onwards (ed. 1906, pp. 155-157).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P151.L4">
<P><REF>of so high worschipe.</REF>—R.: lem troua tant de tresour qe en tout le remenant de mounde en deueroit a peynes tant auoir, i.e. so much treasure was found that in the rest of the world there could hardly be so much.  Mistranslation.  The story told of the Caliph Mostassim by Haiton (pp. 168-169 of 1906 ed.) is also told by William of Tripoli of Crassus, to whom the citizens<PB REF="" N="2:117"/>
 of Cairo say: Aurum sitisti, aurum bibe!  Having thirsted for gold, do now drink gold! (ed. Prutz, p. 583).  Prutz refers the story to Manius Aquillius, at the time of the first war of Mithridates.  Cf. Ezekiel, viii. 19: … their silver and their gold shall not be able to deliver them in the day of the wrath of the Lord: they shall not satisfy their souls, neither fill their bowels.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P151.L24">
<P><REF>Iȝonge in Cathay.</REF>—D'Outremeuse, Miroir des Histoires: … Cabila Cam … fondat en … Cathay une citeit qu'ilh nommat Iomg, qui est asseis plus grant que la grant Romme (Vol. V., 1867, p. 286).  Haiton: Iste Cobila Can … fundavit quamdam civitatem in regno Catay que dicitur Jong, que satis est, ut dicitur, major Roma (ed. 1906, p. 294).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P151.L26">
<P><REF>becam a payneme.</REF>—Haiton states that the Tartars learned the use of letters and adopted idolatry from their neighbours under Octota, but that they still reverenced the one great God immortal (ed. 1906, p. 157).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P151.L30">
<P><REF>Chan filius, etc.</REF>—Khan, son of God above, highest emperor of all that dwell in the universe, and lord of all rulers.  No source is known for this pompous style.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P151.L33">
<P><REF>Deus in celo, etc.</REF>—God in Heaven, Khan on earth, his strength.  Seal of the Emperor of all mankind. Brussels 10420-5 translates: Sa forche passe tout hommes. Chest ly saielh, etc. = His strength passes all men.  This is the seal, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P151.L36">
<P><REF>Dei fortitudo, etc.</REF>—God's strength.  Seal of the Emperor of all mankind.  These two inscriptions on seals are said by Sir G. Warner to be from Carpini (p. 594).  Brussels 10420-5 translates: le forche de dieu est plus grande que la forche de toz le hommes, i.e. God's strength is more than all men's strength.  This and the above are samples of d'Outremeuse's carelessness and incompetence in translating Latin.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P152.L2">
<P><REF>beleeuen in god.</REF>—Hayton: Credunt enim [in] Deum simpliciter, et in omnibus eorum operibus invocant nomen ejus.  Et credunt et confitentur unum deum immortalem [Nulli minas inferrent, nisi Deum preponerent, dicendo sic: Novit Deus quid tibi faciam, et similia] (p. 347 of 1906 ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P152.L8">
<P><REF>solempne festes.</REF>—Odoric: L'empereur fait iiii. grans festes en l'an, etc. (p. 378).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P152.L10">
<P><REF>presentacioun.</REF>—Not in Odoric.  D'Outremeuse seems to have invented it from reminiscences of the Bible. Cordier remarks that Odoric's mention of the circumcision is a<PB REF="" N="2:118"/>
 mistake, as this practice was unknown to the Mongols.  The two festivals of ydoles must be those of Heaven and Earth (p. 420).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P152.L11">
<P><REF>Moseach.</REF>—Mosque.  This form is exceptional. Vincent de Beauvais uses Meskida (Spec. Hist., l. XXII., c. xlii., p. 913 of 1524 ed.), agreeing with Musketh (p. 26, l. 17).  Will. Trip.: mesged, mesquida, mesgued (p. 580 ed. Prutz).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P152.L19">
<P><REF>be thousandes,</REF> etc.  Odoric: par dizeniers, par centeniers et par milleniers (p. 370).  In the Flemish Alexander of Jacob Van Maerlant, the army is similarly led by chiliarchs, decurions, etc. (Bk. VI., ll. 85-88 of Frank's ed.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P153.L3">
<P><REF>dubbed.</REF>—R.: semez, i.e. sown, set with.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P153.L11">
<P><REF>clothes of gold with tysseux, etc.</REF>—R.: des draps dor tissuz a soie vert, i.e. in cloth of gold interwoven with green silk.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P153.L17">
<P><REF>of purpre or of ynde.</REF>—R.: soie pourpre ou Ynde, i.e. purple or blue silk.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P154.L1">
<P><REF>philosofres.</REF>—Odoric: en un anglet du palais sont les astronomiens qui gardent l'eure quant il sera temps de commencier (p. 378).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P154.L2">
<P><REF>Nigromancye, etc.</REF>—Not in Odoric.  Those terms are collected and explained in a passage quoted by Godefroy under leuconomance: Hydromance qui se fait avec de l'eau, leuconomance qui se fait avec des bassins, pyromance qui se fait avec le feu, geomance par le moyen de la terre, encromance, laquelle est diviseé encore en deux parties, en scyomance et neciomance, lesquelles se pratiquent en parlementant avec les esprits malins, ou en suscitant les ombres et idoles errantes des morts (Tahur. Sec. Dial. de Democr., p. 232, ed. 1602).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P154.L18">
<P><REF>boweth his hed.</REF>—Odoric: tous hurtent par trois fois leur teste à terre (p. 378), i.e. all strike their heads to the ground thrice.  Cordier: they kow-tow (p. 423).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P154.L29">
<P><REF>significaciouns.</REF>—These explanations are not in Odoric.  Probably they are d'Outremeuse's own guesses.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P155.L10">
<P><REF>And ȝif þere falle.</REF>—R.: Et, sil court guerre al emperour nulle part, ou qe homme face ascune contraire en toute sa terre, cis philosophes le veient tantost et le dient al emperour et a soun conseil, "Sire, lem fait meintenant tiel chose en vostre terre et en tiels parties"; et tantost ly emperers enuoie vers celles parties, i.e. If war arises anywhere against the emperor or if something is done against him in all his country, those philosophers<PB REF="" N="2:119"/>
 see it anon and tell it to the Emperor and to his council: Sir, they are now doing such a thing in your country and in such parts.—Either the Englisher followed a version unknown to Sir G. Warner or he translated very freely.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P155.L17">
<P><REF>mynstralcye.</REF>—Odoric: Quant l'eure est venue, touz ces menestrelx commencent à jouer de leurs instruments et font si grant noise que c'est grant hyde (p. 379), i.e. When the time has come, those minstrels begin to play upon their instruments, and make such a noise that it is hideous.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P155.L25">
<P><REF>als manye, etc.</REF>—R.: tantz come il poet finer, i.e. as many as he can provide.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P156.L7">
<P><REF>Mynstrell.</REF>—Hamelius's textual note reads: "mynstreƚƚ, r added above by rubricator."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P156.L11">
<P><REF>libardes.</REF>—Introduced by the Englisher.  Odoric brings in no other animals than tame lions (p. 379).  The French d'Outremeuse adds eagles, vultures, other birds, fishes and serpents. For fishes doing reverence, see p. 128, l. 18.  Duplication.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P156.L15">
<P><REF>the sonne &amp; the mone.</REF>—Apparently invented by Jean d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P156.L16">
<P><REF>—to euery mannes sight.</REF>—R.: pur ly faire reuerence, qi donnent si grant clarite qe a peins lun veoit lautre.  The Englisher skipped twelve words, and mistranslated the last three.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P156.L20">
<P><REF>daunces.</REF>—When the fair Isaune was shut in a stone tower, her lover the magician Eliavrès made musicians to appear, who played for her, while women danced and tumbled to amuse her (Kittredge, Gawain and the Green Knight, 1916, pp. 226, 297).  In Chaucer's Franklin's Tale, a magician shows to Aurelius <Q>
<L>his lady on a daunce</L>
<L>On which him-self he daunced, as him thoughte.</L></Q><BIBL>(p. 449 of Cant. Tales in World's Classics.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P156.L22">
<P><REF>mylk of dyuerse bestes.</REF>—R.: lait des iumentz, i.e. mare's milk, known as a Tartar delicacy from Haiton (p. 138, ed. 1906).—Odoric: Puis y a enchanteurs qui font par leur art venir hanaps d'or tous pleins de bon vin et en boivent touz ceulx qui en veulent boire (pp. 379-380).  Then there are jugglers who through their cunning bring gold cups full of good wine, and whoever want to drink of it may do so.—While writing of enchantments, d'Outremeuse suggests puppet-shows or motions, a favourite amusement in his time.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P156.L35">
<P><REF>.xiij. Cumantz.</REF>—This number is from Odoric, p. 371.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P157.L8">
<P><REF>Ostrycches.</REF>—R.: oustours, i.e. goshawks.  Mistranslation.<PB REF="" N="2:120"/>
 Odoric briefly describes the hawking and shooting (p. 376).  D'Outremeuse fills in the particulars.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P157.L14">
<P><REF>Phisicyens cristene.</REF>—Odoric:  médecins qui gardent le corps du roy, IIIc ydolatres, VIII crestiens et vii sarrazins (p. 371).  See Introduction, p. 5, for Christian doctors serving Infidels.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P157.L26">
<P><REF>no money but of lether.</REF>—Odoric: Car pour monnoie ne despent on riens en tout son royaume, fors une manière de brievez qui la vault en tout son pais monnoie (p. 380).  Leather money was current in France under King Charles V. (Chastellain, ed. Kervyn, VII., 1865, p. 325).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P157.L28">
<P><REF>dyuersitee of his statutes.</REF>—R.: solonc la diuersite de seinal qi y est, i.e. according to the variety of the marks upon it.  Mistranslation.  Haiton: En celui païs [Cathay] se despent monoie faite de papier en forme quarrée, signé du seignal du signor, et selonc ce que est signée vaut ou plus ou meins.  Et de cele monoie achatent e vendent toutes choses.  E quant cele monoie enpire par veillesse ou autrement, celui qui l'aura la rendra a la cort du seignor, et em prenra de nueve (Flor des Est., l. I., c. l., p. 121, ed. 1906).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L2">
<P><REF>Rubye.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais describes the diamond as lighting in the dark, and being darkened by the sun in the day time (Spec. Nat., l. VIII., c. xxxix., col. 513, ed. 1624). Haiton: E le roi de cele isle [Ceylon] ha la plus grant rubie e la meillor que soit en monde, e quant le seignor doit estre corones au roi, il porte cele rubie en ses braz (Flor des Est., 1906, p. 126, l. I., c. vi.).  John of Hildesheim denies the report that a golden star in Cologne lights the whole church (ed. 1878, p. 32).  A room lighted only with precious stones is mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela as being in Constantinople, in the palace of Blachernae (Beazley, Dawn of Mod. Geogr., II., 1901, p. 236).  On luminous carbuncles in romances, see Faral, Recherches sur les sources latines, etc., 1913, pp. 321-322.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L6">
<P><REF>þo ben.</REF>—R.: cel la est, i.e. the ruby carbuncle of l. 2 is a single stone in the French original.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L8">
<P><REF>Saduz.</REF>—Odoric: Sadu (p. 371).  Cordier: Shangtu, Kubilai's summer residence in Mongolia (p. 413).  Coleridge's Xanadu.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L10">
<P><REF>Camaalech.</REF>—Odoric: Camelech (p. 372).  Cordier: Khân-Bâliq, the khan's city = Peking (p. 390).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L11">
<P><REF>Gaydo.</REF>—A city, not a country (see p 140, l. 10).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L12"><PB REF="" N="2:121"/>
<P><REF>Jong.</REF>—A city, as p. 151, l. 24, not a country.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P158.L15">
<P><REF>.iiij. hostes.</REF>—From Odoric, p. 372.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P159.L5">
<P><REF>Lignum Aloes.</REF>—Not in Odoric.  Duplicate from p. 37, l. 6.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P159.L34">
<P><REF>And sumtyme it happeth … in .iiij. parties only.</REF>—Odoric: Tout ainsi que li rois va vont ses femmes et ses aisnéz filz, chascun selon leur degré comme dessus est dit (p. 373).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P160.L2">
<P><REF>.xij. prouynces.</REF>—Odoric, p. 373.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P161.L7">
<P><REF>Chydydo.</REF>—Odoric: Chiribo (var.: chidebo, Chidebeo), p. 375.  Cordier: ki-di-fou in Chinese is the ostler or innkeeper (p. 419), while the French version of Odoric wrongly applies it to the inn itself.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P161.L18">
<P><REF>he commaundeth to, etc.</REF>—R.: il commande a ses seignurs qi ciuachent delez ly qils facent venir ces religious, i.e. he orders the lords that ride beside him to make those religious men come nigh.  Mistranslation.—Odoric (p. 375) was himself allowed to approach with his brethren, but the details are invented by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P161.L22">
<P><REF>Galaoth.</REF>—Sir G. Warner's Latin Odoric has galerium, Cordier's French has nothing.  The Latin diminutive of galea, helmet, galeola and the pp. galeatus, helmeted, come fairly near.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P161.L29">
<P><REF>sum maner frute.</REF>—Odoric: et pour ce que la guise y est telle que nulz n'y ose apparoir devant l'empereur que il ne lui doint aucune chose lui presentasmes un plat d'argent plein de pommes (p. 375).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P162.L28">
<P><REF>he defendeth noman to holde no lawe.</REF>—This praise of religious tolerance is not in Odoric, and confirms other passages testifying to d'Outremeuse's "indifferentism."  Vincent de Beauvais: Ritus autem Christianos, et quaslibet seetas, et quorumlibet hominum cultus, secure ac libere observari permittunt inter se (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxxiv., p. 1214, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P162.L30">
<P><REF>an .C. wyfes.</REF>—From Carpini, in Spec.  Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxvi.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L3">
<P><REF>precious clothes.</REF>—R.: purpures.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L3b">
<P><REF>clothes of Tartarye.</REF>—R.: tartaires.  Brussels 10420-5: tartariens.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L4">
<P><REF>slytt at the syde.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Habitus … in latere sinistro antequam induatur divisus est … duabus ligulis … insutis (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxix., p. 1212).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L6">
<P><REF>the hyde with outen.</REF>—R.: le peil de hors, i.e. with the hair outside.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L6b"><PB REF="" N="2:122"/>
<P><REF>cappe.</REF>—R.: ne vestent houche ne chaperoun. Godefroy defines a houce as a long gown with open sleeves. Mistranslation(?).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L10">
<P><REF>mannes foot.</REF>—Odoric: Toutes les femmes qui sont mariées ont sur leurs chiefs un pié d'homme aussi long comme un bras (p. 369).  See p. 142, l. 14.  Duplication.  R: fors qe les mariez qi portent lenseigne sour lour testes, i.e. except the married women, who wear the sign upon their heads.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L19">
<P><REF>of wode.</REF>—R.: de feutre, i.e. of felt.  The Englisher probably read: de fust, i.e. of wood.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L24">
<P><REF>they beleeuen.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais:  Unum quidem Deum Tartari credunt, ipsum quoque omnium esse tam visibilium quam invisibilium factorem. … Nihilominus etiam habent Idola quaedam de filtro … eaque credunt pecorum suorum custodes esse, ac beneficium pullorum et lactis eis praestare.  Alia vero de pansericis faciunt. … Idolis offerunt primum lac omnis iumenti ac pecoris.  Sed et quando primo bibere vel comedere incipiunt, primitus eis de cibariis suis, vel de potu offerunt (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxii., p. 1210). The Alexandrian romances also describe a kind of deism or naturalism agreeing with d'Outremeuse's views: Alexander prays to the god of nature in Valerius: Deo summo rerum praesidi.  "Quisquis tu deum rex es, qui praestare diceris huic terrae mundumque istum interminem regis" (ed. Kübler, 1888, p. 39).  Serapis was especially meant.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L29">
<P><REF>yroga.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais (as above): Ithogo. Sir G. Warner gives Carpini's form as Ytoga (p. 626).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L31">
<P><REF>when I was þere.</REF>—Sir G. Warner: the author "seems to have coolly transferred to his own time a selection from Carpini's list in 1246 (p. 665) of the sons and grandsons of Yenghiz."</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P163.L32">
<P><REF>Thiaut.</REF>—Seems, according to Sir G. Warner, to stand for Carpini's Thaut, i.e. Tangut.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P164.L10">
<P><REF>worschipen.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Solem etiam ac lunam et ignem et aquam et terram venerantur et adorant, etc. (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxii., p. 1210).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P164.L17">
<P><REF>for to smyte, etc.</REF>—R.: a soi apoier a fuet de quoy lem fiert les chiualx, i.e. to lean on the whip wherewith horses are beaten.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P164.L18">
<P><REF>to breke o bon.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: … et nullum ex ossibus eorum [animalium] confringunt, sed igne comburunt (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxii., p. 1210).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P164.L29"><PB REF="" N="2:123"/>
<P><REF>passen þorgh a fuyr.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Dictum fuit nobis, quod inter duos ignes transire deberemus.  Nos autem hoc nulla ratione facere volebamus.  At illi dixerunt nobis: Ite secure, quia pro nulla causa hoc volumus facere, nisi tantum ut si vos aliquod malum cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum ignis auferat omne malum, i.e. We were told to pass between two fires.  As we would by no means do it, they said to us: Go safely, for we want to do it for no other reason than that the fire may remove all harm in case you mean to hurt our lord or bear poison about you (Spec. Hist., l. XXXI., c. xxii.).  Omnes qui morantur in stationibus suis, oportet per ignem purificari (ibid., c. vii.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P165.L1">
<P><REF>Men of þat contree, etc.</REF>—R.: Ils sont toutz bonez archiers et treihent molt bien; et auxi bien chiuachent et courrent femmes come ly hommes, i.e. They are all good archers and shoot well; and women ride and race as well as men.  Mistranslation. Vincent de Beauvais: Mulieres … equitant sicut et viri (as above).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P165.L5">
<P><REF>plowes.</REF>—Not in the French.  Introduced by the Englisher.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P165.L13">
<P><REF>but ȝif þei ben, etc.</REF>—R.: tant soient ils grantz princes, i. e. however great princes they may be.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P165.L14">
<P><REF>lyberdes.</REF>—R.: renardz, i. e. foxes.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P165.L16">
<P><REF>saf only swyn, etc.</REF>—This reference to the Mosaic law is by Jean d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P165.L21">
<P><REF>nouþer pesen ne benes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Porro in victu sunt homines immundissimi atque spurcissimi, neque etiam mensalibus nec manutergiis utuntur, nec panem habent vel curant, sed quidam ipsum etiam comedere dedignantur.  Olera quoque vel legumina non habent, nec aliquid aliud, quam carnes ut comedant.  De quibus etiam tam paucas manducant, quod aliae nationes vix inde vivere possunt.  Porro omne carnium genus praeterquam mutae, quia non gignit, comedunt, et hoc turpissime rapaciterque tangentes pinguia, digitos suos lambunt, et ocreis suis tergunt.  Solent tamen maiores aliquos habere panniculos cum quibus ad ultimum tergunt, manus commesturi non lavant, nec posta scutellas.  Et si aliquando eas brodio carnium abluunt iterum loturam cum carnibus in olla reponunt, aliter etiam non lavant ollas vel coclearia, vel alia huiusmodi vasa.  In carnibus autem equinis plus delectantur quam in aliis.  Ratos etiam, et canes edunt, et cattos libentissime comedunt, vinum libentissime bibunt, quando habere possunt, lacte iumentino, quod ipsi Camous<PB REF="" N="2:124"/>
 vocant, quotidie sicut et homines caeteri vino forti se inebriant (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxviii.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L4">
<P><REF>to destroyen, etc.</REF>—R.: denclore lour enemys, i. e. to surround their enemies.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L6">
<P><REF>gret ax.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: vne grande lanche, i. e. a long lance.  The Englisher follows R.: vne grant hache.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L7">
<P><REF>speres.</REF>—R.: espeies, i. e. swords.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L8">
<P><REF>guyrboylle.</REF>—R.: cuir boily, i. e. cuir bouilli. Vincent de Beauvais: Armati autem sunt coriis. … Capellos habent de corio … gladiosque parvos ut Saraceni longitudinis unius brachij, et unius incisionis seu cesurae (l. XXIX., c. lxxix., p. 1212, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L11">
<P><REF>þei behoten.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: blande loquuntur obsessis, multaque fallaciter, ut in eorum manus se tradant, promittunt eis.  Cum illi se reddiderint, vel capti fuerint, omnes occidunt exceptis artificis (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxxiii., p. 1213, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L15">
<P><REF>kutten of hire eres.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Itaque cum caepissent. … Driabaldin civitatem in Perside, ad suae crudelitatis ostensionem, et audituris incutiendum timorem, omnibus habitatoribus illius decapitatis, aures rebellium sibi iam mortuorum absciderunt; duosque summarios oneratos auribus in aceto positis ad Chaam transmiserunt (ibid., p. 1214).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L16">
<P><REF>þei maken gret seruyse.</REF>—R.: ils fount entremes pur les grantz seignurs.  A characteristic joke in the taste of Jean d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L18">
<P><REF>vnder hire subieccioun.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Aliud quoque statutum habent, quod omnem terram sibi debeant subiugare, nec cum aliqua gente pacem habere, nisi subdatur eis quousque veniat tempus ipsorum interfectionis.  Annis 80 debent pugnare, et 18 tantummodo regnare, post hoc ut ipsi dicunt ab alia natione debent vinci, ut vaticinatum est eis, nesciunt autem quae illa sit (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxiii., p. 1210, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L23">
<P><REF>folk of all lawes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxxiv., p. 1214, ed. 1524.  See p. 162, l. 28. Duplicate.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L26">
<P><REF>ymage all naked.</REF>—This licentious praise of Adamism is d'Outremeuse's own.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P166.L33">
<P><REF>it is gret drede.</REF>—Hayton: Pugna Tatarorum est valde periculosa, et in uno parvo bello Tatarorum plures moriuntur<PB REF="" N="2:125"/>
 quam in alio bello alterius nationis, et hoc est propter sagittas quas proiciunt fortiter et directe; et sunt ita docti in arte sagictandi quod sagicte eorum fere armorum penetrant omne genus.  Quando Tatari vertunt in fugam, fugiunt omnes simul per turmas et acies ordinatas. … Exercitus Tatarorum non est magne apparencie, qui omnes simul congregatim incedunt, ita quod acies mille Tatarorum quingentorum apparenciam non habet (F.H.T.O., l. III., c. xlix., p. 338, ed. 1906).  Similarly Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxi., p. 1210.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P167.L2">
<P><REF>þei cone wel wynnen.</REF>—Hayton: Tatari terras alienas sciunt faciliter occupare, sed illas nolunt custodire, quia in [castris et] civitatibus nesciunt habitare, immo pocius esse desiderant in tentoriis et in campis (ibid. p. 339).  Vincent, as above.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P167.L7">
<P><REF>smale eyen.</REF>—Hayton, l. I., c. i., p. 131.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P167.L8">
<P><REF>þei ben false.</REF>—Hayton: libenter menciuntur (l. III., c. xlix., p. 339).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P167.L13">
<P><REF>whan ony man schall dye.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Cum aliquis eorum ad mortem infirmatur, hasta una in eius statione crigetur, et circa illa filtrum nigrum circumvolvitur; extunc nullus audet intrare terminos stationis illius.  Cumque fuerit mortuus, si de minoribus est, occulte in campis sepelitur, cum uno tentorio suo, sedendo in medio eius ponuntque mensam ante illum, et alveolum carnibus plenum, et lactis iumentini ciphum, sepelitur etiam cum eo iumentum unum cum pullo, et equus cum sella et freno.  Alium autem comedunt, et cum stramine corium eius implentes, super duo ligna vel quatuor in alto ponunt, quae omnia faciunt pro mortuo ut habeat tentorium, et etiam iumentum in alio mundo; de quo scilicet iumento lac habere possit, et equos sibi multiplicare, in quibus tunc possit equitare (Spec. Hist., l. XXIX., c. lxxxvi., p. 1214).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P167.L37">
<P><REF>entered preuylly.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Si vero dives et magnus homo fuerit, Tartarus qui moritur cum habitu preciosissimo sepelitur, ac remotius ab omnibus in abscondito loco ne habitu suo spolietur (ibid., p. 1215).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P168.L10">
<P><REF>þei seye to him.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. XXXI., c. xxxii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P168.L19">
<P><REF>vpon a blak stede.</REF>—R.: sour vne feutre noir, i. e. upon a black filt (carpet).  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P168.L27">
<P>Brussels 10420-5 here inserts a so-called Tartar alphabet.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P169.L1">
<P><REF>Asye the depe.</REF>—Hayton:  E cele partie qui est devers orient est apellée Aise la Profunde, e cele qui est devers<PB REF="" N="2:126"/>
 occident est apellée Aise la Majour (F.H.T.O., l. I., c. v., p. 125, ed. 1906).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P169.L3">
<P><REF>Cathay.</REF>—Hayton's first Book is divided into fourteen chapters, devoted to the following countries: Cathay, Tharse, Turquesten, Corasme, Comaine, Inde, Perse, Mede, Ermenie, Jorgie, Caldee, Mesopotame, Turquie, Syrie.  They appear in the same order in the present passage of the Mandeville.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P169.L4">
<P><REF>Tharse, the whiche.</REF>—R.: qi fust a vn de rois, i. e. which belonged to one of the Kings.  Mistranslation.  Sir G. Warner describes this tradition as an absurd inference from Ps. lxxii. 10: The kings of Tarshish and of the isles shall bring presents.  Hayton explains that the Uighurs were all idolaters, except the kindred of the Three Kings, from whom the Tartar lords who were still Christians were descended (F.H.T.O., l. I., c. ii., p. 122, ed. 1906).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P169.L7">
<P><REF>no flesch.</REF>—From Hayton (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P169.L13">
<P><REF>Octorar.</REF>—Hayton: Octerar (ibid. p. 123).  The ancient city of Farab, on the right bank of the Sir-Daria, southeast of the Sea of Aral.  Hayton: En celui roiaume ha poi de bones cités, mas il i ha grans plainures e bones pastures; e por ce, cele gent sunt presque tous pastours et sunt herbergies en tentes e en teles maisons que legierement les portent de luec en autre.  En celui païs ne croit forment ne orge, si petit non, millet et ris mangent. Vin n'en ont point, mes il boivent cervoise e autres bevrages (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P169.L23">
<P><REF>þat dwelleden in Grece.</REF>—R.: qi demoerent en Griece.  Mistranslation.  This reference to Cumanians settled in Greece is not in Hayton.  Otherwise, this passage follows Hayton (F.H.T.O., l. I., c. v., p. 124).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L4">
<P><REF>men han foughten.</REF>—Hayton: i passent dessus (ibid.), people cross it.  D'Outremeuse introduces the warlike note from the Alexandrian romances: Alexander crosses the river Stranga on the ice, Darius's army is drowned in the thawing (A. Ausfeld's ed. of Alexander-Roman: 1907, pp. 70-73).  The French text reports only 100,000 warriors on each side; the Englisher or the Cotton scribe doubles that number!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L7">
<P><REF>And betwene, etc.</REF>—R.: Et entre celle riuiere et la grante mer occeane, qils appellent la mer Maure, gist toutz cis royalmes.  Brussels 10420-5: Celle riuier entre en la grande meir occeane quil appellent la meir morte, i. e. This river falls into the great sea ocean, which they call the Dead Sea!  D'Outremeuse<PB REF="" N="2:127"/>
 inextricably confuses the sensible information contained in Hayton, pp. 124-125.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L9">
<P><REF>the see Maure.</REF>—Hayton: mer Majour (p. 124). Sir G. Warner explains mare maurum as the Black Sea, from Byzantine Greek = black.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L13">
<P><REF>daungerous passage.</REF>—Hayton: l'autre voie est par le Derbent, qui vaist près de la cité que Alixandre fonda, que est nomée Porte de Fer. (as above, p. 216).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L17">
<P><REF>ȝate of helle.</REF>—The Englisher appears to have read: porte d'enfer, possibly remembering the volcanoes of p. 36, l. 6.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L18">
<P><REF>Sarak.</REF>—Hayton: Sera (p. 215), explained as Seraï, on the Aktouba, a tributary of the Volga.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L25">
<P><REF>the grete see.</REF>—R.: par la grant mer.  Hayton mentions the mer Major (p. 216) in this connection.  Jean d'Outremeuse read the major or greater sea, like Boldensele (1885, p. 29), a name possibly inspired by the classical name of the Mediterranean: mare Magnum, or the great sea.  See notes to p. 170, l. 9, and to p. 95, l. 17.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P170.L25b">
<P><REF>Abchaz.</REF>—Hayton: Abcas (p. 216), explained as Abkhasia, modern Abazia, on the Black Sea, north of the Caucasus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P171.L18">
<P><REF>Boyturra.</REF>—Hayton: Boccara (p. 126).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P171.L19">
<P><REF>Sormagant.</REF>—Hayton: Semorgant (p. 127).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P171.L25">
<P><REF>Nessabor, Saphon &amp; Sarmassane.</REF>—Hayton: Nesabor, Spahen (p. 127).  The third name seems to be another variant for Samarkand, smuggled in out of place by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L3">
<P><REF>Taurizo.</REF>—Hayton: Touris (p. 128).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L11">
<P><REF>Cordynes.</REF>—Hayton: Cordins (p. 127), explained as Kurds.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L12">
<P><REF>Sarras.</REF>—Hayton: Seras (p. 127).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L13">
<P><REF>Karemen.</REF>—Hayton: Queremen (p. 127), explained as Kermanchâh.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L15">
<P><REF>Abzor.</REF>—Hayton: Albors (p. 129).  The note states that the name Alburz is found applying to the eastern, and Elbrouz to the western part of the Caucasus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L16">
<P><REF>Alamo.</REF>—Hayton refers to the "aloen" alphabet (p. 128), to Alanie (p. 129) in Georgia, and to Aloen (p. 139) in Armenia.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L29">
<P><REF>Hauyson.</REF>—Hayton: Hamsen (p. 129); fn., Hampasi.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P172.L36">
<P><REF>Saures</REF>—Hayton: Savoureus (p. 129, fn.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L7"><PB REF="" N="2:128"/>
<P><REF>Megon.</REF>—Hayton: Mougan (p. 130), explained as Moughan, a district of Persia near the Caspian.  Appears as Monglin in d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires (t. V., 1867, p. 193).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L18">
<P><REF>confounded in derkness.</REF>—This story is expanded from Hayton (pp. 129-130, ch. x.), who bears witness to having seen the land of Darkness himself.  The romance of Alexander (ed. Ausfeld, 1907, p. 169) reports marches in the dark, explained as night-marches through the desert of Gedrosia.  (See also Nöldeke, Alexanderroman, 1890, p. 25, and Friedländer, Chadhir, 193, p. 12.)  John of Hildesheim reports that the Roman emperor Heraclius, being hard pressed by the Saracens, called on the Three Kings, who covered the Infidels with darkness (ed. 1878, pp. 26-27).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L19">
<P><REF>A Domino.</REF>—Ps. cxviii., 23: This is the Lord's doing; it is marvellous in our eyes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L30">
<P><REF>Quoniam, etc.</REF>—Should be: Quomodo.  Possibly the Englisher's misquotation from Deut. xxxii. 30: How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L32">
<P><REF>Et cadent.</REF>—Ps. xci. 7: A thousand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right hand.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L34">
<P><REF>Quia manus.</REF>—Perhaps a misquotation: Because the Lord's hand did all this.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P173.L36">
<P><REF>Si in vijs.</REF>—Ps. lxxxi. 13-14: O that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways!  I should soon have subdued their enemies, and turned my hand against their adversaries.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L2">
<P><REF>may not enduren.</REF>—Such pious commonplaces may be applied ironically: the triumphs of the Paynim in Palestine may be considered as a condemnation of the Western Church.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L12">
<P><REF>Omnibus diebus.</REF>—I advise you to partake of communion every Sunday.  This could not be identified in St. Paul.  It may be due to a slip in d'Outremeuse's memory.  The practice of daily communion has lately been revived in the Roman Church.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L16">
<P><REF>Quesiton.</REF>—Hayton: Quisitun (p. 133), explained as the province of Saroukhan.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L16b">
<P><REF>Gemeth.</REF>—Hayton: Geneth (p. 133), explained as the province of Djanik on the Black Sea.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L25">
<P><REF>Maraga.</REF>—Hayton: Moraga (p. 138).  The fn.<PB REF="" N="2:129"/>
 to p. 139 states that Hayton confounded the city of Maragah, south of Tabriz, with the river Mourghâb, near Merv.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L29">
<P><REF>vnto a cytee.</REF>—R.: a vne citee, i.e. at a city. Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L35">
<P><REF>Symar.</REF>—Hayton: Simar (p. 131), explained as Sindjâr, to the west of Mossoul.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P174.L36">
<P><REF>Lyson.</REF>—Hayton: Bysson (p. 131), explained as Behseny, a town and mountain of Diarbekir, on the Arban-Tchay.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P175.L11">
<P>A dubious emendation. The manuscript reading ("fro") seems adequate, if not better.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P175.L23">
<P><REF>Bacharye.</REF>—Unexplained.  Sir G. Warner guesses Bactria.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P175.L24">
<P><REF>Caldilhe.</REF>—Odoric: Cadili, alias Caloy (p. 425), explained as a Tartar kingdom on the Volga.  Cordier quotes: Tartarorum horda primaria Zauolha est (p. 427).  Jean d'Outremeuse, in his Miroir des Histoires, calls it Cadilla, and takes his hero Ogier the Dane to it.  His account is nearly identical with the present (III., 1873, p. 64).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P175.L28">
<P><REF>lomb withouten wolle.</REF>—Cordier: a polypod; Polypodium barometz, L. (p. 426).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P175.L30">
<P><REF>I haue eten.</REF>—Not in the French original.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L3">
<P><REF>Bernakes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Bartlathes sunt aves de ligno crescentes, quas vulgus bernacas appellat … decidunt, ac sicut aves caeterae volare incipiunt.  Verumtamen nisi decidentes cito aquas invenerint, vivere non possunt, … carnibus earum in quadragesima. … Christiani uti solebant (Spec. Nat., l. XVI., c. xl., col. 1181).  The bartlathes are birds growing on wood and called bernacae by the vulgar.  They fall off and begin to fly like other birds.  If, however, they do not find water soon after their fall, they cannot live.  Their flesh used to be eaten by Christians in Lent.  H. Littledale explains that the eating of such birds in Lent was justified by the assertion that they were really transformed barnacles or shellfish.  The etymology is given as Hibernicula (because permitted by Irish bishops) and * pernacula, * perna, a kind of shell-fish (Shakespeare's England, 1916, Vol. I, p. 520.—N.E.D. refers to Max Müller, Lect. Sc. Lang., ed. 7, II., 583-604).  Odoric states that the vegetable lamb is no more impossible than the goose growing on a tree! (p. 426).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L9">
<P><REF>longe apples.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 31, l. 26.  Sir G. Warner traces this to Jacques de Vitry (p. 1099) and identifies the fruit with the plantain, which is allied to the banana.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L12">
<P><REF>large of .ij. fote long.</REF>—R.: larges de deux pies<PB REF="" N="2:130"/>
 de long.  The Englisher repeatedly confuses longueur and largeur, length and breadth.  Brussels 10420-5: de ij pies de long et demy piet de large.—Brussels 11141: de iij piez de long ou de plus et de vng piet de large.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L16">
<P><REF>a strong man.</REF>—Possibly a reminiscence from the heavy cluster of grapes of Numbers, xiii. 23.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L19">
<P><REF>Vber.</REF>—Aethicus speaks of two mountains as ubera aquilonis, i. e. the breasts of the North Wind, and the Pseudo-Methodius tells how those two mountains came together at Alexander's request, that he might enclose his enemies with brazen gates (Pseudo-Methodius, ed. Sackur, 1898, pp. 73-74).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L21">
<P><REF>Goth &amp; Magoth.</REF>—In the Roman d'Alexander, Gos and Margos join Porus against Alexander (éd. Michelant, 1846, p. 300).  Gog and Magog (Ezekiel xxxviii., xxxix. and Revelation xx. 8) were traditionally identified with the Tartars or with the Ten Tribes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L22">
<P><REF>.xxij. kynges.</REF>—Nöldeke states that the number of barbarian kings subdued by Alexander is given as twenty-two, while the Hellenic kings are fourteen (Alexanderroman, 1890, p. 8).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P176.L31">
<P><REF>þei dwellen þere.</REF>—One version of the legend prophesies that Gog and Magog shall be destroyed by a Roman king.  G.  Grion refers to Godfrey of Viterbo's Pantheon (Alessandro Magno, 1872, p. cxxxiv.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P177.L1">
<P><REF>goth out be londe.</REF>—R.: ist fors par terre.  Brussels 10420-5: ist fours de terre par dessouz lez montanges.  Probably d'Outremeuse meant that the water escaped through a subterraneous passage, like the Nile on p. 28, l. 11.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P177.L5">
<P><REF>lake.</REF>—Boldensele points out that the Caspian joins neither the Ocean, nor the Mediterranean, nor the Black Sea by a visible arm, and concludes that there must be an underground connection (ed. 1855, p. 30).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P177.L13">
<P><REF>the queen of Amazoine.</REF>—Sir G. Warner quotes Hampole's Pricke of Conscience: <Q>
<L>Bot þai er noght swa closed obout</L>
<L>Þat þai ne mught lightly com out,</L>
<L>Yif a qwene ne war þat hades þam in,</L>
<L>Thurgh strengthe, þat þai may noght out wyn,</L>
<L>Þat es cald þe qwene of Amazons,</L>
<L>Under whas powere þat folk wons.</L></Q><BIBL>(ed. R. Morris, p. 121.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>The reign of a woman and the return of the Ten Tribes were<PB REF="" N="2:131"/>
 numbered among the signs announcing Doomsday (R. Taylor: Polit. Prophecy, 1911, p. 34).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P177.L21">
<P><REF>litill issue.</REF>—Sir G. Warner believes this to be copied from Brunetto Latini's account of the Caspian gates (I. 4, 123, p. 157).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P177.L29">
<P><REF>Clyron.</REF>—Identified by Sir G. Warner with B. Latini's Direu.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L11">
<P><REF>fox.</REF>—Sir G. Warner recalls that in Pausanias (IV. 18) the Messenian hero Aristomenes escapes by grasping a fox's tail and following him.  Nehemiah iv. 3: if a fox go up, he shall even break down their stone wall.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L11b">
<P><REF>trayne.</REF>—R.: taignere, i.e. den.  The Englisher seems to have thought of the meaning enticement, stratagem (see Stratmann-Bradley, under train).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L24">
<P><REF>þat issue.</REF>—This story of the fox appears to be invented by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L25">
<P><REF>—Bacharie.</REF>—Bactria, mentioned in the Alexandrian romances.  Bovenschen refers to the Historia de Proeliis, c. lxxxviii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L26">
<P><REF>trees þat beren wolle.</REF>—The cotton trees (Hist. de Proel., ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L29">
<P><REF>Ypotaynes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Hippotamus vocatus est, eo quod sit equo similis.  Die in aquis commoratur, nocte segetes depassit (Spec. Nat., l. XVII., c. cxxxvi., col. 1317, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L30">
<P><REF>half hors.</REF>—Sir G. Warner thinks the hippopotamus is confused with the hippocentaur.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L31">
<P><REF>eten men.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: 200 milites ex Macedonibus leviter armatos natare jussit [Alexander].  Cumque jam partem quartam fluminis enatassent, ab Hippopotamis absorpti sunt (Spec. Hist., l. IV. c. liii., ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L32">
<P><REF>full byttere.</REF>—Vincent: aqua vero fluminis inventa est gustu amarior helleboro, quam nec homo bibere, nec pecus sine tormento poterat (ibid., p. 131, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P178.L34">
<P><REF>Griffounes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Omni corporis parte leones sunt, alis et facie aquilis similes, equis vehementer infesti, et homines visos decerpunt (Spec. Nat., l. XVI., c. xc., col. 1210).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P179.L2">
<P><REF>suche lyouns as ben o this half.</REF>—The lions of Liége are an obvious joke In Vincent de Beauvais, the griffins fight<PB REF="" N="2:132"/>
 the Macedonians in India (Spec. Hist., 1624, l. IV., c. lviii., p. 133, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P179.L15">
<P><REF>Pentexoire.</REF>—Odoric's ch. xxviii. is: De Penthexoire, la terre au prestre Jehan (p. 433).—The legend of a Christian, but Nestorian, prince, ruling in Central Asia, dates back to Crusading times, and first appeared in the twelfth century, according to Cordier.  The country's name has not been satisfactorily explained.  Prester John figures in Vols. III., IV. and VI. of Jean d'Outremeuse's Miroir des Histoires.  In Vol III., Ogier meets him and makes him King and Emperor of India (pp. 52, 66, 71).  In Vol IV., he is King of Tartary (p. 564).  In Vol VI., he conquers Persia, leaving India to his son (pp. 389-390).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P179.L16">
<P><REF>full gret lond.</REF>—Odoric says it is quite small: not one hundredth part of what is reported (p. 434).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P179.L23">
<P><REF>Nyse.</REF>—In Vol. I. of d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories (p. 139), Nysa is a town of India, founded by Bacchus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P180.L6">
<P><REF>Adamant.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 109, l. 1.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P180.L15">
<P><REF>&amp; oþer thing.</REF>—R.: de ceo qi estoit deins niefs, i. e. from the putrefaction of what was in the ships grow those shrubs and thorns and thistles and large amount of grass.  The Englisher sometimes uses the phrase other things, when he cannot translate the French.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P180.L28">
<P><REF>Hermes.</REF>—Hayton: Hermès, laquelle cité Hermès le philosophes fit par grant art (F.H.T.O., p. 126, ed. 1906). Explained as Ormuz, already mentioned on p. 108, l 22.  Jean d'Outremeuse drew two different names from two different sources, without suspecting that they applied to one place.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P180.L31">
<P><REF>Golbach.</REF>—Hayton:  Combahoth (p. 126), explained as Cambaye, north of Bombay.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P180.L35">
<P><REF>hony.</REF>—R.: meel.  Brussels 10420-5: milet, i.e. millet.  Hayton: millet (p. 126.)</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P180.L36">
<P><REF>his wif the doughter.</REF>—Odoric: Prestre Jehan a tousdis a femme la fille du grant Caan et ainsi leurs prédécesseurs a toujours mais (p. 434).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L1">
<P><REF>in the same wise.</REF>—Duplication by Jean d'Outremeuse of Odoric's statement.  Brussels 10420-5 adds that Ogier the Dane ordered these double marriages when he conquered India to maintain an alliance between those two potentates.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L10">
<P><REF>contree also.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 here introduces Ogier again.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L15"><PB REF="" N="2:133"/>
<P><REF>.lxxij. prouynces.</REF>—Sir G. Warner traces most of these particulars to Prester John's letter (ed. Zarncke, pp. 84-88).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L19">
<P><REF>Grauely see.</REF>—R.: mer arenouse.  Odoric: mer sablonneuse, variant: mer de Sablon (p. 45).  Schofield quotes from Pearl, ll. 10 ff.: <Q>
<L>In the founce ther stonden stoneȝ stepe,</L>
<L>As glente thurgh glas that glowed and glyght,</L>
<L>……</L>
<L>For uche a pobbel in pole ther pyght</L>
<L>Wacz emerad, saffer, other gemme gent</L>
<L>That alle the loghe lemed of lyght.</L></Q> </P>
<P>(See note to p. 203, l. 21.)  In Jean d'Outremeuse's Mirror, Vol. III., p. 65, the "meire Arenouse" is a waterless stream: unc fleu sens aighe.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L26">
<P><REF>gode fissch.</REF>—Invented by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L31">
<P><REF>gret flood.</REF>—Sir G. Warner: In the Letter the great river does not flow from Paradise, nor are its stones precious.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P181.L33">
<P><REF>&amp; it renneth, etc.</REF>—R.: Et court countre aual par le desert a vndis, si qe fait la mer arenouse.  Brussels 10420-5: et court tout par mie le desert dynde a ondes, si que fait lautre mere arenouse, i. e. and it flows right through the desert of India in waves, as does the other gravelly sea.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L1">
<P><REF>and þat gret plentee.</REF>—R.: qi meignent molt grant bruit, i. e. which make a very great noise.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L8">
<P><REF>smale trees.</REF>—The ephemeral trees of Alexandrian romances.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L15">
<P><REF>ben horned.</REF>—Vincent describes a crowd of horned serpents: immensa vis cerastarum [greek] (Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. liv., p. 131, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L16">
<P><REF>wylde houndes.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: Item ilh yat des papions grant fuison che sont chiens sauaiges, i. e.  Also there are great plenty of papiouns, which are wild dogs.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L17">
<P><REF>Psitakes.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais mentions the bird psitacus among the marvels of India (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. lxiv.). Hayton calls it by its French name papagay, and says it is as common as the sparrow is here (F.H.T.O., I., p. 126).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L26">
<P><REF>.iij. crosses.</REF>—R.: xiij. croiz.  The larger figure is more likely to be d'Outremeuse's original.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L29">
<P><REF>men of armes.</REF>—R.: hommes darmes.  Brussels 10420-5: cheualiers.  Meaning cavalry.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P182.L31">
<P><REF>Whan þat, etc.</REF>—R.  quant homme guerroie, i. e. when we are at war.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P183.L5"><PB REF="" N="2:134"/>
<P><REF>noble jewelles.</REF>—Added by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P183.L8">
<P><REF>Suse.</REF>—In d'Outremeuse's Mirror of Histories, Vol. I., p. 86, Susse is named as a town of India.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P183.L13">
<P><REF>brighte vpon the nyght.</REF>—See note to p. 158, l. 2.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P183.L20">
<P><REF>degrees.</REF>—In the Prose Life of Alexander (ed. Westlake), Alexander ascends the throne of Cyrus by seven steps made of the following materials: amethist, emerald, topaze, grenade, diamond, gold and clay, which are explained allegorically (ed. 1913, p. 56).  In Vincent, Alexander's nativity is told from tables of hyacinth, crystal, diamond, hematite, emerald, sapphire, and ophite (l. IV., ch. ii.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L3">
<P><REF>to engendre children.</REF>—Jacques de Vitry: Alij … cum praegnantibus non concumbunt, ut ostendant quia non causa voluptatis, sed causa procreande prolis, uxoribus commiscentur (Hist. or., 1597, p. 158).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L9">
<P><REF>but ȝif þat.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: en teilh manier que en la court le gran can, i.e. in like manner as in the great Can's court.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L10">
<P><REF>þei eten.</REF>—R.: Et si mangent toutz les iours en sa court plus de xxx. mil persones.  Brussels 10420-5: ilh mangnoit, i.e. there were daily more than thirty thousand people eating at his court.  The Englisher mistook the impersonal singular il for the personal plural ils = they.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L26">
<P><REF>of a dyssch.</REF>—R.: de escuelle, i.e. with solid food, as a pantler or sewer, opposed to the cup-bearer or butler.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L27">
<P><REF>Anoþer is Styward, etc.</REF>—R.: lautre est seneschal, l'autre est mareschal, lautre prince des escutz, i.e. another is steward, another marshal, another lord of the shields.  Brussels 10420-5: prince de keux, i.e. chief cook.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L32">
<P><REF>vnder vs.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 here inserts an alphabet.  In his notes to Odoric, Cordier prints a facsimile described as "alphabet fantaisiste de la langue de Penthexoire" (p. 442).  He states that Prester John's name served as a mask for political and religious satire in a letter dated from the year 507 of our Nativity, and circulated in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (p. 440).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L34">
<P><REF>Milstorak.</REF>—Odoric: Mellestoire (var.: Millestorte, Milestorte, Melistorte, Ministorte, Mileser, Milestorite, Melensorte, Melestorte) (p. 473), explained either from the Arabic melahideh, i.e. heretics, infidels, or from the town of Melazgherd,<PB REF="" N="2:135"/>
 in the province of Erzerum, north of lake Van, where the Old Man of the Mountain may have had a dependency (pp. 476-8). Vincent de Beauvais (Spec. Hist., l. XXXI., c. lxvi., p. 1307 of 1624 ed.) does not appear to have been used by the Mandeville, which closely follows Odoric, adding the articulate birds and beasts of p. 185, l. 14, the striplings of l. 21, the milk and honey of l. 28, the instruments of l. 35.  The Assassins figure in Baudouin de Sebourg (Hist. Litt., Vol. XXV., pp. 567 ff.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P184.L37">
<P><REF>Gatholonabes.</REF>—R.: Gachalonabes.  Brussels 10420-5: Sachalonabez.  Unexplained.  This name does not appear to occur elsewhere.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P185.L13">
<P><REF>dyuerse thinges.</REF>—R.: de diuerse chose et de diuerses museries, i.e. various things and various pastimes.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P185.L25">
<P><REF>dyapred with gold.</REF>—R.: ourles dor, i.e. hemmed with gold.  Brussels 10420-5: aourneis dor, i.e. adorned with gold.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P185.L37">
<P><REF>see the craft.</REF>—R.: saunz veer les menistriers, i.e. without seeing the minstrels.  The Englisher probably read mystère.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P186.L2">
<P><REF>Dabo vobis, etc.</REF>—I shall give you a land flowing with milk and honey (see Levit. xx. 24).  Here the application is profane.  The phrase "delights of Paradise" was used by heretics in the Netherlands to cover their immoral teaching and practices (Jundt, Panthéisme, 1875, p. 115).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P186.L14">
<P><REF>schewe hem his entent.</REF>—R.: Et lors ly presentoient affaire toute sa volunte, i.e. Then they would offer him to perform all his wishes.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P186.L33">
<P><REF>destroyed.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 adds: Et sachies que je ly veut maint fois et yai esteit.  Mais ilh astoit destrus anchois que ie y fusse, i.e. And you shall understand that I have often seen it and been there.  But it was destroyed before I came.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P187.L6">
<P><REF>vale perilous.</REF>—This name and that of vale tenebrous both occur in the Alexandrian romances (éd. Michelant, 1846, pp. 320-329).  The devil offers to tell Alexander the way out, if the king will lift up the stone that crushes him.  They are both released.  Bunyan has at least borrowed the name (Pilgrim's Prog., ed. J. Brown, 1887, p. 70).  Compare the account of the Land of Darkness on pp. 172-173, and Vincent de Beauvais: Gehenna … a valle Idolis consecrata, quae est iuxta muros Hierusalem, olim repleta cadaveribus mortuorum.  Ibi enim<PB REF="" N="2:136"/>
 Hebraei filios suos immolaverunt Daemonibus (Spec. Nat., l. VI., c. xxiv., col. 385, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P187.L8">
<P><REF>noyses.</REF>—Odoric heard such a great noise that he was frightened, without specifying (p. 490).  Cordier explains that strange echoes may occasionally be heard in sandy deserts.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P187.L10">
<P><REF>full of deueles.</REF>—Odoric, having seen the face of a dead man, was told by the Saracens that the corpses in that valley were all devils of hell (491-492).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P187.L13">
<P><REF>gold &amp; syluer.</REF>—Odoric found some money (argent) (p. 491).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P187.L18">
<P><REF>an hed.</REF>—The face seen by Odoric.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P187.L23">
<P><REF>dye.</REF>—R.: defailler, i. e. swoon.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P188.L14">
<P><REF>Frere Menoures.</REF>—Odoric reports in the preceding chapter (xxxi., p. 485) how the minorite brethren expel evil spirits. Our present narrative is fictitious.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P188.L15">
<P><REF>lombardye.</REF>—Odoric was born at Pordenone in Frioul, some distance from Lombardy, and his travelling companion was Irish.  Jean d'Outremeuse uses Lombardy to denote all Northern Italy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P188.L27">
<P><REF>gold &amp; syluer.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 187, l. 13.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P188.L30">
<P><REF>I touched none.</REF>—Odoric took some money in his lap, but left it behind (p. 491).  The probable reason is that he had taken a vow of poverty.  The pretended conduct of Mandeville is unaccountable.  Cf. 2 Chronicles xx. 25: … they found among them in abundance both riches with the dead bodies, and precious jewels, which they stripped off for themselves, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P188.L34">
<P><REF>more deuout.</REF>—That the author of Mandeville never was pious, except in the Vale Perilous, is one of the few credible statements in his book.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P188.L37">
<P><REF>be all the vale.</REF>—R.: par toute la valle, i. e. throughout the valley.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P189.L3">
<P><REF>And I trowe.</REF>—The syntax here is quite independent of the French original, which is involved, but comprehensible.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P189.L13">
<P><REF>weren of suche.</REF>—R.: qils estoient deceux, i. e. that they were beguiled or seduced from the faith by covetousness. The Englisher read de ceux = among those, and altered the construction accordingly.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P189.L17">
<P><REF>And ȝit, etc.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 here has about three pages of redundant particulars, not occurring in R., which is<PB REF="" N="2:137"/>
 followed by the Englisher.  Odoric is now abandoned for a time.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P189.L23">
<P><REF>.xxviij. fote.</REF>—No source known for that figure. Vincent de Beauvais knows of giants 33 cubits high (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxv., col. 2392, ed. 1524).  The men of 50 cubits (l. 34) are probably from Vincent, who knows a young lady of that height (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P189.L37">
<P><REF>deuoured anon.</REF>—An allusion to Polyphemus and the sailors of Ulysses; Vincent de Beauvais on Cyclops: … unus eorum in antro suo resupinus iacens, una manu duos viros tenens crudos manducabat (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxvi., col. 2392, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L1">
<P><REF>scheep als grete as oxen.</REF>—The Crusading chroniclers relate that in Asia Minor the Crusaders had to be carried on the backs of large sheep (Michaud, Bibl. d. Crois., 1829, Vol. I., p. 7; Tiedau, Chanson d'Antioche, 1912, pp. 18-19).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L5">
<P><REF>.ij. in anoþer.</REF>—Duplication of Vincent.  See above, note to p. 189, l. 37.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L5b">
<P><REF>etynge hem goynge.</REF>—R.: les aloient mangeantz, i.e. were eating them.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L6">
<P><REF>toward the north.</REF>—R.: vers austre, i.e. to the South.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L8">
<P><REF>precious stones.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Apollononides perhibet in Scythia foeminas nasci, quae Bithiae vocantur, hasque in oculis pupillas habere geminas, et perimere visu, si forte iratae aliquem aspexerint, hae sunt et in Sardinia (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxiv., col. 2391, ed. 1524).  The Romant d'Alexandre tells of snakes with female faces and with bright gems in the centre of their foreheads: <Q>viaires ont de fames, mult sunt grant figurées. sor les espaules gisent les grans crines dorées; cescune d'une piere sunt toutes estelées, en mi le front lor siuent, mult i sunt bien posées mais plus grant clarté jete que candelles cirées.</Q><BIBL>(éd. Michelant, 1846, p. 294, ll. 2 ff.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>The poet probably read gemmas = precious stones for Vincent's geminas = double pupils.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L17">
<P><REF>Cadeberiz.</REF>—Unexplained.  In the Alexandrian romances, a fair girl fed on serpents and on venom is sent to Alexander by a queen of India.  Aristotle foresees that she might bring death to the king (J. Franck, Introduction to J. van<PB REF="" N="2:138"/>
 Maerlant's Alexander, p. xx., ed. 1882).  Sir G. Warner quotes Vincent de Beauvais: Augylae vero solos colunt infernos foeminas suas primis noctibus nuptiarum adulteriis cogunt patere, mox ad perpetuam pudicitiam legibus stringunt severissimis (Spec. Hist., I. 88).  The boy who takes money to act as substitute for a husband is the theme of a Medieval fabliau (Van den cnape van Dordrecht, ed. E. Verwijs, X. goede boerden, 1860).  This may have been contaminated with the Alexandrian tale by d'Outremeuse.  In the sixteenth century it was used by Machiavelli in the second act of his Mandragola.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P190.L25">
<P><REF>schall pleyne, etc.</REF>—R.: il soy pleindroit du vallet, qe naueroit mie fait soun deuer, auxi bien come si li vallet ly vousist tuer, i. e. he would complain of the boy, that he did not do his duty, just as if the boy had wanted to kill him.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P191.L2">
<P><REF>gret sorwe.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: recens natum fletu parens excipit et econtra lacta sunt funera, adeo ut exemptos gaudiis prosequantur (Spec. Hist., l. I., ch. lxxxix.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P191.L7">
<P><REF>brennen hem.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 114, ll. 5-17.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P191.L18">
<P><REF>electioun.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. I., c. lxxxix.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L1">
<P><REF>another yle.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais, Spec. Hist., l. I., c. xc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L13">
<P><REF>noman knoweth.</REF>—This joke is not in Vincent.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L17">
<P><REF>cokodrilles.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: De crocodilo … In terra et in aqua valens, … nocte in aquis, die humi quiescit … linguam non habet … Hyeme cibum nullum capiunt … Crocodilus siquando invenerit hominem, et potest eum vincere comedit eum, et postea super eum plorat.  Solus in animalibus oris superiora movet et inferiora manent immota (Spec. Nat., l. XVII., c. cvi., ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P92.L21">
<P><REF>as in a drem.</REF>—R.: en agone.  Vincent: Hyeme cibum nullum capiunt (Spec. Nat., l. XVII., c. cvi., col. 1302, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L26">
<P><REF>cotoun.</REF>—Sir G. Warner quotes Jacques de Vitry: Sunt ibi praeterea arbusta quaedam, quae seminantur, ex quibus colligunt bombacem, quae (sic) Francigenae cotonem seu coton appellant, et est quasi medium inter lanam et sericum, ex quo subtilia vestimenta contexuntur (p 1099).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L32">
<P><REF>abyden all quyk.</REF>—Vincent de Beauvais: Juniperus<PB REF="" N="2:139"/>
 graece dicta est … eo quod conceptum ignem diu teneat (Spec. Nat., l. XII., c lxxi., col. 922, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L34">
<P><REF>of nature.</REF>—R.: de bonus, i.e. of ebony.  Mistranslation. Vincent: eademque virtus est junipero, quae et cedro, cujus materies oleo peruncta, nec ruinam nec cariem sentit (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L36">
<P><REF>as a mannes hed.</REF>—The cocoa-nut, nux Indica (Vincent, Spec. Nat., l. XIV., c. li.), already mentioned on p. 176, l. 14.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P192.L37">
<P><REF>Orafles.</REF>—Another form of the word giraffe. Vincent calls it camelopardus (Spec. Nat., l. XIX., c. ix.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L1">
<P><REF>Gerfauntz.</REF>—Another form of giraffe, assimilated to elefaunt (N.E.D.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L1b">
<P><REF>pomelee.</REF>—R.: techchele, i. e. spotted; pomeli in Stratmann-Bradley.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L6">
<P><REF>Camles.</REF>—Vincent: Chamaeleon non habet unum colorem, sed diversa varietate conspersus est … corpusculum. … Hiatus eius aeternus ac sine usus illius ministerio.  Quippe cum neque cibum capiat, neque potu alatur, nec alimento alio quam hausto aere vivat.  Color varius et in momento mutabilis (Spec. Nat., l. XIX., c. vi., p. 1386, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L12">
<P><REF>grete serpentes.</REF>—The serpent of Mount Tygris, which Baudouin de Beauvais and the other "Chétifs" had to fight in the Crusading epics, was blue, white, yellow, green, black and red, covered itself with long ears when it grew angry, and wore in its forehead a gem that shone in the dark (Godef. de Bouillon, éd. Hippeau, 1877, p. 211).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L18">
<P><REF>throte open.</REF>—The threatening attitude of the serpent Satenas in the Chétifs: <Q>
<L>Longement ot la beste sa grant gole baée.</L></Q><BIBL>(éd. Hippeau, 1877, p. 426).</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L20">
<P><REF>swyn.</REF>—Vincent: apri ingentis formae (Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. liv., p. 132, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L24">
<P><REF>lyouns all white.</REF>—Vincent: albi leones (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L26">
<P><REF>Loerancz.</REF>—I suspect derivation from the Lestrigons, imagined as man-eating monsters in the Middle Ages.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L27">
<P><REF>Odenthos.</REF>—Vincent: una bestia major elephante tribus armata in fronte cornibus: quam Indi appellant Odontatyrannum (sic) capitis equini: coloris atri (as in note to p. 193, l. 20). Originally, its name was odontotyrannos; its French form in the<PB REF="" N="2:140"/>
 Crusading epic is dentuant = dent + tyran (Chanson d'Antioche, quoted by Pigeonneau, Le Cycle des Croisades, 1877, p. 108).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L29">
<P><REF>sclendre.</REF>—R.: ffauues, i. e. tawny.  Perhaps the Englisher read flo = flue, weak.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L32">
<P><REF>.vj. feet.</REF>—Vincent has a monster, "pedum … binorum ternorumque," i. e. two- or three-footed (?) (Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. lviii.).  D'Outremeuse makes it six-footed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L35">
<P><REF>myse.</REF>—Duplicate of the giant rats of p. 111, l. 19.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L35b">
<P><REF>ȝalowe myse.</REF>—R.: chauue soriz, i. e. bats.  The Englisher read jaune instead of chauve.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P193.L36">
<P><REF>Gees.</REF>—Probably invented by d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P194.L10">
<P><REF>kyndely lawe.</REF>—Lex naturae, sive naturalis was a current phrase (see Schütz, Thomas-Lexikon, 1895, p. 443), opposed to written law or Scripture.  Jacques de Vitry: Ex his patet quam religiose et secundum legem naturae vixissent isti Brachmani qui nec legem Mosaicam nec legem euangelij audierant … (Hist. or., ed. 1597, pp. 212-213).  The word lex, law, also meant religion, especially among the Averroists, who placed the various religions on the same level (Renan, Averroes, 1866, p. 359). The English doctor Mandeville may have made the younger notary d'Outremeuse acquainted with such views.  "Médecine, averroïsme, astrologie, incrédulité, devinrent des termes presque synonymes" (ibid., pp. 327-328).  In Valerius, the Brahman Dindimus writes to Alexander: <Q>
<L>Una genti lex est: contra ius non ire naturae.</L></Q><BIBL>(ed. Kuebler, 1888, p. 172).</BIBL> </P>
<P>A Wycliffite proposition condemned by Simon Langham is given as follows: nature has sufficient means to achieve the natural end of man, if by natural end is meant everlasting bliss (Magnan: Histoire d'Urbain V., 1862).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P194.L16">
<P><REF>And ȝif no charge, etc.</REF>—R.: ne nount cure dauoir ne de richesse, i. e. do not care about property or wealth. The N.O.D. classifies the phrase: to give no charge of = to make of no account, under charge, sb. 9 b, but gives no example.  Ȝif here stands for give, 3rd pers. pl., ind. pres.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P194.L23">
<P><REF>Thebe.</REF>—Bovenschen refers to the river Tabobenus in the Historia de Preliis (p. 223), Sir G. Warner to the river Tiberoboam in the Pseudo-Callisthenes (III., 13, p. 110), and Jul. Valerius.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P194.L26"><PB REF="" N="2:141"/>
<P><REF>no thef, etc.</REF>—Vincent: Apud Seres, neque meretrix, neque adultera, neque fur ad iudicium ducitur, neque occisus homo fertur aliquando.  Sed apud eos legum suorum metus vehementior, quam genesis constellatio: hi in initio orbis terrae habitant.  Seres quia caste vivunt, nec aerugine, nec grandine, nec pestilentia, et malis huiusmodi affliguntur, quia nec post conceptum adiri ultra apud eos foemina fas est, neque cum purgatur.  Carnibus immundis nemo ibi vescitur, sacrificia nemo novit.  Secundum iustitiam omnes sibi ipsi iudices fiunt, ideo non castigantur huiusmodi plagis, sed plurimum temporis in vita durantes absque aegritudine vitam finiunt (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxix., col. 2394-5).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P194.L29">
<P><REF>weren religious, etc.</REF>—R.: et si sount si chastes et meignent si bone vie come nuls religious purroient faire, i.e. they are as chaste and lead as good lives as any religious men might do.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P195.L5">
<P><REF>is plesed, etc.</REF>—R.: et prent a gre lour creaunce et lour bons ourez, i. e. allows their belief and their good deeds. The French original is heretical: how can God approve of the belief of infidels?  The Englisher balances the good deeds against the evil faith, which seems more orthodox.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P195.L11">
<P><REF>And it befell, etc.</REF>—R.: En le temps iadis le roy Alisandre enuoya despier (Brussels 10420-5 defijr) ceux de celle isle, pur ceo qil voloit gaigner lour pais, i.e. In times past, king Alexander sent out to espy (defy) those of that island, because he wanted to win their country.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P195.L25">
<P><REF>Oure wyfes, etc.</REF>—R.: Noz femmes ne sount mie pares pur plere, ancis tendrent beal parement pur folie, quant homme se peneroit pur enbeler le corps pur faire sembler plus beau qe Dieu nel ad fait, i.e. our women are not adorned to please, but hold a fair array as madness, if a man is at pains to beautify the body in order to make it look fairer than God made it. Mistranslation.—Duplicate of Adamite paradoxes on p. 118, ll. 18-27.—Vincent: Nullus nobis preciosus amictus; sed membra papyri tegmine, vel quod est verius pudore velantur: feminae nostrates non ornantur ut placeant: nec sciunt in augenda pulchritudine plus affectare quam natae sunt, nam quis potest opus naturae corrigere? (Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. lxviii., pp. 135-136, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P195.L32">
<P><REF>.ij. thinges.</REF>—Vincent: Tutius nos defendit ab imbre spelunca quam tegula, cuius geminus est nobis usus, mansionis, dum vivimus, sepulturae, dum morimur (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P195.L35">
<P><REF>nought only</REF>—The sense would seem to require that "only" be removed.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P196.L4"><PB REF="" N="2:142"/>
<P><REF>rightwisness.</REF>—R.: iustice, i.e. the repression of crime.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P196.L13">
<P><REF>Oxidrate … Gynosophe.</REF>—Sir G. Warner refers to Jacques de Vitry's mention of Oxydraces seu Gymnosophistae (p. 1108) as one people.  The Englisher follows R. Brussels 10420-5 applies both names to one island.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P197.L4">
<P><REF>confuse</REF>—See MED confus(ed ppl. for many examples of the "d-less" past participle.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L5">
<P><REF>And all be it, etc.</REF>—As no source for this is known, it may be taken as original.  That Job, like Adam, Henoch and Noah, was neither Jew nor Christian, but a heathen, and praised for piety nevertheless, occurs in Wolfram's Willehalm (306, 29), according to H. Reuter, Gesch. d. relig. Aufklärung im Mittelalter, II., 1877, p. 66.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L16">
<P><REF>Ponam, etc.</REF>—I shall give them my various laws. Can this be from Hosea viii. 12: I have written to him the great things of my law, etc.?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L17">
<P><REF>Qui totum, etc.</REF>—Who subjected the whole earth to his laws.  Source?</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L18">
<P><REF>Alias oues.</REF>—John x. 16: And other sheep I have, which are not of this fold.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L27">
<P><REF>Non dicas, etc.</REF>—Acts x. 15: What God hath cleansed, that call not thou common.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L30">
<P><REF>hateth.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 quotes Acts x. 34-35: Of a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons. [Interpolation: He does not distinguish between Jews and Gentiles.] But in every nation he that feareth him, and worketh righteousness, is accepted with him.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P197.L32">
<P><REF>Pro animabus, etc.</REF>—For the souls of all deceased for whom prayer should be offered.—A passage from the burial service, not identified with any given use.  The current Roman prayer-book prays only for the faithful, not for all men.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L1">
<P><REF>prophecyed.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 11, l. 17: Jhesu crist schall be born, etc.  The 2000 years of p. 11, l. 19 have now become 3000 or more (p. 198, l. 2)!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L3">
<P><REF>or.</REF>—R.: auaunt, i.e. before.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L7">
<P><REF>Pytan.</REF>—This imaginary island is, according to Sir G. Warner's guess, drawn from the name of the Trispithami, a people mentioned in Pliny after the Astomi (VII., 25).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L11">
<P><REF>lyuen be the smell.</REF>—Vincent: Gangis fontem qui accolunt, nullius ad escam opis indigent, odore pomorum sylvestrium vivunt, longiusque pergentes eadem illa in praesidium gerunt, ut olfacta alantur (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxviii., ed. 1524). Imitated in the Roman d'Alexandre:<PB REF="" N="2:143"/>
<Q>
<L>le dolor des espées [var.: espices] aloient tout flairant.</L>
<L>……</L>
<L>ne vivent d'autre cose.</L></Q><BIBL>(éd Michelant, 1846, p. 353.)</BIBL> </P>
<P>In Cyrano's Voyage comique, the inhabitants of the moon live on smoke (Borkowski, Anglia XV., 388).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L16">
<P><REF>all skynned.</REF>—Vincent: Sunt et homines quidam utriusque sexus nudi incedentes, corpus pilosum in modum bestiarum habentes, et aeque in flumine, et in terra habitantes: qui cum extraneos homines supervenire vident, in flumine submersi non apparent.  Sunt agrestes magni valde, et pilosi sicut porci, et quasi ferae mugientes (Spec. Nat., l. XXXI., c. cxxviii., col. 2394, ed. 1524).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L20">
<P><REF>fissch all raugh.</REF>—The Ichtyophagi, mentioned by Vincent (Spec. Hist., l. IV. c. lv.), after the Epistle of Alexander.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L22">
<P><REF>Buemare.</REF>—Vincent: The river Buemar is reached by Alexander after he has seen the gold simulacres of the gods Hercules and Liber (Spec. Hist., l. IV., c. lv., p. 132, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L26">
<P><REF>trees of the sonne, etc.</REF>—Vincent, Spec. Hist., IV. lvi., ed. 1624.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L30">
<P><REF>of the bawme.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 here introduces Ogier the Dane, who, having tasted balm, was permitted to live until he asked for death.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L32">
<P><REF>as I haue told.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 32, ll. 13 ff.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P198.L36">
<P><REF>wylde bestes.</REF>—Both the Alexandrian and the Crusading epics describe fights between heroes and beasts.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P199.L10">
<P><REF>wherfore.</REF>—The story seems an original invention of Jean d'Outremeuse's.  A different version occurs in the same author's Miroir des Histoires: Ogier crowns John to be King of India, and as this is the first king of India who believes in God, he orders all his successors to be called John, as all Roman Emperors are called Caesar after Julius Caesar (Vol. III., 1873, p. 66).  This is repeated in Brussels 10420-5.  John of Hildesheim has a similar tale: The Three Kings, having no heirs, elect a ruler and call him priest John, because the priest is the worthiest and most powerful of mortals (ed. 1878, p. 20).  There may be an historical connection between the legend of Prester John and the Ionitus, son of Noah of Pseudo-Methodius: Ionitus autem, filius Noe, introivit in Enoam usque ad mare, qui vocatur hiliu chora [greek] id est regio solis, in quo solis ortum (sic) fit et habitavit ibidem (ed. Sackur, 1898, pp. 63-64).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P200.L3"><PB REF="" N="2:144"/>
<P><REF>Popes.</REF>—If read in conjunction with other allusions to the Papacy, this may be interpreted as blaming the Church of Rome for straying from Early Christian tradition.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P200.L6">
<P><REF>Taprobane.</REF>—Vincent (Spec. Hist., l. I., c. lxxix., p. 28, ed. 1624).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P200.L10">
<P><REF>.ij. someres.</REF>—Vincent: In hac autem insula dicunt in uno anno duas esse aestates, et duas hyemes, et bis floribus vernare locum (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P200.L21">
<P><REF>Orille … Argyte.</REF>—Vincent: Chryse et Argere sunt insulae in Indico oceano sitae, adeo fecundae copia metallorum, ut plerique eas auream superficiem et argenteam habere prodiderint, unde et vocabula sortitae sunt (ibid.).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P200.L26">
<P><REF>Canapos.</REF>—Canopus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P200.L29">
<P><REF>Pissemyres.</REF>—The giant ants are from Vincent, Spec. Nat., XX., cxxxiv.: Formicae (ut dictum est) dicuntur esse in Aethiopia ad formam maximi canis, etc.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P201.L11">
<P><REF>ȝonge coltes.</REF>—This stratagem occurs in Vincent and in the legends of Alexander: on entering the land of Darkness, he selects five hundred female asses, whose foals are left at the entrance (Friedländer: Die Chadhirlegende, 1913, p. 54).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P201.L29">
<P><REF>the derke Regyoun.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 172, ll. 28 ff. One explanation of this legend is the darkening of the air through a thick cloud of dust at the battle of Arbela (A. Ausfeld: Alexanderroman, 1907, p. 145; the footnote refers to Curt., IV., 15, 32).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P202.L17">
<P><REF>sche.</REF>—R. has the feminine, as the pronoun stands for the feminine terre.  The Englisher blindly follows his French original, and writes nonsense.  Mistranslation.  In ll. 15 and 16 the pronoun it is correctly used.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P202.L23">
<P><REF>mosse.</REF>—This seems one of the whimsical inventions of d'Outremeuse.  R.: Et sount ly murs toutz couertez de mosse, ceo semble et ny piert pierre nautre chose, dount ly mur soit, i. e. and the walls are all covered with moss, to all appearance, and there appears neither stone nor any other thing that the wall is made of.  The initiate probably guessed the meaning of this. Baudouin de Sebourg goes to Paradise, and finds a tree the fruits of which make people young or old (Hist. Litt., Vol. XXV., pp. 573-574).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P202.L29">
<P><REF>.iiij. flodes.</REF>—Vincent, Spec. Hist., I., lxiii.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P202.L32">
<P><REF>Emlak.</REF>—Duplicate of p. 104, l. 26.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P203.L13">
<P><REF>in the langage, etc.</REF>—R.: Gyon en langage de Ethiopiens voet dire Trouble, et auxi Nil en langage Degipte est a<PB REF="" N="2:145"/>
 dire Trouble, i.e. Gion in the Aethiopian language means turbid, and Nile in the Egyptian language also means turbid.  Possibly the word Nile was omitted and the meaning spoilt by the scribe.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P203.L17">
<P><REF>Tigris.</REF>—This pun is repeated in Gauthier de Lille's (or de Chatillon's) Alexandreis: <Q>
<L>Tigri velocior ipso</L>
<L>Tigri qui celeri sortitur ab impetu nomen</L>
<L>Tigris aquas superat.</L></Q><BIBL>(ed. 1863, Book III., p. 70, l. 450 ff.)</BIBL></P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P203.L21">
<P><REF>may not approchen.</REF>—Prof. W. H. Schofield compares this to the situation in the Pearl, where an impassable river keeps visitors out of Paradise (Publ. M.L.A. of America, vol. XIX., p. 190.—1904).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P203.L25">
<P><REF>þat ben þere, etc.</REF>—R.: ou il y a mointz, i.e. literally, where there are many.  Brussels 10420-5: dont ilh yat mult, i.e. of which there are many.  The Englisher, following a bad reading, made a bad translation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P203.L30">
<P><REF>huge noyse.</REF>—For parallels, Sir G. Warner refers to Yule's Cathay, p. 346.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P204.L11">
<P><REF>for to comen.</REF>—R.: purroit reuenir, i. e. he might come back.  The Englisher turns the principal clause into a prepositional phrase.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P204.L19">
<P><REF>Casson.</REF>—Odoric calls the capital of Prester John's land Cosan and one of its provinces Cossam: Quant on yst d'une cité tantost on voit la porte de l'autre (pp. 434-435).  Cordier suggests the province of Kan-sou, capital Kan-tcheou (p. 445).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P204.L28">
<P><REF>And þat is, etc.</REF>—R.: quelqe part qe lem aile, i.e. wherever one may go.  The Englisher's rendering is clumsy.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P205.L7">
<P><REF>Ryboth.</REF>—Odoric (pp. 449-454).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P205.L12">
<P><REF>ferne.</REF>—R.: feutre, i.e. felt.  Odoric: fuerre (p. 449).  The Englisher attempted to copy the French word which he could not understand.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P205.L14">
<P><REF>pathed.</REF>—R.: paues, i.e. paved.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P205.L18">
<P><REF>lobassy.</REF>—Odoric: En ceste cité demeure l'obassy, c'est à dire leur pape en leur langaige.  Il est chief de tous les ydolatres et donne les benefices du pays a sa guise (p. 450). According to Cordier, the head of any Buddhist convent was styled Bakchy (pp. 459-462).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P205.L23">
<P><REF>whan the fader is ded.</REF>—Almost exactly from Odoric (pp. 451-452).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P206.L7"><PB REF="" N="2:146"/>
<P><REF>Subuenite, etc.</REF>—Come, saints of God, etc.  Still in present use in the Roman burial service.  This comparison between the Christian priest, who calls on the saints to carry a soul to heaven, and the keeper of a tower of silence, inviting the birds to devour dead bodies, reads like a gruesome burlesque of the service.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P206.L21">
<P><REF>let brynge forth.</REF>—R.: fait mettre cuyre, i.e. has the head put on the fire to be cooked.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P206.L23">
<P><REF>sukkarke.</REF>—Sub-charge in the N.E.D.  The French original has only entremes, which is synonymous with sub-charge or sukkarke.  Innocent III. allowed entremets only to earls, barons and other noblemen.  French prelates were only allowed two courses, the entremets being the third (Michaud, Bibl. d. Cr., I., p. 322).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P206.L35">
<P><REF>for he is, etc.</REF>—R.: et trop est il riche, i.e. and he is passing rich.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P207.L2">
<P><REF>damyseles.</REF>—Odoric: Il avoit L damoiselles vierges qui le servoient à la table et lui aportoient tous ses mez IIII doubles ou V.  The close of the sentence is out of d'Outremeuse's licentious imagination.  Parallels to this tale occur in legends of the land of Cockayne (Poeschel, Schlaraffenland, P.B.B., 1878, p. 417); in Athenaeus (ibid., p. 394 fn. refers to Meineke, Fragm., II. 1, 299); and in the sequel to Defoe's Crusoe: Further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (ed. G. A. Aitken, 1895, p. 259): one [female slave] fed the squire with a spoon, and the other held the dish with one hand, and scraped off what he let fall upon his worship's beard and taffeta vest.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P207.L6">
<P><REF>.v. and .v. togedre.</REF>—R.: elles ly apportent sa viaunde, a chescun foiz v. mes ensemble, i.e. they bring him his meat, each time five dishes together.  Further down (l. 23) the Mandeville speaks of five damsels, not of five dishes.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P207.L12">
<P><REF>to haue longe nayles.</REF>—Odoric: Moult leur semble bel d'avoir longs ongles, etc. (p. 454).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P207.L17">
<P><REF>bynde hire feet.</REF>—Odoric: Si que les mères quant elles ont filles elles leur loient les piez si que jamais ne peuvent après croistre (p. 454).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P207.L28">
<P><REF>dedes of Armes.</REF>—This peculiar form of morality is in keeping with the conventions of the romances of chivalry.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P207.L35">
<P><REF>in the myd place.</REF>—This seems a duplicate of the account of the palace, garden and mountour on pages 140-142.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P208.L1">
<P><REF>toothill.</REF>—R.: mouster.  Brussels, 10420-5:<PB REF="" N="2:147"/>
 mostier, i.e. minster.  Stratmann-Bradley explains tote-hil as a mount of observation.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P208.L15">
<P><REF>god of nature.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: yroga, ce est a dier dieu de nature.  If this is the original reading, d'Outremeuse here openly approves of idolaters.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P208.L15b">
<P><REF>Et metuent,</REF> etc. —Ps. lxvii. 7: and all the ends of the earth shall fear him.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P208.L16">
<P><REF>Omnes gentes.</REF>—Ps. lxxii. 11: all nations shall serve him.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P208.L24">
<P><REF>þat worschipen hem.</REF>—R.: qils adorent, i.e. which they worship.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P208.L29">
<P><REF>han ymages.</REF>—A covert hit at the worship of images.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Ruddy's note" ID="P208.L30">
<P><REF>of oþere seyntes … Noght</REF>—The Egerton version and the French text printed by Warner, as well as the sense of the passage, suggest that the Cotton scribe blundered here, no doubt due to several repeated words. The passage probably read: … as of oure lady &amp; of oþere seyntes. [But they know nought] þat wee worschipen noght the ymages of tree or of ston, but the seyntes in whoos name þei ben made after.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P209.L8">
<P><REF>hire errour.</REF>—This heterodox peroration, begun on p. 208, l. 7, summarises the teaching of the whole book.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P209.L10">
<P><REF>I haue not seen.</REF>—An imitation, or rather parody, of honest Odoric's statement (p. 497).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P209.L31">
<P><REF>And ȝee schull, etc.</REF>—This passage, down to p. 210, l. 18, is missing in R., in Brussels 10420-5, and in the Middle English Egerton MS. printed by Sir G. Warner.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P209.L33">
<P><REF>holy fadir.</REF>—Haiton similarly concludes his Flower of Histories by a dedication submitting it to the Pope's correction.  The parody of this in the Mandeville is the more impudent as the Papacy is often attacked in it.  Vogels points out that there was no Pope in Rome between 1309 and 1379 (Handschriftliche Untersuchungen, etc., 1891).  According to Poeschel, the Fabliau de Coquaigne (thirteenth century) relates that the burlesque pilgrimage to the land of Cockayne takes place by the Pope's orders (Schlaraffenland, P.B.B. 1878, p. 408). Boldensele's book of Travels is dated from the Papal Court of Avignon, St. Michael's day, 1337 (ed. 1855, p. 29).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P210.L13">
<P><REF>Mappa Mundi.</REF>—O. H. Prior, in his Introduction to Gossouin's Image du Monde (1913), reports that one MS. gives its title as Mapemonde (p. 15).  Jacques de Vitry mentions mappa mundi as one of his sources at the close of his Historia orientalis (ed. 1597, p. 215).  On a French poem: Mappemonde, see Hist. Litt., Vol. XXIII., pp. 292-293.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P210.L21">
<P><REF>.xxij.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5 adds: le jour de St. Michiel.  See above, note to p. 209, l. 33.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P210.L27">
<P><REF>to reste.</REF>—Boldensele: desideravi multum recedere<PB REF="" N="2:148"/>
 … ut post laborem aliquali quiete commode recrearer (ed. 1855, p. 78).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P210.L30">
<P><REF>fulfilled.</REF>—R.: compilez, i.e. compiled.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P210.L32">
<P><REF>.Mill. .ccc. &amp; .lvj.</REF>—As the journey was purely fictitious, it could neither begin in 1322 nor end in 1356.  At the latter date, Jean d'Outremeuse was eighteen years old, and Sir John Mandeville still had sixteen years to live.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P210.L33">
<P><REF>oure contrees.</REF>—Brussels 10420-5: de mon pays dedens le noble cite de Liége en j hosteit en la basse sauenier que ons dit al hoste herbin levo ou je gisoy malaide. sy men visentoit .j. venerable homme phisechiens ly quis moy metit en la voye de fair chi liure et moy cognut.  Car ilh mauoit veut en egipte a Cayr ou je demoroy aveuc le soudans et ilh y demoroit assy li quis aydat fair le [illegible] qui est entre nos pays et egipte.  Car ilh yauoit demoreit long temps, i.e. from my country in the noble city of Liége in a house of the Basse Sauvenière called the house of Herbin Levo where I lay sick.  Here I was visited by a worshipful physician who put me in the way of making this book and who knew me for having seen me at Cairo in Egypt where I stayed with the Sowdan and he stayed there also.  And he helped to make the [voyage?] that is between our land and Egypt.  Cf. Introduction, pp. 4-7.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P211.L2">
<P><REF>graunte hem part.</REF>—This profane joke is worthy of Reynard the Fox, when having deceived and robbed all the court, he promises to make them partners of his merits as a palmer beyond the seas.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P212.L5">
<P><REF>it turnes in to flesch.</REF>—H: elle deuient char et sang.  Not in Boldensele.  Valerius has a story of a statue of Orpheus beginning to sweat when Alexander looks at it: Cum igitur admirationis studio simulacrum illud Alexander intueretur, sudor repente profluere et per omne simulacri illius corpus manare visus non sine admiratione videntium fluit (ed. Kübler, 1888, p. 57).  The Alexandrian romances familiar to d'Outremeuse made the most of this (Nöldeke, Der Alexanderroman, 1890, p. 5).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P212.L6">
<P><REF>Bochar.</REF>—Identified by Sir G. Warner with el-Buká'a, which separates Lebanon from Antilibanus.  Schefer, note to Bertrandon de la Broquière: Les écrivains et les voyageurs du Moyen-Âge donnent le nom de Val de Noé à la plaine de la Beqa'a où ce patriarche aurait construit l'arche et planté la vigne (ed. 1892, p. 31 fn.).  Ernoul connects it with the Alexandrian romances: Entre ces ij montaignes a une valée, c'on apiele le Val<PB REF="" N="2:149"/>
 Bacar, la ou li home Alexandre alerent en fuere, quant il aseia Sur. Dont cil qui le Romant en fist pour mieux mener se rime, le noma le Val de Iosaphas por se rime faire (ed. 1882, p. 56).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P212.L17">
<P><REF>arkez.</REF>—Called Archae by Dr. Bovenschen, who refers to Jacques de Vitry, c. lxxxviii., p. 167, and Foucher de Chartres, lib. III., li.  About the etymology deriving it from Noah's ark I find nothing.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P212.L17b">
<P><REF>Raphane.</REF>—Modern: Rafinêh, or Rafanîyeh (Sir G. Warner).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P212.L18">
<P><REF>Sabatory.</REF>—An intermittent spring, described by Pliny (XXXI. 2) as resting on the Sabbath.  D'Outremeuse, when making it work only on the Sabbath, may have intended a joke.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P212.L21">
<P><REF>on nyghtes fresez.</REF>—Jacques de Vitry (p. 1098) knows such a river in Persia.—Here the pilgrimage of Boldensele comes to an end, and the author of Mandeville, before choosing another guide, indulges in geographical commonplaces.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P214.L8">
<P><REF>Dispolis or Lidda.—From Boldensele.</REF>—Bertrandon de la Broquière, 1892, p. 10.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P214.L14">
<P><REF>Modyn.</REF>—Burchard, De Terra Sancta, 1864: De Bethsames duabus leucis contra austrum in monte Juda videtur mons Modin, de quo oriundi erant Machabei.  Et monstrantur hodie sepulchra eorum illic etiam procul, ita ut videantur in mari, quia alte situs est locus, p 84.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P214.L17">
<P><REF>Techue.</REF>—From Eugesippus.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P214.L23">
<P><REF>þe sauour of þe see.</REF>—H.: le charoier de la mer, i.e. the sea passage.  Other MSS. give flaireur, smell, the reading translated in the Egerton MS.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P214.L33">
<P><REF>Ruffynell.</REF>—Somewhere about Nicomedia.  What Sybel writes of the geographical confusion of Albert d'Aix applies to this passage of the Mandeville, which is inspired by Albert: The confusion is worst in dealing with the army of Poitou, which is thrown about from Nicomedia to Stancona (Iconium), from thence to Finiminae (Philomelium), then marches again to Reclei (Archalla, i.e. the modern Erkle, on the border of Armenian Cilicia); in brief, to all the quarters of the world (Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzugs, 1881, p. 71).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P214.L35">
<P><REF>Pulueral.</REF>—Identified by Sir G. Warner with Bafira, on the southern shore of the Black Sea, south-east of Sinope.  Alb. Aqu., 1879, l. VIII., c. xvii.: castellum imperatoris<PB REF="" N="2:150"/>
 Pulveral nomine.  Paurae or Paurace, according to Dr. Bovenschen.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L7">
<P><REF>Lay.</REF>—Explained by Sir G. Warner as the French lay = lake, repeating that word from l. 6.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L8">
<P><REF>Nairmont and by þe vales of Mailbrins.</REF>—Alb. Aqu., 1879, l. III., c. i., p. 339: in vertice Nigrorum montium in valle nomine Malabrunias.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L9">
<P><REF>Ormanx</REF> is not recognisable.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L10">
<P><REF>Riclay and Scanton.</REF>—Alb. Aqu., 1879, l. III. c. i., p. 340: Tancredus … ad urbes Finiminis, Reclei et Stancona descendit.  The Mandeville turns the towns into rivers.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L11">
<P><REF>Antioche þe lesse.</REF>—Yalovatch.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L16">
<P><REF>Romany.</REF>—Asia Minor.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L17">
<P><REF>Florach.</REF>—Alb. Aqu., 1879, l. IV., c. vi.: Foloraca arx, quae est juxta mare et confinia regni Russiae.  All the names in this passage are in Albert.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L23">
<P><REF>Artoise.</REF>—Artasia.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L25">
<P><REF>to þe cite of Damasc.</REF>—H.: et vient des fontaignes et des roches de deuers la cite de Damasc, i.e. and it arises from wells and rocks in the neighbourhood of Damascus.  Mistranslation.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L29">
<P><REF>Eustace.</REF>—Chap. clxi. of the Golden Legend. Eugesippus: Montes Libani et planitiem Archados transfluit Abana, mari magno se copulans finibus illis, quibus S. Eustachius, ab uxore sua privatus et filiis desolatus recessit (p. 994).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L31">
<P><REF>reed see.</REF>—Instead of Mediterranean!</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P215.L32">
<P><REF>Phenice.</REF>—H.: Phemynie, i.e. Philomelium, incidentally mentioned out of its proper geographical place by Albert of Aix (Sir G. Warner).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L5">
<P><REF>ranne þe water.</REF>—H.: court celle riuiere.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L7">
<P><REF>.ccc. and fyfty toures.</REF>—Albert has only four (III. 38).</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L13">
<P><REF>land of Channel.</REF>—Jacques de Vitry (p. 1073): Emissena civitas, quae hodie Camela seu Chamele, i.e. ancient Emessa, now Homs.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L17">
<P><REF>Gibilet.</REF>—Byblos.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L21">
<P><REF>Maryn.</REF>—H.: par marine, i.e. along the seashore.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L21b">
<P><REF>Flagramy.</REF>—Sir G. Warner writes: in Syria.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L30">
<P><REF>Ȝyt es þare, etc.</REF>—H.: Il y ad vnqore vn autre chemyn par ou homme puet aler sanz passer mer tot par terre iusqes a Ierusalem de Flandres ou de France en auant.—Here the fiction of a traveller starting from the British Isles, as in c. i., p. 4, l. 21, is not upheld.  Neither is the starting-point placed at Liége, the actual residence of both the English doctor Mandeville and the Liégeois notary d'Outremeuse.</P>
</DIV3>

<DIV3 TYPE="Hamelius' note" ID="P216.L30b">
<P><REF>anoþer way.</REF>—Hayton, Fleur des Histoires de la Terre d'Orient, 1906, IV., c. xxv., p. 247, also describes three routes for Crusaders to the Holy Land, the first across Barbary,<PB REF="" N="2:151"/>
 quite unlike the above, the second partly by land, over Constantinople, the third altogether by sea.  This threefold division may have induced d'Outremeuse to describe a third Continental route to the Holy Land across Tartary!</P>
</DIV3>

</DIV2>

</DIV1>
</BACK></TEXT></EEBO>
</ETS>
